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Cyclopedia of Western Australia 1912-13
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA (ILLUSTRATED) IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I.
AN HISTORICAL AND COMMERCIAL REVIEW
DESCRIPTIVE AND BIOGRAPHICAL FACTS FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
AN EPITOME OF PROGRESS
EDITED BY J. S. BATTYE, B.A., LL.B. (Melb.)
Public Librarian to the State of Western Australia
WESTERN AUSTRALIA: PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR THE CYCLOPEDIA COMPANY, 29, BARRACK STREET, PERTH, BY HUSSEY & GILLINGHAM LIMITED, 106 & 108, CURRIE STREET, ADELAIDE, MCMXII.
The object of this Cyclopedia is to present as comprehensive an account as possible of the State of Western Australia in all its varied aspects and interests—historical, descriptive, industrial, agricultural, and other Twenty years ago the Western State still rested m the mist of obscurity, but when with a touch of the Magician’s wand its golden treasures were revealed, a change came o’er the scene, and to-day, in point of importance and prosperity, Western Australia stands second to no State in the great Commowealth of Australia.
In the compilation of the volume every care has been evercised, and though fully conscious of its defects I have endeavoured so far as possible to avoid error and secure accuracy, so that in the clays to come it may be used with confidence as a work of reference For the historical portion all responsibility must rest with me. Wherever possible 1 have taken advantage of previous publications, and desire to acknowledge my indebtedness to them all, more particularly to Kimberley’s “History of Western Australia,” the “ Tiventieth Century Impressions of Western Australia,” Calvert’s “Discovery of Australia," Dr. J E. Deeres’ “Part plaged by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia,” and to the excellent historical summary prepared foi the “Yea? Book, 1905.” Newspaper files, official reports, and all those avenues of research open to one with the treasures of a large Public Library at his disposal have also been drawn upon, in the hope of presenting a full and true account of the history of the State
For contributed articles 1 am indebted to the Government Geologist for the article on Geology, Mineralogy, and Palaeontology; to Mr. J. J. East for those on the Fauna and Flora, to Mr. G. Battye for tho&e on the Governors, the Federal Parliament, and the Pi ess, to Lieut.-Colonel Collett for that on the Military and Naval Forces, to Mr. J. F. Coniymve for the sketch of the Commerce of the State, to Mr. W. Somerville for the article on Industrial Arbitration, and to Mr. George Stacy for that on the Metropolitan Municipalities. To all these 1 desire to rendei my thanks, as well as to the many public officials who have always been leacly to render whatever assistance lay in their power, and without whose help the task of compilation would have been extremely difficult.
JAS. S. BATTYE, Editor
PUBLISHERS’ NOTE.
While the following pages were passing through the press certain changes occurred affecting the positions held by a few of those whose biographies are recorded Where these are of sufficient importance the necessary alterations will be made in the Second Volume, in which, too, any errors discovered in the Historical portion will be corrected.
Trustee Chambers, 29, Barrack Street, Perth.
Contents Vol.1
PAGE
Aborigines ......................... .. 502
Aborigines op Western Australia, The .. 45
Accountants and Auditors ..................... 640
Administration op Justice, The . 367
Arbitration Court ........................ 372
Children’s Courts ... ... .. ... 367
Minor Courts ... ... ... ... 366
Supreme Court . 361
Agricultural Bank . 443
Agriculture, Department op ................... 435
Albany Advertiser, The . ... . .. 590
Architects...................... . . . 622
Audit Office ... ... ... ... . . 419
Banking, Insurance, and Finance . ... 610
Bedford, Admiral Sir Frederick George Denham, G.C.B , G.C.M.G..........................301
Biographical Index 769
Broome, Sir Frederick Napier, K.C.M.G ... 298
Bunbury Harbour Trust . . . . .723
Bunbury Herald, The . . 590
Chamber of Manufactures, The ... . . 727
Claremont ... . 555
Clarke, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrew, K.H . 290
Climate of Western Australia, The .. 9
Colonial Secretary’s Department 502
Commerce and Industry 661
Consular . 592
Copyright . . . . . . . 415
Cottesloe .. ... .. . . .. . 555
Crown Law Department . . 479
Customs .................................. . 411
Daily News, The . . . ... ... ... 584
Defence, Department of........................ 387
Dental . 599
Eastern Districts Chronicle, The (York) . . 590
East Fremantle .......................... .. 555
Education Department .................... .. 482
Engineers, Architects, and Surveyors 622
Evening Star, The (Boulder) ............. .. 591
Fauna of Western Australia, The ................ 28
Federal Government Departments ... ... 375
Fisheries Department 507
Fitzgerald, Captain Charles, R.N...............291
Flora of Western Australia, The ................ 37
Fremantle . . . . 547
Fremantle Harbour Trust ...................... 717
Gaols...........................................508
General 745
Geography op Western Australia, The ... 1
Geological Survey 454
Geology of Western Australia, The .............. 12
Geraldton Express, The ... ... ... ... 591
Government Printing Office ... ... ... 423
Government Savings Bank ...................... 421
Government Stores ... ... ... 423
Governors, Lieutenant-Governors, and Administrators of Western Australia ... 286
Bedford, Admiral Sir Frederick George Denham, G.CB., G.C.M.G. 301
Broome, Sir Frederick Napier, K.C.M.G. ... 298
Clarke, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrew, K.H. 290 Fitzgerald, Captain Charles, R.N. ... ... 291
Hampton, John Stephen, M.D. ... 294
Hutt, John ... ... ... .. . . 289
Irwin, Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Chidley,
K H. 291
Kennedy, Sir Arthur Edward, G.C.M.G., C.B. 293 Lawley, Hon. Sir Arthur, G.C.I.E.,
K.C.M.G...................................300
Ord, Major-General Sir Harry St. George,
R.E., K.C.M.G., C.B.......................297
Robinson, Sir William Cleaver Francis,
G.C.M.G...................................296
Smith, Sir Gerard, K.C.M.G ... ... 299
Stirling, Sir James ...................... 287
Strickland, Sir Gerald, K.C.M.G. ... ... 301
Weld, Sir Frederick Aloysius, G.C.M.G. ... 295
Guildford . . . . ••• ••• ••• ••• 556
Hampton, John Stephen, M.D. ... ... 294
Harbour and Light...............................510
History of Western Australia 63
CHAP.
I. Discovery of and Early Voyages to
Australia . ... ... 63
ii. Discovery and Early Voyages (continued) .. ... 75
hi. Annexation of Western Australia 84
iv. Colonization and Early Settlement . 88
v. 1831-1838 Administration of Sir
James Stirling . . 103
vi. 1839-1842 Governor Hutt’s Administration — Land Regulations — Projected Settlement at Australind— Aborigines—Explorations 119
vn. 1843-1849 Depression—Labour Pro-
blems—Financial Condition—Question of Convict Labour—Establishment of Penal Settlement 127
vm. The Convict System 143
ix. 1850-1853 Transition Period Free Colony to Penal Establishment— Government Land Laws—Financial Conditions — Industries — General Development ... 147
x. 1854-1860. Constitution and Government—Improvement in Land Regulations and consequent Agricultural and Pastoral Expansion—Development and Extension of the Convict System—Growth of the Colony during the Period . 155
xi. 1861-1868 Resignation of Governor Kennedy and Arrival of Dr J. S Hampton—Convict Administration— Incidents of the System—Progressive Public Works Policy—Cessation of Transportation—Effects on the System reviewed . 164
xn. 1861-1868 (continued) Explorations— Opening up of the North-West— Trade and Industry—Native Troubles —Agitation for Representative Government 174
xm. 1869-1875. Administration of Governor Weld—Constitutional Changes— Progressive Legislation—Land Laws —Railways and Telegraphs—General Development—Exploration 186
xiv. 1875-1883 Agitation for Alteration of Constitution—Legislation—Land Laws and Regulations—Immigration —Railway Development—Resources and Industries—Convict Establishment—Explorations—Miscellaneous 201
History of Western Australia (continued)—
CHAP.
xv. 1883-1890 Governor Broome's Administration—Land Regulations—Tariff Revision—Finances—Resources, Industries, and Trade—Public Works ■ Railway and Telegraph Extension—Gold Discoveries. Kimberley and Yilgarn Goldfields—Agitation for Autonomy continued—Responsible Government , .212
xvi. 1891-1900. First Ten Years of Responsible Government—Constitutional and Political Occurrences — Phenomenal Development of the Goldfields—Resources, Industries, and Trade—Land Laws and Agricultural Development —General 238
xvii. Federal Movement in Western Australia .. . 261
xviii. 1901-1912 Federal and State Politics —Constitutional Questions—Agriculture—Mining—Resources, Industries, and Trade — Finances — General —
Conclusion 269
Hospital for the Insane . 517
House of Assembly, The . .. ... 338
House of Representatives, The . . . . 308
Hutt, John . . ... 289
Immigration Office and Tourist Agency 510
Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration ... 714
Industrial Schools . 505
Inquirer, The . . ... ... 584
Inquirer, The Daily News, and The Morning
Herald, The ... . 584
Insurance . ... . . ... 610
Irwin, Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick ChidLEY, K.H .. 291
Kalgoorlie Miner, The ... . . 588
Kennedy, Sir Arthur Edward, G C M.G., C.B. 293 King’s Park . . . ... 534
Lands and Surveys, Department of . 428
Lands Department ... 428
Lawley, Hon. Sir Arthur, G C I.E , K.C.M.G. 300 Leederville . . .. 554
Legislative Council, The 313, 324
Legislature, The Federal . . 304
Lithographic Office . . 423
Master Builders and Contractors’ Association 648
Medical ................................. .. 597
Medical and Public Health 521 Smith, Sir Gerard, K.C.M.G. ... 299
Midland Junction 556 Southern Gross Times, The ... .. 591
Midland Railway Company 474 Southern Times, The (Bunbury) . . . . 590
Military Forces 389 South Perth . .. 554
Mines Department 446 State Children’s Department .. 504
Ministry, The 318 State Government Departments .. . 417
Mommy Herald, The 584 State Institutions Governed by Boards . 530
Municipal 536 State Labour Bureau . 507
Museum and Art Gallery 531 State Legislature, The . 312
Executive Council, The 312
Naval Forces . . 387 House of Assembly, The ... 338
Northam Advertiser, The 591 Legislative Council, The 313, 324
North Fremantle 555 Responsible Government 316
North Perth 554 Stirling, Sir James . 287
Stock Exchange, The 618
Observatory 511 Strickland, Sir Gerald, K.C M.G 301
Ord, Major-General Sir Harry St. George, Subiaco . 553
RE, KC M.G., C.B 297 Suburban Municipalities .. 553
Osborne Park 554 Claremont ... 555
Other Services 425 Cottesloe ... 555
East Fremantle 555
Patents, Trade Marks, and Copyright 415 Guildford ... 556
Peppermint Grove Roads Board 574 Leederville . . 554
Perth and Environs 536 Midland Junction ... 556
Perth Roads Board . 574 North Fremantle ... 555
Pharmaceutical 603 North Perth .. 554
Police . . 526 Osborne Park ... 554
Postmaster-General’s Department 377 Queen’s Park 556
Premier’s Office 417 South Perth ... . 554
Press of Western Australia, The 578 Subiaco 553
Public Charities 503 Victoria Park 554
Public Gardens 513 Sun, The . 587
Public Library 530 Sunday Times and The Sun, The 587
Public Library, Museum, and Art Gallery of Survey Branch . 434
Western Australia 530 Surveyors . 622
Public Service Commissioner (Commonwealth) 375
Public Service Commissioner (State) 418 Taxation Department . 424
Public Works Department 490 Telegraph System ... 383
Telephone System .. 385
Queen’s Park 556 Trade and Customs ... 411
Trade Marks . ... ... 415
Railways of Western Australia, The 460 Trans-Australian Railway, The . 476
Registrar-General’s Office 512 Treasury, The 421
Registrar of Friendly Societies 508 Truth, The 591
Roads Boards in the Metropolitan Area 574
Peppermint Grove Roads Board 574 Victoria Park 554
Perth Roads Board . . 574 Water Supply Department ... 500
West Guildford Roads Board 574 Weld, Sir Frederick Aloysius, G.C.M.G. .. 295
Robinson, Sir William Cleaver n r\ tv*- n Francis, 00/3 West Australian, The .. 579
jyb West Guildford Roads Board ... . 574
Royal Mint, The (Perth Branch) 535 Woods and Forests ... 430
Scenery of Western Australia, The 5 Yallingup and Margaret River Caves .. 6
Senate, The 305
Shipping 726 Zoological Gardens ... 533
The Cyclopedia of Western Australia.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
THE colony (now the State) of Western Australia was defined in the instructions issued by William IV. to Captain Stirling as “extending from Cape Londonderry in latitude 13° 44' south to West Cape Howe in latitude 35° 8' south, and from Hartog Island, on the
western coast, in longitude 112° 52' to 129° of east longitude, reckoning from the meridian of Greenwich, including all the islands adjacent in the Indian and Southern Oceans within the latitudes aforesaid of 13° 44' south and 35° 8' south, and within the longitudes aforesaid of 112° 52' and 129° east from the said meridian of Greenwich ”
This was altered in some slight measure by the Commission of Her Late Majesty Queen Victoria, dated July 10, 1873, which extended the northern boundary from 13° 44' southern latitude to 13° 30' southern latitude. Briefly, therefore, Western Australia consists of all that part of Australia, with adjacent islands, lying west of 129° east longitude, and is bounded on the west and north by the Indian Ocean and on the south by the Great Southern Ocean.
Though the official designation from the date of colonization has been "Western Australia,” the fact that the first settlement (excluding the penal station at King George Sound) and, of course, the seat of government were in the neighbourhood of the Swan caused the new colony to be identified with the name of that river, and it was for some years known, colloquially at any rate, as the Swan River colony or the Swan River settlement.
The coastline seems to fall into two divisions, running north and south of the 18th parallel of latitude As we go northward from that point we find that it is deeply indented by gulfs, bays, and smaller inlets, while a glance at the map will show the portion to the south stretching out in long lines, almost unbroken by indentations of any kind. The general appearance, too, of the coast seems to change at about the same parallel, and while we go north we see rugged and almost mountainous bluffs; to the south our eyes meet as a rule,
exoept along the south-west round the Leeuwin, long low-lying stretches of sandy shore raised but little above sea-level. The total length of coastline, taking into calculation the numerous bays and inlets mentioned, is approximately 5,200 miles.
The greatest length of the territory is that measured from Cape Londonderry to Peak Head, amounting to 1,480 miles, while at its broadest part, from Dirk Hartog Island to the boundary of South Australia, it stretches for about 1,000 miles. The area of the whole State is set down as 975,920 square miles, or 624,588,800 acres.
Until a few years ago the only part of the State that could be termed occupied consisted of a narrow strip of about 150 miles in width stretching from Albany to Wyndham, and the greater part of that could boast only of isolated townships here and there along the coast. The large expansion following upon the discovery of gold has, however, made a great difference during the past decade or two, and now there are settled communities, so far as any mining community may be called settled, some 400 or 500 miles inland.
The general contour of the territory north of the 19th parallel of latitude is of a mountainous character, consisting of alternating high and low plateaux, principally sandstone in formation, changing, as we go farther north into the Kimberley and Gascoyne country, to a series of rugged mountains which are to a large extent granitic in character.
South of that parallel the structure is practically a vast plateau of Archaean rocks, giving evidence that this part of the State must have been submerged until the most recent geological epoch With a fairly steep western face, coming in places to within 20 or 30 miles of the coast, this plateau continues eastward across the South Australian border at a height varying from 1,000 to 2,000 ft. above sea-level Its most southerly point is right on the coast at Point d’Entre-casteaux, from which it sweeps inward, being separated from the sea along the southern shore by a belt of low-lying sandy country, and by the limestone Nullabor
B
plains stretching along the edge of the Great Australian Bight. The scarcity and uncertainty of the rainfall over the greater part of the plateau, more particularly over that lying east of the 119th meridian, make it unsuitable for settlement of an agricultural or pastoral nature, and the towns and townships that do exist are those which have grown up round the great mining industry
The coastal areas on the west are principally of a flat and sandy nature, sparsely covered with vegetation, except in the south-west, where we find large forests of karri, jarrah, gum, and other timbers of great commercial value. The southern seaboard is of much the same character until we get farther eastward, where we meet the well-grassed limestone plains between the edge of the plateau and the sea, which await only the discovery of artesian water to make them among the most productive in the State.
There are no mountains of any considerable height in Western Australia. Those best known are scarps of the plateau, rising above the coastal plains Of them the most important is the Darling Range, which runs almost due north and south from Yatheroo to Point d’Entrecasteaux. It lies about 18 or 20 miles from the west coast, with which it is practically parallel, and though never rising above 1,700 ft from sea-level exercises a great effect upon the climatic conditions of the most settled portion of the State The Stirling Range, to the north-east of Albany, forms the western end of the southern face of the plateau. This is the loftiest range in the south of Western Australia, at Bluff Knoll reaching a height of 3,640 ft. Rising abruptly from the plain, perfectly isolated, it is visible for a very considerable distance, and forms the most, striking landmark in the southern districts. In the northern part we find the Princess May, King Leopold, and Hamersley Ranges In the lastnamed we have Mount Bruce, which, possessing an altitude of 3,800 ft., is the highest known point on the western side of the continent. There are no active volcanoes, but extinct craters are said to exist in the neighbourhood of the Princess May Range in the extreme north. All these mountains are fairly close to the coastline. The interior of the State, so far as is known, does not possess any eminence that may be dignified with the title of a mountain. Isolated hills occur at intervals, which from the flatness of the surrounding desert appear unduly prominent, but none of them can boast of an altitude of even 1,000 ft.
No portion of the continent is so badly provided with rivers as the west The whole interior, embraced by the plateau previously mentioned, does not possess a single river draining into the sea or into any inland lake. Such rivers as exist in the State are confined to the strip of land between the edges of the tableland
and the sea, and are formed by the drainage from the scarp side of the elevation. Many of them are not able to boast either of considerable length or consistent depth of water, except during the rainy season
Commencing at the far north, there are (excluding tributaries) the Ord and the Pentecost emptying into Cambridge Gulf, with the Chamberlain and Durack possibly debouching in the same inlet; the Drysdale and King Edward into Napier Broome Bay; the Prince Regent and Sale into bays along the coast; and Charn-ley into Collier Bay. Coming down the north-west coast we meet the Fitzroy, De Grey, Yule, Fortescue, and Ashburton; along the west there are the Gascoyne, Wooramel, Murchison, Greenough, Swan, Murray, Collie, and Preston. The principal of all these-in fact, the chief river of the State—is the Swan, which above tidal waters is called the Avon On it are situated the oldest towns in Western Australia, as the colonization of the country was commenced at that point. For a considerable distance from the mouth it partakes more of the nature of an estuary, being sub ject to tidal fluctuations and the water being consequently salt, in character On the southern coast the principal streams are the Blackwood, Frankland, Warren, Denmark, and Phillips, none of which possesses any characteristics calling for special mention
There are no lakes worthy of the name throughout the State. As regard the great interior, this may be explained by the arid nature of the country due to the slight and irregular rainfall, and the rapid evaporation of moisture caused by the intense heat of the sun. The so-called lakes of this great region, in many cases considerable in extent, are, except after occasional heavy rains, merely immense salt marshes or claypans But even between the ranges and the sea, where we might expect to find sheets of permanent water, there are very few, and these, except during the rainy season, are little better than swamps or marshes Salt lagoons occur in places, but they have little or no economic value
Owing to the deeply indented coastline north of the 19th parallel of latitude there are innumerable bays, gulfs, and inlets in that portion of the State. To mention them all would be wearisome, but the chief are Cambridge Gulf, Napier Broome Bay, Vansittart Bay, Admiralty Gulf, Montague and York Sounds, Brunswick Bay, Camden Sound, Collier Bay, King Sound, Beagle Bay (at which is established an aboriginal mission), Roebuck and La Grange Bays, Point Walcott, Nickol Bay, and Exmouth Gulf. On the west and south coasts there are Shark Bay, Champion Bay, Cock-burn Sound, Koombana, Geographe, and Flinders Bay, King George Sound, and Esperance Bay. While many of them afford safe anchorage, Princess Royal Harbour (within King George Sound) and Cambridge Gulf are
the principal natural harbours, but excellent and commodious artificial harbours have been formed at Fremantle within the mouth of the Swan River and at Bunbury in Koombana Bay
The most prominent capes along the coast are Capes Domet and Dussejour, on the opposite sides of the entrance to Cambridge Gulf; Cape Londonderry, the most northerly point of the State; Cape Talbot, at the entrance to Napier Broome Bay; Cape Bougainville to the east, and Cape Voltaire to the west, of Admiralty Gulf; Cape Leveque, at the western entrance to King Sound; Cape Latouche Treville; Sloping Head, near Nickol Bay, a place of considerable importance to pearlers; North-West Cape, forming the western side of Exmouth Gulf; Steep Point, to the south of Dirk Har-tog Island, and the most westerly point of the mainland; Capes Naturaliste and Leeuwin, at the southwest corner, that area of extreme danger to navigation; Point d’Entrecasteaux, and Capes West Cape Howe, Peak Head, Hood Point, Legrande, and Arid, along the southern coast.
Along the north and north-west coasts there are islands almost without number, many of which have not been closely examined, but which appear to present the same characteristics as the adjacent mainland Bigge and Augustus Islands are the largest in extent in the extreme north, and Barrow Island, to the north of Onslow, on the north-west. Opposite King Sound we find the Buccaneer Archipelago, and west of Cossack the Dampier Archipelago, both names reminiscent of that great buccaneering Englishman, William Dampier On the west coast are Dirk Hartog Island and the Houtman Abrolhos, which share the honour of being the first Australian land seen by civilized man. The latter, which now are noted for guano deposits, were the bugbear of the early navigators, and on them more than one rich Dutch trading vessel came to an untimely end. Opposite Fremantle are Rottnest and Garden Islands, the first of which was named by Vlaming, while the latter was the depot for stores in the infancy of the State. Along the south coast are Chatham Island, Breaksea Island (upon which a signalling station and lighthouse for passing vessels have been erected), and the Recherche Archipelago
The cities and towns will be more fully dealt with elsewhere; they may be divided into two classes—those that arose gradually after the colonization of the State in 1829 and those that sprang up almost magically after the great gold discoveries of the early nineties. Of the first, Perth (1829), Fremantle (1829), Guildford (1830), Albany (1831), and Northam (1833) stand as types, while of the second, Coolgardie (1893), Kalgoorlie (1894), and Boulder (1896) are prominent examples How great a part gold has played ip the development of
Western Australia may be gauged in some degree from the fact that the largest towns in the State at present are Perth and Kalgoorlie, the capital city and the principal goldfields centre.
From an economic standpoint the geography of the State is such that every indication points to the fact that its development must rest on the great primary industries—mining and agricultural, timber and pastoral, as well as pearling, which is so largely carried on off the coast in the north-west. While the question of rainfall has no connection with either mining or pearling, it is so great a factor in the other pursuits that an article dealing with the geography and physical features of the territory must make some reference to it. That it varies considerably we may readily understand must be the case in a country which stretches well up into the tropics and far down into the temperate zone, with an interior hundreds of miles from the sea, and absolutely devoid of anything in the way of fresh-water rivers or lakes.
In the extreme north we find the abundant rainfall usual in tropical coastal areas, bringing about a luxurious growth of grass which makes that district so fit a country for the development of every kind of pastoral pursuit. In the south-west the yearly average rainfall varies from 30 to 40 in., according to locality, thus producing those conditions necessary for the growth of large timbers, most of which have a high commercial value. As we go inland the amount of rain rapidly decreases, but it is still sufficient in quantity and so certain of appearance as to make practically the whole western strip extending southward from the 28th parallel of latitude and eastward for over a hundred miles suitable for the production of cereals Though the fact has been recognized only during reoent years the work of opening up this vast area for agricultural development has been so steadily and enthusiastically pursued bv the Government that in a very few years the State bids fair to become one of the great wheat-and fruit-producing countries of the world.
We have thus briefly outlined the geography of Western Australia and incidentally referred to her great resources Captious critics have termed her the Cinderella of the Group, the land of sand and barrenness ; but “the wings of dawn are beating at the gates of day.”
What is Western Australia? The largest of the six States of the Commonwealth; the nearest to the great Eastern communities: the first and last port of call on the great ocean highway between the Southern and Northern Hemispheres. So situated and so endowed she must in the ripeness of time become one of the greatest of those great free communities privileged to carry on under the Southern Cross the noblest traditions of the British race.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
5
THE SCENERY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
The knowledge that Western Australia possesses any scenery worth description will probably come as a surprise to everyone outside the State and, indeed, to many within its borders. The opinion so generally expressed by the early navigators who visited the coast that it was a land of sand, sterility, and desolation seems to have become so fixed in the general mind that to dislodge it is an almost superhuman task. The statement of M. Arago at the beginning of the nineteenth century that the
coast exhibited nothing but a picture of desolation; no rivulet consoled the eye, no tree attracted it, no mountain gave variety to the landscape, no dwelling enlivened it; everywhere reigned sterility and death.
. . . At the first view you take in an immense distance, but beware of looking for any enjoyment; the search would be merely . wasting your strength, without finding the least relief is merely in slightly different language the description that one and all applied to the country—a description that seems to have been accepted until very recently almost as an article of faith.
Yet how untrue it is. Certainly we can not boast of snowcapped mountains, of deep ravines with clustering ferns, of mighty waterfalls or broad majestic rivers; but the light and shade of hill and dale, the iridescent blue of an almost perfect atmosphere, the stern and rugged coastline with intermediate stretches of glistening beach, and, above all, those marvellous jewel houses of Nature, the South-West Caves, are our glory and our pride.
If views are wanted, gaze upon the panorama of the Swan unveiled before us from the summit of Mount Eliza, upon the wonderful bird’s-eye view of King George Sound, or upon the forbidding face of Cape Leeuwin, where the icy current of the Antarctic meets the warming glow of the Indian Ocean in riotous and never-ceasing tumult.
In and around Perth itself there is much that not only delights the eye of the visitor, but caters for the pleasure and enjoyment of the citizens. The capital of Western Australia is in many ways more fortunately
situated than any other chief city in the Commonwealth. Sydney, indeed, possesses her wonderful harbour, but Perth can lay equal claim to beauty in her noble and commanding river, the broad stretches of which below the city are unsurpassed for all forms of aquatic sports. How deeply appreciated these are may be seen from a view at any time during the season, when the myriads of yachts make so charming a scene upon the wide expanse of water. Above the city too, in the higher reaches extending into the hills, are spots peculiarly favoured by Nature, scenes of sylvan beauty and of a profusion of delightful flowers that have not yet gained the attention they deserve. They only await that facility of access which ought to be one of the first efforts of the newly-formed Tourist Department.
Within easy approach of the capital, Rottnest, Man-durah, and Bunbury have many attractions for those who delight to be near the sea, while nearer still the beach at Cottesloe offers to the jaded worker from the city all the pleasures of a seaside resort.
For folk who love the sea and yet desire a cooler
6
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
climate than those mentioned can afford the pleasant town of Albany, nestling amid the hills at the head of King George Sound, may he made the starting-point of many pleasant excursions. The Sound itself forms a never-failing attraction. Notwithstanding the fact that there is supposed to be but one beautiful harbour in Australia, there are few more charming experiences to a lover of Nature than to enter King George Sound in the early dawn of a perfect spring morning. All around are rugged hills untouched by art of man, and from the shore is wafted the sweet scent of that glorious blossom of Western Australia, the Boronia The deep-blue of the water, mingling with the changing colours of the surrounding foliage, aids in completing a scene that is not excelled, if indeed rivalled, in any harbour on the Australian coast.
Those who seek for health and pleasure away from the sea and yet not far from Perth usually find their way to Kalamunda or the Mundaring Weir Both situated in the Darling Ranges, while they cannot claim that bracing air of higher peaks are still sufficiently
above the level of the plain to afford a pure and revivify ing atmosphere. From Kalamunda the valley of the Swan stretches out in a vast panorama, and when the day is clear the outlines of Rottnest Island in the far distance are easily discernible. The great attraction of Mundaring is, of course, the Weir from which the Eastern goldfields and inland towns along the route are supplied with water Pleasant as a resort at any time, it has an added interest toward the end of winter, when the overflow is so majestic, giving to the tourist the impression of a gigantic waterfall.
But the crowning glory of Western Australia from a scenic point of view rests in her marvellous caves, which those fitted by experience to speak upon the subject have pronounced the equal, if not the superior, of any known to exist These, as their importance demands, we propose to treat in detail. The principal are those at Yallmgup and Margaret River, which, though a con siderable distance from Perth, are yet easier of access and more thoroughly opened up than those at Lake Yanchep, less than 40 miles from the capital
YALLINGUP AND MARGARET RIVER CAVES.
These wonderful caves are situated in the south west corner of the State, between the Leeuwin and Cape Naturaliste, in undulating limestone country which skirts the coast at a distance of from half a mile to three mile3. The whole of the district extending north and south for some 50 miles is honeycombed with subterranean galleries of marvellous beauty and variety, unrivalled by anything of the kind in Australia.
Though their existence has been known for nearly thirty years little attention was paid to them until very recently. The whole country m the vicinity has now, however, been made a public reserve, and every effort made to explore them and make them available for public inspection and recreation. To reach them it is necessary to proceed by train to Busselton, a pretty little seaside town about 150 miles from Perth. The distance from there to the caves is about 20 miles, made by conveyance over a road that for the greater part ot the journey winds m and out among the luxurious peppermint-trees, and then turns off into the forest until it reaches the
YALLINGUP CAVE,
so named after a small rivulet m the vicinity. The entrance to the cave is about 250 ft. above the stream, and resembles a slightly inclined tunnel cut through the limestone rock From the landing at the end of this shaft the cave branches away into two directions
Immediately on the left we enter the “Theatre,” an immense domelike chamber, circular m form and spacious in area, the ceiling of which is beautifully ornamented with thickly-studded stalactites of somewhat massive formation The proximity of tins chamber to the entrance and the consequent atmospheric effects have m some measure dulled the brilliancy of the scene On the other side a smaller chamber, profusely decorated with a finer and more delicate form of stalactite, forms a marked contrast m its glittering lustre. These two chambers, however, are only the introduction to the marvels of the cave As we go forward gallery after gallery, each with its own peculiar charm, is opened to our view Nature has here been particularly lavish, and every chamber is adorned with fragile and fantastic stalactites of every conceivable shape and variety. From the floors rise massive stalagmites, some over 30 ft. in diameter, which have almost the appearance of columns supporting the arches above, so that in whatever part we may be the whole effect is wondrously beautiful and magnificent.
The distinctive feature of Yallmgup is perhaps the “Shawl” formation, which admittedly has no equal anywhere These shawls are varied m colour, some appear ing to be pure pearl, while others are striped with cream and scarlet. So regular are the stripes and colours and so natural the folds and fringes that one almost needs to touch them to be sure that they are not actual articles The most noted is the Folded Shawl, which is
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
7
about 6 ft. long and proportionately broad; it is extended as though for inspection, and with its numerous companions round about gives so curious and natural an appearance that the chamber has been named the Shawl shop. Passing on we see in the foreground the Arab’s Tent, another shawl formation so cunningly arranged that it seems to be the entrance to a tent. In fact, wherever we go these beautiful shawl formations to which distinctive names have been given hang all round us, the whole producing an effect that is really indescribable. Almost in the middle of the Cauliflower Chamber is a curious freak of Nature. The root of a jarrah-tree growing on the hill above has descended in search of moisture through the hill itself a distance of 50 ft., then the whole height of the chamber (some 40 ft.), and is finally lost in the soil some 30 ft. below the floor There are nr any more forma-t i o n s — the Crystal Floor, the Bedford Hall, and others which we cannot here describe in detail.
In fact, to give anything like an adequate description of the beauties
of Yallingup is almost beyond one’s power. To be appreciated they must be seen, and the oftener they are viewed the more marvellous they appear.
MARGARET RIVER CAVES.
These are situated some distance south of Yallingup, and are reached by a further coach journey. They are equally rich in formation, and many of them possess peculiar and distinctive features. In some the entrance itself is unique, while in others, notably the Lake Cave, every part aids in completing an almost perfect picture.
The first cave to be visited is the Wallcliffe, situated close to the mouth of the Margaret River. This is the oldest known cave which the hand of the vandal has not marred. It is rather small in extent, but con-
Another view of Shawl Formation at Yallingup.
tains several remarkable figures. The rushes used foj lights by those first exploring it have in some measure dimmed the brightness of the stalactites, but it possesses two curious formations known as the Devil’s Hand and the Poultry and Fruit Show. To the south of Wallcliffe and on the coast lies the Blackboy Hollow, which contains an interesting formation known as “cauliflower” or “coral.” This is soft in character and pure white in appearance, changing to a delicate hue when light is thrown at the back of it. Many of its wonders have received appropriate names—the Organ Pipe, the Queen’s Crown, the Broken Column, and the Mammoth stalagmite. The Broken Column is a very fine example of stalactite and stalagmite having been
joined t o-gether, only to be torn asunder by some action causing subsidence of the floor. The tint is pale amber, which when combined with the newly-forming white stalactites of the ceiling produces a most charming effect. Next comes the Wit ch cliffe Cave, one of the smallest and unfortunately th-e one
that has suffered most from early visitors, it is somewhat difficult to reach the entrance, but extremely easy to explore. Its value lies rather in the extensive view of the country gained from the entrance than from the actual beauty of the cave itself. Perhaps the favourite, and certainly one of the most interesting, of all the caves is the Calgardup. Most of the chambers in this vast cavern are of an indescribable beauty. Within the main dome innumerable stalactites, white and glittering, hang from the ceiling and walls like icicles, while many of the older formations are amber in colour like those of Blackboy Hollow. One of the chief marvels of the cave is the Suspended Dome, a large bell-shaped mass some 5 ft. in diameter suspended in mid-air by a stalactite. This is
3
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
to be found at the entrance to the Belfry Chamber, so named from the roots of trees which, like bell ropes, hang from the roof above. The crowning glory is, however, the Meteoric Shower, thousands of pencil-like stalactites of varying lengths, pendent from the ceiling and each tipped with perfect star-shaped terminals, giving the wonderful effect of a permanently arrested shower of meteors.
The Mammoth Cave, as the name denotes, is remarkable for its immensity and also for its age, as shown by the massive nature of its formations.
Among its most interesting developments are the Cactus Tree and the Eagle’s Wings, both perfect representations in glistening white of the objects after which they are named. In the same chamber are the Cathedral and Organ Pipes, the latter not only resembling an organ in shape, but giving forth clear and melodious sounds when struck.
The gem of the district from a purely artistic point of view is the Lake Cave. Like many of the others, this is reached by a some-w h a t precipitous descent through a sort of circular hollow, probably at some time in the f ar-distant past portion of another chamber, judging from the huge pillars supporting arches with discoloured stalactites that still surround it. The actual entrance is extremely narrow, but, once within, we find ourselves in a vast cavern, almost a perfect dome, the ceiling and sides of which scintillate with myriads of pointed stalactites. The principal feature, however, is the Suspended Table, a huge mass 15 ft. by 7 ft., and about an inch suspended by two large stalactites, and reaching to within a couple of feet of the surface of the subterranean lake from which- the cave takes its name. By
Poultry Show, Wallcliffe Cave.
means of magnesium light the magic beauty of the formation is brilliantly reflected in the calm surface of the water beneath, and the marvellous spectacle, which resembles the dazzling oriental splendours of an Arabian Nights’ scene, is in itself sufficient to repay the tourist for the distance travelled to see it. Words are totally insufficient to convey an adequate idea of the sublime magnificence of this great underground treasure-house.
The Bride’s Cave and the Giant’s Cave have each their special features. The first, which practically consists of a single chamber, takes its name from a stalagmite in the gloom of the entrance, which to the romantic mind has all the appearance of a charming bride. The latter, as the title implies, consists of a series of gigantic caverns, the principal of which has been called the Fairies’ Ballroom.
A great deal of interest attaches to the Golgotha Cave on account of its name, which it owes to the fact that quite recently the skull and part of the skeleton of a human being were discovered in the innermost chamber. The general opinion is that these are the remains of some early Dutch or Portuguese sailor who had either wandered accidentally into the cave or sought shelter from natives or the weather, and in trying to get out again had strayed farther and farther inward until all hope was lost. The chamber in which the remains were found has been termed the Skull Chamber, and at the head of the stairway leading to it there is a large and beautiful stalagmite some 20 ft. in height, appropriately named The Sentinel.
During this year (1911) a cave known as the Moon-dyne, near Karridale, has been explored and renamed the Coronation Cave. Arrangements are now being
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP
made to construct the necessary guide rails so that it may be opened to public inspection. In the opinion of the Honourable the Colonial Secretary it is far superior to any cavern yet discovered in Australia, and is situated in a district remarkable for the beauty of its scenery and for the inducements it offers to the sportsman and the tourist.
Although we have mentioned the caves that are open to inspection, they are only a few of the total number existing. No doubt as time goes on and opportunity offers others will be made accessible, and probably beauties even yet undreamt of will be unveiled to view. At present, although the grandeur of the Lake Cave will probably make the most lasting impression, the attractions of each are so distinct in character and so special in charm that comparison is difficult. While for a single effect the universal verdict favours the Lake Cave, to the Yallingup must be awarded the palm for diversity of formation and for displaying the greatest variety of exquisitely-shaped objects of delicate and fragile beauty. We have confined ourselves to what can only claim to be a more or less prosaic description of these marvels of Nature. To attempt even feebly to do justice to their wonderful beauty and incomparable charm requires command of a language more romantic than English and better supplied with superlative expressions. No others known excel them and few, if any, rival them The far-famed Jenolan Caves of New South Wales do not equal them. If nothing else existed in this State in the way of scenery the caves are alone sufficient to dispel the statement that Western Australia has no natural advantages to interest the tourist and the visitor. All Ihe caves are thoroughly well ventilated, and widely-known medical men of the highest standing in the State have not only expressed the opinion that no constitution can possibly suffer from an exploration of their wonderful and mysterious recesses, but have gone farther and stated that ‘ the country is the ideal health resort of Australia ” At Yallingup a commodious and modern hotel -the Cave House—has been erected, and suitable provision for visitors made at Margaret River Every facility is offered to tourists by the Government in the way of cheap fares and coupons covering all expenses for the round trip. The whole of the caves may be
WESTERN AUSTRALIA. 9
viewed m five days, and the expenses, inclusive of rail and accommodation charges, need not exceed five guineas Nothing is left undone in the way of popularizing the district, and it may safely be said there is no part of Australia that will so amply repay a visit.
YANCHEP OAVES.
These are not more than 35 miles from Perth and within four miles of the coast. Situated amid the hills, they are picturesquely placed m a district abounding in inteiest for the sportsman. They are neithei so well explored nor so convenient of approach as those farther away from the capital, but there is little doubt that in course of time tfiey will be equally accessible and their beauties as well known. So far as they have been examined they exhibit practically the same features as the caves of the south-west, with which in the opinion of many they need not fear comparison. A feature of some of them is their immense size, chambers having been found that extend from 400 to 600 ft. in length. Fiom the general nature of the country, which the resonance of the ground proves to be honeycombed with caverns, it is more than probable that an extended search will reveal many other caves of possibly even greater beauty. So far the efforts of the authorities have been almost entirely confined to the better known caves of the south-west, but there is no doubt that they might wisely extend their operations and make these interesting curiosities of Nature available to the pleasure-seeker.
Inland scenery of a natural character is no doubt largely wanting in Western Australia The flat and uninteresting nature of the landscape and the absence of permanent water combine to bring about the general appearance of a desert. But there is a gradually widening belt of country stretching inland from the coast that presents a scene of the greatest importance—the view of cultivated fields, of extensive vineyards and orchards, and of an ever-increasing acreage of wheat— which not only rejoices the eye, but gives solace to the mind in the knowledge that here is something possessing beauty and utility together, bringing prosperity to the State and happiness and comfort to its people.
THE CLIMATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
The first record we have of a scientific climatologist is that of the great astronomei and geographer Ptolemy He divided the surface of the globe, from the Equator to the Arctic circle, into climates or parallel zones, corresponding to the successive increase of a quarter of an hour in the length of midsummer day.
Climate m its modern acceptation signifies that peculiar state of the atmosphere m regard to heat and moisture which prevails in any given place, together with the meteorological conditions generally, in so far as they exert an influence on animal and vegetable life. The infinitely diversified character which climate dis-
10
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA
plays may be referred to the combined operation of different causes, which are reducible chiefly to these four —distance from the Equator, height above the sea, distance from the sea, and prevailing winds, which may thus be regarded as forming the gieat bases of the law of climate. The history of meteorology in Australia may be said to have been inaugurated by the late Sir George Kingston in South Australia in the year 1839. Systematic rainfall observations were continued by this gentleman till 1878, the last 18 years being concurrent with more systematic and complete observations at the Adelaide Observatory.
At Perth no official records of rainfall were taken till 1875, when the observations were commenced at the Government Gardens by the Surveyor-General (Sir Malcolm Fraser), and where they are still continued
Western Australia covers a vast area of 975,920 miles, and if we extend a line from Albany m the south, latitude 35° 2', to Wyndham in the north, latitude 15° 27', it will be at once seen what a great diversity of climate the largest of the six States of the Commonwealth possesses. In dealing with the climatic conditions of the State the Editor wishes to express his obligations to the State Government Astronomer, Mr. W. E Cooke, M.A., F R.A.S., for most of the information contained in this article.
During the first half of last century meteorological observations were confined largely to rainfall only. Systematic observations of pressure, temperature, rainfall, wind, and other meteorological elements began with the foundation of the astronomical observatories in the capitals of the different States The Perth Observatory owes its birth to the foresight of the Forrest Government in 1896, Sir John Forrest laying the foundation-stone of the principal building. Among the many great observatories of the world few can surpass it foi beauty of position or perfectness of equipment
In taking up the subject of the State’s climate generally it will be best to divide it roughly into three parts—(1) The climate of Perth and the south-west and south coastal districts; (2) the climate within the Tropics; and (3) the climate of the interior.
The first division may for practical purposes be considered as bounded by the coastline and also by a straight line drawn from Eucla to Geraldton, but if for the sake of expediency we are to take Perth as representing the whole, certain exceptions will have to be made.
The rainfall is heaviest in the extreme south-west, diminishing thence both northward and eastward. It also falls off from the coast and coastal ranges in all directions inland Between Bunbury and Albany the summer temperature is considerably cooler than elsewhere. The sea breeze which compensates so much for tAe oppressive heat of summer in the coastal districts
does not reach far inland. With these exceptions we can regard the climate of Perth as typical of our first climatic division and proceed to discuss it
PERTH CLIMATE
Just as there are two distinct types of weather,” Mr. Cooke remarks, “so there are two distinct seasons— winter and summer.” The former sets in, as a rule, rather abruptly. From May to the end of October may be considered the winter months, and the weather during that period is dominated by the passage of the
“highs” and “lows .” The average rainfall for
month is as follows : Points.
May ... 476
June 654
July 604
August . . . . 571
September 320
October 205
These figures might convey the impression
Perth is a very wet place during the winter, but the reverse is the fact
Owing to the tendency for the rain to fall principally m heavy showers and at night, and to the sandy nature of the soil which rapidly absorbs it, the general impression of the Perth winter is that of a succession of fine, bright, calm days, varied occasionally by a severe but brief storm. The weather is, on the whole, delightful, but it may perhaps be too mild. One misses the keen frosty feeling that is experienced in other places, and its absence probably justifies to some extent the populai statement that the climate is enervating.
At night it is frequently cold, July showing an average of five nights during which the minimum thermometer m the screen registers below 40°. (As this description of Perth is to be taken as representing more or less the whole of the South-West district, it must be stated that severe frosts are by no means uncommon inland The coldest parts of the State at night are Southern Cross and Katannmg, and here the thermometer frequently falls below 32°, especially if exposed to radiation The mean minimum in the Stevenson screen for July is 38‘7° at Southern Cross and 40° at Katanning.)
Very severe floods have been occasionally experienced at Perth and elsewhere in the past, but for a long time there has been an almost entire absence of these; in fact, during all the years that systematic records have now been kept no great floods have occurred.
The summer does not set in quite so abruptly as the winter. With an occasional hot day in October it commences generally in November, but does not as a
J1
rule become really noticeable until after Christmas Taking a temperature of 90° in the shade as the criterion of a hot day, we find an average of less than 1 in October, 3 m November, 7 m December, 11 m January, 11 in February, 8 in March, and 2 in April. This number (43 in all) seems rather formidable, but generally the heat is not felt oppressively on account of the short portion of the day during which it lasts on each occasion. On a normal hot summer day a sea breeze always sets in about noon on the coast and reaches Perth about 2 p.m. The temperature then commences to fall, and the evening and night are delightfully cool and pleasant Occasionally a protracted spell of hot weather is experienced, but even then the nights are generally cool. The longest of these spells without a break occurred in 1896, when the maximum exceeded 90° on every date between January 25 and February 12—19 m all. But the severest heat was apparently in January and February, 1880 The highest reading that has so far been recorded in Perth is 116'7°, which occurred in January, 1878
Notwithstanding The fact that the monthly means are usually higher than those for the principal cities in South Australia, Victoria, and New South Wales, and that we are in a lower latitude than any of these, the same remark may be applied to the summer climate as to the winter. It appears to be milder than the others. One notices the absence here of those violent changes which are sometimes experienced in the other States. When a cool change comes after a spell of hot weather it seems to steal upon the land gradually. The appearance of soft, watery cumulus clouds in the west generally about sunset announces the arrival of the welcome change. That evening will be cooler than the preceding ones, but not remarkably so, and next day it may be more or less cloudy, but only moderately cool At night probably a few light showers, and we realize that a definite change has occurred. Whether or not the sudden changes experienced elsewhere act as a tonic it is difficult to say, but at all events they rarely if ever occur in Perth.
CLIMATE WITHIN THE TROPICS.
A lengthy description of this is unnecessary; and, unfortunately, our knowledge is derived mainly from coastal stations The year may be divided into two seasons—wet and dry—the former lasting from the middle or the end of November to the end of March. During this period the weather is very unpleasant, the maximum temperature every day being close to or above 100°. Records of 110° are by no means infrequent, and the thermometer has even reached 120°, the highest reading ever registered in the State being 123° at Onslow in February, 1896.
Thunderstorms, accompanied by heavy ram, are frequently experienced, and it is during this season that the willy-willy occasionally visits the north-west coast. A moderate rainfall can generally be relied upon down to about latitude 20°, but south of that it is uncertain. Sometimes it will be very heavy and at other times hardly a drop will fall. The heaviest ever recorded was 36'49 in. at Whim Creek, near Cossack, on April 2-3, 1898.
The severest drought occurred between June, 1890, and January, 1892, during the whole of which period (20 months) only 73 points of ram were recorded as the mean for the Cossack District.
In the winter months or dry season the climate is considered by the inhabitants to be most enjoyable An occasional wet day is experienced, but the weather is for the most part fine, clear, calm, and pleasant
CLIMATE OF THE INTERIOR.
It is only within the last few years that any meteorological records have been obtainable from the interior districts of the State, and upon these it is hazardous to found a very definite opinion as to the climate. Up to the end of 1899, for instance, the possible occurrence of such a succession of wet, stormy days as were actually experienced in 1900 would scarcely be credited.
The climate is a mixture of the two already described. Sometimes the tropical rains come across; sometimes the winter storms of the South-West and Southern districts extend well inland, and sometimes both sources of rain fail and a drought ensues. In the summer it is a climate to be endured as patiently as possible. On the Coolgardie goldfields the heat waves are varied by the cool changes which pass from west to east along the south coast; but from the Murchison northwards the heat is very disagreeable indeed, while the inhabitants frequently find all the recognized languages quite inadequate for a description of the flies and dust.
As a kind of compensation, the winter season is delightful. Very little rain falls and the weather is cold, clear, and bracing
All through the summer occasional thunderstorms may be looked for, and it sometimes happens, as already described, that monsoonal rains come right through this district from the north-west to south-east. The severest and most continuous of which we have any record occurred in March and April, 1900, but geological signs seem to indicate that heavy floods have occurred in past years.
To summarize briefly we may take Perth as a fair and general indication of the climate of Western Aus-
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
tralia. The climate of Quito, the capital of the South American republic of Ecuador, practically on the line of the Equator, on a plateau over 9,000 ft. above the sea, has been described as the most perfect in the world —the climate of perpetual spring But its advocates forget the rapid chills at night that cause so much pneumonia, the scourge of these lofty sites.
We have already alluded to the popular impression that the climate of Perth is enervating, yet just as there is no such thing as a perfect man, so from a medical point of view there is no such thing as a perfect climate. But if the climates of the world were grouped together that of Perth and its environs should easily hold its own against them all.
Government publications and the Press of Australia have from time to time clearly shown that our Island Continent climatically and otherwise offers greater
advantages to the settler on the land and the prospective immigrant than does Canada and other portions of our Empire’s oversea dominions. But we can go farther and show that the climate of Western Australia has advantages which her sister Eastern States do not possess.
Our soil, as a rule, may be poorer and less uniform in quality, but this deficiency is more than compensated by the regularity of our seasons We have never had, and from our geographical position can never have, those devastating droughts which periodically visit the eastern portion of the continent.
Thus we never have anything approaching a failure of crops or a decimation of herds such as those failures of Nature which visited the Eastern States in the years 1902, 1903, and 1908, bringing in their train privation, misery, and disaster.
THE GEOLOGY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
Contributed by A. Gibb Maitland, E.G S., Government Geologist.
SYSTEMATIC GEOLOGY.
Considering the geographical extent of Western Australia, the numerical strength of the Geological Survey Staff, and the paramount necessity of attention being concentrated upon examinations in and round important mining centres or other districts of potentially economic value, geological inquiry has up to the present consisted merely of a series of unconnected observations, to the co-ordination of which we must look to the future. Despite this circumstance work has now been so widely extended as to permit of a more or less broad, generalized account of the salient geological features of the State being prepared, though no attempt has been made to enter into minute details.
History.—As the preparation of this account is to a large extent based upon the work of previous official geologists it is not out of place to give a succinct account of their labours.
Dr. Ferdinand von Sommer would appear to have been the first official geologist employed in Western Australia. This gentleman travelled extensively throughout the State during the years 1847 to 1851 He geologically examined the Victoria, Toodyay, and York districts, and extended his observations to the country lying between the last named and Mount Barren, on the south coast. Neither the maps nor the reports of this observer have ever been published, although three articles from his pen bearing upon the geology
of the State have appeared in the current literature during the years 1848 and 1849.
After an interval of 21 years, during which much excellent geological work was accomplished by the Gregory Brothers, Mr H Y. L. Brown was appointed to the post of Government Geologist. This gentleman during the years 1870 to 1873 prepared three geological maps and ten reports (now out of print), which referred principally to the southern and coastal portions of the State. Mr. Brown’s appointment was not continued beyond 1873 owing to the disinclination of the Legislature to expend money on a scientific department.
In 1882—nine years after Mr. Brown’s retirement —Mr E T Ilardman, of the Geological Survey of Ireland, was appointed to the post of Government Geologist His labours were confined chiefly to the Kimberley district, in which he was the pioneer geological observer, and his field work carried out during the years 1883-4 laid the foundation of our knowledge of the geology of this portion of Western Australia, and played an important part in the opening up of the State’s first declared goldfield. This officer examined the neighbourhood of Bunbury and Blackwood, and the metropolitan area with reference to the question of its water supply from underground sources.
Very shortly after Mr. Hardman’s term of service in Western Australia came to an end a motion was brought forward in the Legislative Council in 1885 having for its object “the establishment of a permanent
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
13
geological department of the colony . . ” After
a vigorous debate, however, the motion was defeated, principally on the question of ways and means.
The late Rev. C. G. Nicolay contributed in many ways to the knowledge of the geology of the State, and was in charge of the Geological Museum at Fremantle founded by Mr Hardman, which ultimately became merged into the National Museum
It was not, however, until 1887 that the Government found itself able to provide the necessary funds for the post of Government Geologist. The appointment was conferred upon Mr. H. P. Woodward, who held the position from 1887 to 1895. During this gentleman’s tenure of office he had for his associate Mr. B H. Woodward, who acted as Curator of the Geological Museum and Assayer to the Department, while in 1893 Mr. S. Goczel was added to the staff as Field Geologist and Mining Engineer. The work of the survey during Mr. Woodward’s term of office extended from Albany to Kimberley, though the issue of geological maps in illustration of the various reports seems to have been confined to the later years of the survey With a limited staff, still more limited appropriation, and the difficulties presented by the vast area of the State the survey under Mr. Woodward was able to issue 21 reports and six geological maps The work of organizing a more or less systematic geological survey was commenced in 1896, its object being the investigation of the geological structure, mineral resources, mining industries, and underground water supplies of the State. These objects, so far as the resources available will admit, are carried out by means of:—fa) Reconnaissance surveys of those portions of the State about the structure and resources of which Tittle is known; (b) detailed geological surveys of mining centres under active development; (c) chemical
and mineralogical examinations of soils, rocks, minerals, and natural waters collected by the field staff, and under certain specified conditions by prospectors and others; (d) palaeontological investigations; (e) the maintenance of a geological museum; and (f) the publication of the data acquired in this way.
Topography.—In its broader topographical features Western Australia falls naturally into three geographical divisions: —
The Coastal Flam consists in reality of a fringe round the coast with a more or less gentle slope to the seaward. The plain is formed for the most part of shallow water deposits, sandstones, conglomerates, and thin shales, with occasionally incoherent sands and clays. The plain has a width of 60 or 70 miles m places on the western coast, though in the country at the head of the Great Australian Bight the plain, absolutely devoid of rivers, extends some 200 miles into the in
terior. The inner margin of the Coastal Plain reaches an altitude of 600 ft. above sea-level in certain localities. The Coastal Plain is separated from the interior by a belt of Hill Ranges.
The Hill Ranges form what may be called the escarpment of the plateau and plains of the interior. They have an average elevation of about 1,200 ft. though isolated ranges reach altitudes of 4,000 ft. above sea-level. This escarpment has eithei a short or steep slope down to the edge of the Coastal Plain, into which it gradually merges. This belt of country, drained by the rivers of the State, is principally formed of granitic and metamorphic rocks, the decay of which produces excellent soil; it comprises, owing to its rainfall, the principal agricultural districts of the State.
The Plateaux and Plains of the Intenoi consist of a broken tableland, from which rise isolated hills and ridges of metamorphic rocks, often separated by sand-plains of some considerable extent and containing depressions occupied by saline marshes, clay flats, brine lakes, or deposits of salt. There are no rivers and the rainfall is slight. This plateau, which forms the chief mineral region of the State, is mantled by superficial deposits, concealing the underlying rocks, over very wide areas.
Pre-Cambrian, Archaean (?).—The oldest formation in Western Australia is that comprising those granitic, gneissic, and schistose rocks which occupy about one-half of the superficial extent of the State, which is 975,920 square miles, and form the floor upon which the newer strata have been laid down To the whole of these rocks observers have invariably assigned an Archaean age; this, however, is more inferred than proved. There is only one instance on record at the present time upon which this classification may be considered to have been determined by palaeontological evidence. In the Kimberley district certain limestones, sandstones, quartzites, etc., have yielded Lower Cambrian fossils, viz , Salterella Hardmani and Olenelhts (*) Forresti; these fossiliferous beds are considered, and may probably be, newer than the gneissic and schistose rocks in the vicinity. So far as observations have at present been carried no actual junction has been noticed between the schists and the fossiliferous strata, and there is nothing already in the evidence available incompatible with the supposition that the talcose and mica schists and other associated rocks represent much more highly metamorphosed portions of the Lower Cambrian strata. In the absence of direct stratigraphical or palaeontological evidence it is convenient for descrip tive purposes to adhere to a purely lithological classification and to separate the gneissic, granitoid, and schistose rocks from those in which metamorphism has not been carried sufficiently far to entirely obliterate their clastic character. The great bulk of the interior
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
15
plateau is granite and gneiss, the remainder being formed of the metamorphic rocks. The major portion of the surface of the plateau occupied by these granitic rocks forms broad expanses of flat or rolling country from which occasionally rise huge agglomerates of immense boulders of fantastic-shaped “tors.” The schists and allied rocks which constitute the auriferous belts of the State occur as broad bands or patches in the granite, and present a characteristic type of scenery. The various auriferous zones, so far as we know them, are arranged in very long bands of varying width, the limits of which are marked by tolerably well-defined parallels in a general north-west and south-east direction. This marked linear arrangement is not only confined to the metalliferous zones themselves, but to their component beds and veins. The outcrops of these more or less parallel elongated strips are due to the folding of the strata which originated during the efforts of the crust of the earth to adjust itself to the contraction resulting from the gradual cooling of the interior.
There are probably few parts of the Australian continent which can boast of a finer development of these older rocks than Western Australia.
They consist of rocks of very different types; many of them are in a crystalline condition and form coarse crystalline schists and gneiss, as well as basic rocks, which have been more or less crushed, foliated, and completely converted into greenstone schists. The basic rocks comprise gabbro, dolerite, epidiorite, pyroxenite, hyper-sthenite, amphibolite, etc. In some localities these basic rocks can be seen passing by scarcely perceptible gradations into hornblende schists and allied rocks. Some of these older rocks are of sedimentary origin and are practically unaltered; others are quartz and mica schists, and in certain localities are cleaved conglomerates, some of the pebbles in which consist of a pre-existing conglomerate from a much older series of which no trace has yet been found. The less altered members of these ancient sediments make their appearance in many portions of the State. The rocks consist of a great variety of types of indurated slates, quartzites, and conglomerates, together with igneous rocks, some of which there are good grounds for believing to have been originally lavas and ashes.
A remarkable and very noticeable feature of these older rocks are those bands of laminated cherts and jaspers, which often contain oxide of iron to such an extent as to warrant their being classed as iron-ores. These extend as roughly parallel bands, sometimes several miles in length, in the form of attenuated lenses, which, owing to their serrated ridges, stand out in bold relief, thus acquiring a conspicuousness all out of proportion to their real stratigraphical importance. These bands are often intersected by numerous faults, which in some districts are of considerable economic importance, for it is along these fault lines that rich shoots of gold often occur.
These older rocks are invaded by masses and veins of granite and allied rocks, which in many parts of the State occupy very large areas, sometimes embracing hundreds of square miles. The old granitic rocks are traversed by many large icelike quartz reefs, which rise
to considerable altitudes above the surface like a wall, and which can in some cases be traced across country with more or less interruption for miles. These older granitic rocks are of some considerable importance by reason of the fact that they form the matrices of tin and allied deposits in the State.
These old Pre-Cambrian rocks are remarkable for the variety of useful and valuable minerals they contain. The plateau in which these older rocks occur has been remarkably quiescent since early geological times, and having had such a peaceful history the areas may be said to possess almost limitless mining possibilities.
Cambkian.—Strata of undoubted Cambrian age are known to occur in the Kimberley district, and were discovered by Mr. E. T. Hardman in 1883-4. In the course of his explorations this observer gathered a suite of fossils which were critically examined by Mr. R. Etheridge, Mr. W. H. Eoord, and Dr. Hy. Woodward. Among the disjecta membra were the head and spine of a trilobite belonging to the characteristic Cambrian family Olenellus, 0. Forresti, and numerous pteropods, Salterella Hardmani. These came from a locality which, unfortunately, cannot now be identified. The strata with which these fossils were associated consist of limestones, sandstones, quartzites, clay slates, and
Outcrop of Laminated Quartzite.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
sandy flags. Very little is known of these Cambrian strata at present. Their superficial area, however, would seem to be extensive, for they have been proved to extend in a north east and south-west direction from the Burt Range and for some distance to the southward of Mount Dockrell. The strata have been tilted in such a way that the principal axis of folding is north-west and south-east.
No estimate has yet been made of the thickness of these the oldest fossiliferous beds yet found in Western Australia. Despite the poor localization of Mr. Hardman’s fossils it may be considered as proved that Cambrian strata do occur somewhere in Kimberley about 18° southern latitude. The discovery of Olenellus and Salter ell a in the limestones of the Daly River, in the Northern Territory, is of considerable geological importance, indicating as it does a somewhat wide distribution of Cambrian strata in the northern portion of Australia.
Nullagine Series. —Age undetermined. A formation which has been designated the Nullagine Series, and which cannot be exactly correlated with any defined geological horizon in Western Australia, has a very wide distribution in the North-West Division of the State The series consists of a great thickness of sandstones, grits, conglomerates, and limestones, some of which are magnesian, together with a series of lavas, ashes, and agglomerates. The formation is of some economic importance, by reaeon of the fact that the basal members of the series have proved to be auriferous in two localities, viz , Nullagine and Just-in-Time.
The beds of the Nullagine Series make a very prominent feature in the landscape in the districts in which it is developed, and play a very important part in the geology of the north-west. The series may be followed from the Oakover River, across the upper reaches of the Nullagine, the Coongan, and the Shaw Rivers, as far as the western boundary of the Pilbara goldfield on the Yule River, near Cangan Pool, from which locality it can be followed without a break to Roebourne, and southward to the Fortescue River The same series constitutes the Hamersley Range, which contains Mount Bruce, the highest summit in the State, The Nullagine beds are continuous as far south as the Lyons River, where at Mount Phillips the conglomerate at the base of the series is seen to rest with a violent unconformity upon an uneven floor of ancient crystalline rocks.
In its lithological characters and general behaviour the Nullagine Series bears a very strong resemblance to the quartzites, etc , which constitute that continuous formation which extends from Wyndham to Mount Hart, a prominent summit in the King Leopold Range in the Kimberley Division This formation as developed in Kimberley consists of a series of quartzites,
sandstones, fine conglomerates, and shales, disposed in a series of broad anticlinal folds. Associated with the sediments is a series of bedded and intrusive igneous rocks, some of which are distinctly amygdaloidal, and contain zeolites and agates in the cavities. Beds of volcanic ash and breccia are common in certain localities. In certain portions of the King Leopold Plateau are many excellent sections showing the intrusive nature of some of the igneous rocks. The sandstones are sometimes altered into hard compact quartzite, portions of which have been caught up in the body of the igneous rock. Other sections indicate quite clearly that some of the igneous rocks have found an easy passage along the bedding planes of the sedimentary rocks, and evidently occur m the form of sills The lavas are traversed by almost vertical dykes of epidosite, which are traceable across country for long distances; while both the sedimentary and igneous rocks are intersected by numerous segregation veins of quartz, some of which are of considerable size and horizontal in extent.
The recognition of the position of the beds of the Nullagine Series in the stratigraphical succession is of considerable importance; the entire absence of fossils throughout the series renders correlation extremely difficult. The beds forming the King Leopold Plateau have been claimed by previous observers as being of Cambrian age. If the lithological and stratigraphical resemblance between beds of the King Leopold Plateau and those of the Nullagine Series, as developed in Pilbara and the Ashburton, should prove to possess greater significance than at present appears, a Cambrian age for the Nullagine Series would have strong claims to acceptance.
Silurian —The occurrence of Silurian rocks in Western Australia has been more inferred than proved. Mr. F J Gregory described in 1861 certain rocks occurring in the Mount Barren Range as being probably of Silurian age, though the evidence upon which this determination was based was not given The strata forming the Stirling Range, which lies about 50 miles north of Albany, have been claimed as Silurian. Th» beds consist of quartzites, sandstones, and shales, the whole being traversed by quartz veins; they are highly folded, contorted, and faulted in places. According to the researches of Mr. H P. Woodward the rocks at the western end of the range, near Mondinup, have been thrown into three sharp anticlinal and synclinal folds, in a distance north and south of about ten miles, by a lateral compression from the south.
The strata chiefly developed in the Leopold and Mueller Ranges of Kimberley have been provisionally classed by Mr. E. T. Hardman as Silurian, more on account of their lithological character than on any stratigraphical or palaeontological evidence. The beds
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
17
consist of pure crystalline quartzites, indurated grits, and quartzose conglomerates, interbedded with purple slates and soft sandstones. Much detailed fieldwork is, however, required before the occurrence of undoubted Silurian rocks can be considered to have been definitely proved in Western Australia.
Devonian.—The occurrence of Devonian rocks has as yet been definitely proved only in one district of the State—the Kimberley Division, where this formation appears to be largely developed. The beds consist of hard grits, conglomerates, indurated limestones, and shales, associated with which are contemporaneous lava flows, breccias, and ashes. In the Napier Range the Devonian rocks are represented by solid crystalline limestones, with at the base of the formation a calcareous breccia and conglomerate. These beds are seen in the Barker River Gorge to pass beneath a series of sandstones and shales of what are believed to be Carboniferous age.
Permo-Carboniferous.—The Permo-Carboniferous rocks cover a wide extent of country and bid fair to become of considerable economic importance. There are four regions in which fossiliferous Permo-Carboniferous rocks are known in the State, viz., Kimberley, Gascoyne, Irwin River, and Collie districts.
The beds as exposed in the Kimberley district are divisible into a lower or limestone series (in which limestones predominate) and an upper or sandstone series (made up largely of sandstones and other sedimentary beds). The two series are seen to succeed each other conformably in the Haughton Range. Both series have yielded a rich assemblage of fossils. The Kimberley Carboniferous beds underlie nearly the whole of the so-called Great Sandy Desert, which extends from the Ninety-Mile Beach westward to the Northern Territory frontier.
The Gascoyne beds cover a very large area between the 22nd and 26th parallels of southern latitude, and
JUNCTION OF METAMORPHIC AND DEVONIAN ROCKS, ELVIRE RIVER.
Among the fossils found in the Napier Range beds are a Coccostean fish, a new species of Proetus; remains of Loxonema, sp.; Fuomphalus, sp.; Rhynchonella, allied to 11. Timorensis; Pachypora, sp.; Phillipsas-trcca, sp.; and Goniatites, sp., which clearly indicate a Devonian age for the strata.
The following fossils have also been found occurring in the Kimberley Devonian rocks: —
Anthozoa. Cyat.hophyllum vergatum, Hinde; Phil-lipsastrcea, sp.; Favosites Goldfussi, Edw. and Haime.
Brachiopoda. Productus, sp.; Atrypa reticularis, Linn.; Rhynchonella cuboides, Sow.; R. pugnus, Martin; R. cf. Timorensis, Beyr; Spirifera Musakhey-lensis, var. Australis, Poord.
Gastropoda. Goniatites (Brancoceras), cf. rota-t.orius, De Kon.
Crustacea. Proetus, sp. nov.
excellent sections of them may be seen in tbe valleys ot the Wooramel, Gascoyne, Lyons, Minilya, and Lyndon Rivers. Like their representatives in Kimberley, the strata are divisible into an upper or sandstone and a lower or limestone series. The sandstone series, which is seen resting conformably upon the limestone, is well exposed in the Corandibby, Kennedy, and Moogooloo Ranges. These Permo-Carboniferous rocks have been pierced in the pioneer borehole at Pelican Hill, near Carnarvon, which had been carried down to a depth of 3,011 ft. These strata, which comprised calcareous shales and limestone, were encountered beneath the fossiliferous rnesozoic'rocks at a depth of 1,406 ft.; and continued to the bottom of the borehole, which, however, was not carried deep enough to reach the floor of more ancient rocks upon which they rest.
Interbedded with these Permo-Carboniferous rocks
c
is a very persistent boulder bed, the component pebbles of which are covered with strise of such a nature as to suggest that they owe their origin to ice action. Sections occur which show that this bed does not attain any great thickness, and that it is crowded with pebbles and boulders of granite, etc., embedded m a calcareous, fossiliferous matrix, which contains fragments of S pinf era, Productus, and Polyzoa, in addition to Aviculopecten tenmcollis. The fossil contents imply a marine origin for the boulder bed. It, therefore, can hardly be a glacial moraine, and it is more than likely that the materials were transported by floating ice, which deposited its burden on the sea floor. Wherever seen m situ it has been found that this glacial boulder bed (the Lyons Conglomerate) does not lie quite at the base of the Permo-Carboniferous rocks as developed in Western Australia. The Lyons Conglomerate marks an important geological horizon, which has been proved to extend for a distance of about 200 miles
In the Irwin River district the Permo-Carboniferous rocks present an uninterrupted series of shales, clays, and sandstones, with occasional beds of limestone which are arranged in a very broad anticlinal fold, the axis of which trends generally north and south. About the middle of the series there occurs a zone of argillaceous limestones, containing a heterogeneous collection of striated boulders such as ice action alone can produce The stratigraphical position of the boulder bed shows the horizon to be interbedded with marine strata, the equivalents of those in' the Gascoyne
The Collie River beds, which attain a thickness of at least 2,000 ft., are of considerable importance by reason of the fact that they contain coal seams to a total thickness of over 140 ft. The beds, which cover an area of about 500 square miles, consist of shales, sandstones, and grits. The boundary of the field is, with one local exception, everywhere defined by faults, one of which has been estimated to have a downthrow to the north-east of at least 2,000 ft. The Collie River beds have yielded the following plants: —Glossoptens browniana; G. browmana, var. indica; G browniana, var. communis; G. browniana, var. angustifolia; G browniana gangamopteroides, and the following Fora-minifera: Endothyra, Valvulma plicata, Bulimma
Truncatuhna haidingen, and Pulvinulina exigua.
The Permo-Carboniferous rocks of Western Australia have yielded a rich assemblage of fossils, among which are: —
Rhizopoda. Nubeculana Stephensi, How. Anthozoa. Amplexus pustvlosus, Hudl.; A. Sel-wym, De Kon.; Cyathophyllum depressum, Hinde; C virgatum, Hinde; Pleurophyllum Australe, Hinde; P. sulcatum, Hinde; Alveolites obscurus, De Kon.; Bexa-gonella (Evactmopora) crucialis, Hudl. ; H dendroidea, Hudl.; Synngopora reticulata, var patula.
Crinoidea. Actmocrmus, sp.; Platycrmus, sp.
Tubicola. Spirorbis ambiguus, Flem.
Bryozoa. Fenestella plebeia; F. fossula; Poly pora Australis, Hinde; Protoretepora ampla, Lonsd.
Brachiopoda. Aulosteges Baracoodensis, Eth. fils; Ghonetes Pratti, Davidson; Derbyia cf. senilis, Phill.; Orthis cf. Michehni, Martin; Orthotetes (Strepto-rhynchus) senilis, Phill.; Productus brachythcerus, Sow.; P, cf. Cora, d’Orb; P. cf. margaritaceux, Phill.; P. scabnculvs, Martin; P. semireticulatus. Mar tin; P. pugilis, Phill.; P. subquadratus, Morris; P. tenuistnaius, De Vern; P. Foordi, Eth fils; P undatus, Defr.; Strophalosia Clarhei, Eth. fils; Strop-homena anedoga, Phill.; A ctmoconchus cf. planosul-catus, Phill.; Gleiothyris (Athyns) Macleayana, Eth. fils; G. var. Baracoodensis, Eth. fils; G Roysu, Lev.; Gyrtina carbonana, var. Australasica, Eth. fils; Die-lasma (Terebratula) nobilis, Eth. fils; 1). sacculus, Martin; D. Lastata, Sow.: D. amygdala, Dana; D cymbalformis, Morris ; Reticularia crebristna, Morris ; R lineuta. Martin; Rhynchonella (Hypothyris) cuboides, Sow.; R. pleurodon, Phill.; It. pugnus, Martin; Seminula subtihta, Hall; Spinfera avicula. Sow.; S eonvoluta; S. disjuncta, Sow.; S glabra, Martin; S Bardmam, Foord; S. Kimberley ensts, Foord; S lata, McCoy; S Musakheylensis, var. Australis, Foord; S. striata, Martin ; S Stutchburii, Eth fils; S. trigonalis, Martin; S vespertilio, Sow.; Syringothyns exsuperans, De Kon.
Pelecypoda Aviculopecten multiradiata, Eth. pere; A spreati, Johns; A tenmcollis, Gardiomorpha oblonga, Sow.; Deltopecten (Aviculopecten) Illawar-ensis, Morris; 1). tenuisulcus, Dana; 1). leinceformis, Morris; D subqmnquelmeatus, McCoy; Myalina Mmgenewensis, Eth. fils; Parattelodon (Palcearca) subarguta, De Kon.; Stutchbuna cf. Randsi, Eth. fils; Pleurophorus (Pachydomus) cannatus, Morris.
Gastropoda. Baylea (1 vania) Levellii, De Kon.; Bellerophon costatus, Sow.; B. decussatus, Flem ; Ptychomphalina Maitlandi, Eth. fils.
Cephalopoda. Gcdonautilus Ghesterensis, De Kon.; Discites cf. Omalianus, De Kon.; Gastnoceras Jacksom, Eth. fils; G. sphcericum, Goldf. ; Agathiceras microm-phalum, Morris.
Crustacea. Phillipsia giandis, Eth. fils.
Pisces. Edestus Davisii, H. Wood.
Jurassic. The Jurassic rocks of the State have a fairly wide extent, especially in the Champion Bay district, near Geraldton. Rocks of this age have also been recorded from Shark Bay and also from Cape Riche to the east of Albany. From this latter locality Ammonites (Pensphmctes) Championensis, sp. nov., has been recorded, but there is some doubt as to whether or not this specimen has been correctly localized, or that it really came from Champion Bay. The Champion
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
19
Bay beds cover a fairly large area of country to the south, in the neighbourhood of the coastline. They are seen to rest with a marked unconformity on the Permo-Carboniferous rocks of the Irwin River valley. They also extend northward, having been met with at Shark Bay and on the Gascoyne River, near the Kennedy Range. The Jurassic beds of the State are represented by oolitic limestones, clays, sandstones (which are often ferruginous), grits, conglomerates, and lignites. Some of the ferruginous sandstones contain abundant plant remains. As a rule the strata are horizontal or but gently undulating, and have probably been deposited along the then coast during a long period of depression. No estimate can as yet be made of the thickness of the Jurassic beds; they have, however, been pierced by four boreholes in the Champion Bay district which have proved the thickness to be not less than 2,000 ft. The plant remains occurring in these beds near Minginew seem to indicate that the beds are the equivalents of those at Talgai and Rosewood, in Queensland. The beds have yielded a rich Jurassic fauna, including the following:—
Crinoidea. Penta-crinus, sp.
Tubicola. Serpula con for mis, Goldf.
Bryozoa. Bryozoa, sp.
Brachiopoda. Rhyn-chonella variabilis, Schl.;
Rhynchonella solitaria,
Moore.
Pelecypoda. Area,
Marshi, Sow.; Avicula (MacCoyella) Barklyi,
Sow. ; Avicula
Glaciated Granite Boulder, embedded in blue clay, Irwin River.
sp. ; Alectryonia, Ostrea; cequalis, Moore; Avicula Moore: Avicula echinata,
Sow. ; Avicula Mun-steri, Bronn. ; Ctenostreon (Lima) pecteniformis, Schl.; Gucullcea inflata, Moore; Gucullcea ob-
longa, Sow.; Gucullcea semistriata ; Gucullcea tibrad-donensis, Eth. fils;' Gryphcea, sp. ; Hinnites, sp. ; Lima Gordonii, Moore; Lima proboscidea, Sow. ; Lima ■punctata, Sow.; Modiola Maitlandi, Eth. fils; My-tilus cf. gygerensis, d’Orb; Nucula, sp. ; Ostrea tholi-formis, Eth. fils; Pecten calous, Goldf.; Pecten cinc-tus, Sow.; Pecten cf. frontalis, Dum. ; Pecten Green-oughiensis, Moore; Pecten valoniensis, Defr. ; Pecten cf. vesicularis; Perna, sp.; Plicatula, sp.; Radula (Lima) duplicata. Sow.; Trigonia Moorei, Lycett;
Trigonia costata, Clarke; Gresslya donaciformis, Phill. ; Myacites liassianus, Gueust; Myacites Sanfordii, c2
Moore; Pholadomya ovulum, Agassz; Pleuromya, sp. ; Astarte apicalis, Moore; Astarte Gliftoni, Moore; Gardium, sp.; Cypricarclia, sp. ; Isocardia, sp. ; Lucina, sp. ; Opis, sp.; Panopcea (Glycimeris) rugosa, Moore; Tancredia plana (‘I), Moore; Teredo (Pholas) Australis, Moore; Unicardiumo, sp. ; Dentalium, sp. ; Amberleya, sp. ; Phasianella, sp. ; Pleurotomaria Greenougfiiensis, Eth. fils; Trochus; Turbo Australis, Moore; Turbo Icevigatus, Sow.; Gerithium Greenoughiensis, Moore; Chemnitzia, sp.; Nerincea, sp.; Rissoina Australis, Moore; Actceon depressus, Moore.
Cephalopoda. Nautilus perornatus, Crick; Nautilus sinuatus, Sow. ; Ammonites lautus; Ammonites Walcottii, Sow.; Ammonites (Dorsetensia) Glarkei, Crick; Ammonites (Dumortieria) Moorei, Lycett; Ammonites (Macrocephalites) macrocephalus, Schl ; Ammonites (Perisphinctes) Championensis, Crick;
Ammonites (Perisphinctes) robiginosus, Crick; Ammonites ( Sphceoroceras ) semior-natus, Crick; Ammonites ( Sphceoroceras ) Woodwardi, Crick; Itn-monites (Stephanaceras) Australis, Crick; Ammonites ( N ormannites ) Australis, Crick; Belem-nites canaliculatus, Schl.; Belemniies Ganhami, Tate; Gythere corrosa, v a r. grossepunctata, Chap.; Gythere dru-pacea, var. fortior, Chap. ; Gythere lobatula. Chap.; Gytheropteron Australiense, Chap. ; Lotoconcha elongata, Chap. ; Lotoconcha Jurassica, Chap.; Paradotorhyncha foveo-lata, Chap.
PlantyE. Cf. Araucaria peregrina, Kurr; Gun-ninghamites Australis, Ten.-Woods; cf. Pagiophyllum, sp.; Otozamites Feistmanteli, Zigno; fern fronds and seed-vessels.
Cretaceous.—The presence of Cretaceous strata in Western Australia appears to have been known for pretty well half a century, having been first recorded by Mr. P. T. Gregory as occurring near Gin Gin. This same observer stated that the Cretaceous strata were the most extensively developed of the sedimentary rocks of Western Australia, and that the beds were very closely connected with the Jurassic rocks of the Green-ough River. The boundary between the two series, however, has not as yet been satisfactorily traced.
Possiliferous Cretaceous rocks have been proved in
20
three districts, viz., Eucla, the Metropolitan Area, and Gin Gin, and there are good grounds for believing that beds of this age occur in the valleys of the Gascoyne, Lyndon, and the Minilya Rivers
The results of the recent boring in that enormous limestone plateau which extends from the South Australian border to the neighbourhood of Israelite Bay has proved the occurrence of Cretaceous strata lying beneath the Eucla limestone, which is supposed to be of Eocene age In bore No 3, put down at the 337 miles 61 chains peg on the surveyed route of the Western Union Railway, at an altitude of 576 ft. above sea-level, the following strata were passed through: — Eucla limestone, 603 ft.; shales (sometimes glauconitic), 667 ft ; fine and coarse sandstone and conglomerate, 74 ft.; and granite, 28 ft.; the total depth of the bore being 1,372 ft. The beds beneath the limestone have yielded two of the most characteristic fossils found in the lower Cretaceous strata of South Australia and Queensland, viz , Aucella Htighendensis, Eth.; and MacCoyella Corbiensis, Moore, together with portions of a bivalve shell, possibly Fissilunula, which is found in the lower Cretaceous beds of Eastern Australia. There is, therefore, little doubt that the strata pierced in No. 3 bore are the equivalents of the Rolling Downs beds of Queensland.
In view of this discovery it is important to note that Cretaceous rocks occurring as table-topped hills were noticed in 1893, in the country to the north of No. 3 bore, by the geologist attached to the Elder Exploring Expedition.
The Cretaceous rocks of Gin Gin consist of a white chalky limestone without flints, which passes downward into a greenish glauconite marl, and below that into a clay shale. Above the limestone is a bed of very ferruginous sandstone, the whole series dipping to the northward at an angle of 8° to 9°.
A series of fragmentary fossils was collected in 1903, and contained Ostrea, allied to 0 vesiculans, Lam.; a crushed Magellama; a doubtful Terebratu-lina; an undescribed Serpula, allied to S Bognonensts; spines of two species of Phyllacanthus, together with a fragment of Placunanomia. There were in addition thirty-seven species of Forammifera, eight of which are confined to Cretaceous strata elsewhere and four to the upper Tertiaries, while the other twenty - seven are known to have existed in Cretaceous times. A further collection was obtained by Mr. W. R. Philbey in 1897, and although not in good condition is now undergoing critical examination. The collection comprises spines of Echinoderms, three genera of Brachiopoda, fragments of Lamellibranchs, two genera of Cephalopoda, one Grioceras, (?) and a shark’s tooth Odontaspis-MVe in shape. There seems little doubt that the
Gin Gin chalky limestone and its associated beds are of the Cretaceous age.
Farther north, in the neighbourhood of Dandaragan, is a belt of white chalky limestone, at the base of which lies a phosphatized bone bed, which there seem some sound reasons for believing to be the northern extension of the Gin Gin beds.
Tertiary.—Owing to the absence of valuable mineral deposits the Tertiary strata have not as yet received much attention at the hands of the Survey.
The basal beds of what are believed to be Tertiary strata are seen to rest unconformably on the eroded surface of the Jurassic beds in the Champion Bay district The beds consist of limestones, sandy shales, and sandstones, which form a relatively narrow strip of country along the coastline.
Similar strata occur at Shark Bay and to the southward of Perth, extending as far as the South Australian border, where the chalky limestone that bulks largely in the formation contains fossils which seem to point to its being of the Eocene age.
In the south-western portion of the State the Tertiary strata are associated with basaltic lavas as well as basaltic dykes. These basaltic lavas may be seen at Bunbury, at several places in the Blackwood River, at Black Point on the south coast, and near Silver Mount between the Warren and Donnelly Rivers. They were also cut in two of the bores put down in the search for petroleum on the Warren River.
In the Kimberley Division basic lavas and ashes occur in great force These Tertiary lavas and ashes appear in the valleys of the Ord and the Bow Rivers to have levelled up the depressions formed therein, except certain knife-edged ridges of the older rocks which still protrude above the general level. On the Behn River, just above what is known as the Gorge, a dome or puy of basalt, which apparently formed one of the focii from which some of these lavas issued, has been described.
At Norseman remnants of an extensive dolomitic limestone formation at an altitude of 900 ft. above sea-level and 100 miles distant from the coast have been discovered This bed at Norseman contains species of Tuntella, allied to T. terebra, Pecten, Gardmm (or Gardita), Mngellania, and fragments of Polyzoa.
Laterite —No account of the geology of Western Australia would be complete without some reference to that extensive development of residual deposits which occur in nearly all portions of the State and for which the term laterite has been adopted. The laterites consist largely of hydrated oxide of iron and alumina, producing on the one hand deposits of iron ore, and on the other bauxite In some localities the deposition of secondary silica in the Iateritic deposits produces what are practically quartzites. These, by an increase in the ferruginous colouring matter, pass into a jasperoid form
21
of laterite. There are thus three forms of laterite: an aluminous, a ferruginous, and a siliceous, the composition being liable to vary considerably over a small area, it being governed largely by the nature of the underlying rocks. The laterites pass gradually into the underlying rocks without any sharp line of demarcation. The ferruginous and siliceous laterites are much commoner than the aluminous variety. This arises from the fact that the former types are better able to resist disintegrating influences; they thus not only remain themselves, but act as a protecting cover for the rocks beneath. The lateritic deposits occur as disconnected outliers which once formed part of a continuous deposit. It is difficult to escape the conviction that the laterites are of some geological antiquity, of which
(a) Veins and lodes; (b) alluvial deposits; and (c) residual deposits.
The metal itself has been found to occur under several different conditions, viz., (a) native metal; (b) compounds with tellurium and other elements; and (c) in association with other minerals.
Since the first discoveries the gold yield of the State has increased very rapidly. In 1886 an output of 270 fine oz. followed the discovery of the Kimberley goldfield. Since that date the production gradually increased until the year 1903, when it reached 1,962,360'83 oz., from which the yield steadily declined to 1,470,632'02 fine oz. The total gold yield, however, up to the close of 1910 was 23,077,599 63 fine oz., valued at £98,027,412.
Limestone Cliffs, near Twilight Cove, Eyre.
possibly the thickness and state of consolidation may be some measure. On such geological evidence as is available the laterites seem to be of earlier age than Late Tertiary, though there is but little doubt that similar deposits are forming at the present time in the State.
ECONOMIC GEOLOGY.
Gold.—The auriferous deposits of Western Australia, which up to the end of 1910 have been responsible for the production of 23,077,599'63 oz. of fine gold, when viewed in the light of their geological relationships, are divisible into three distinct classes: —
The alluvial gold won in Western Australia is, so far as is disclosed by official figures, 254,864'52 fine oz. The yield reached its zenith in 1898, when 66,849'27 fine oz. were recorded, while in 1910 it totalled 5,725'85 oz. Ultimately the alluvial deposits will become exhausted, though it is more than likely that fresh discoveries may yet be made and thus add to the yield from other sources.
The auriferous deposits of the State occur in areas generally as more or less parallel belts of relatively narrow lateral dimensions, though in certain localities they occur as small isolated areas or patches. These narrow, well-defined belts have a general north-west and
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
south-east direction. The geological formations in which the gold deposits of the State occur are among the most ancient in Western Australia, and possibly among the oldest of all the formations of the Australian continent.
The distribution of the major portion of the auriferous deposits is in relatively narrow parallel belts, having an almost identical trend, which coincides with that which make up the fundamental complex of the plateaux of the interior. Wherever the auriferous deposits have been examined it has been invariably found that granite or rocks allied thereto are of frequent occurrence, either immediately contiguous to the lodes or sufficiently near to have exercised some influence on the genesis of the gold. In some fields the auriferous veins are closely associated with, and appear to pass gradually into, pegmatite dykes or rocks of similar character
In addition to the gold derived from quartz reefs, lode formations, etc., the conglomerates at the base of the Nullagine Series have been mined in two localities —Nullagine and Just-in-Time. The auriferous bands occur throughout a thickness of 300 ft. of grits, sandstones, and conglomerate, which form the lowest portion of the series. Those portions of the strata which have proved to be gold-bearing are those largely impregnated with the oxides and sulphides of iron which lie between a well-marked fault and a greenstone dyke. Mining operations have up to the present time been confined exclusively to the oxidized zone and to very limited and shallow depths. The gold in this deposit is a secondary and not an original constituent of the conglomerates.
The deepest gold mines in Western Australia are now more than 2,600 ft. below the surface, and show little diminution in the value or the size of the lodes. There are no reasons for believing that the lodes of the State have, even at the greatest depth yet attained, by any means reached the limits of ore deposition, or that the lodes will not prove productive in depth.
Coppeb.—The history of mining in Western Australia began with the discovery of the Waneranooka copper lode at Northampton in the year 1842. Since that date copper mining cannot be said to have made continuous progress, though the State’s total production of copper ore amounts to 139,392-58 tons, valued at £849,966.
Copper ores, however, are plentifully distributed throughout the length and breadth of the State, but so far, on account chiefly of their not carrying any gold, have been worked only in a few districts, notably Marble Bar, West Pilbara, Ashburton, Lawlers, Nan-nine, Day Dawn, Yalgoo, Northampton, Yandanooka, Mount Morgan, Mount Margaret, Menzies, East Cool-gardie, and Phillips River.
The principal sources of copper ore have been in the districts of West Pilbara, Mount Morgan, and the Phillips River; the largest output 57,308 tons being from Phillips River, 47,857 tons from Mount Morgan, and that of West Pilbara 32,806 tons.
The Phillips River field consists of a series of highly metamorphic sedimentary beds, associated with a complex series of crystalline rocks, the whole being uncom-tormably overlaid by a newer, though still old, series of sandstones, quartzites, and conglomerates. The crystalline rocks are of igneous origin and range from granite to sei pen tine with their foliated or schistose varieties
The lodes of the field, which strike east-north-east and west-south-west, are of two types, the first being basic cupriferous dykes and the second siliceous and ferruginous deposits, which apparently fill leaching channels along the rock joints. Many of the deposits give promise of being of fair size but of low grade, while the remainder, which attain considerable dimensions, promise to yield a large quantity of lowgrade ore suitable for concentration. The field may be expected to produce a fair quantity of copper ore in the future as systematic mining operations proceed.
The Mount Malcolm Copper Mine at Eulaminna (late Anaconda), in the Mount Morgan district, has yielded nearly one-third of the copper production of the State. The whole of the mineral belt is greenstone, with quartz, jasper, and ironstone veins, which show little or no copper at the surface. The ore channel has been opened up at three points in a length of 1,300 ft. The ore has been concentrated into zones of enrichment, m reality bonanzas, three of which have been worked at the surface by open-cuts for lengths of 130, 110, and 200 ft. and to depths of 30, 20, and 180 ft. in width, and in value from 5 to 70 per cent. The oxidized zone, rich in carbonates, extends downwards to the ground water-level, which varies from 90 to 110 ft., and below this the ore changes into black sulphides with iron pyrites. Nothing very definite is known of the exact geological relationships of this important oopper deposit.
The West Pilbara field has been a large producer of copper, which, however, has been obtained principally from one property— the Whim Well Copper Mine This oopper lode has proved to be the largest and richest ore body yet discovered in Western Australia in the oxidized zone. The country rock in which the deposit is situated is a weathered talcose schist, the foliation of which runs a little north of west and south of east. The ore deposit is a very flat-lying lode, conforming to the bedding of the enclosing schist country. The lode is traceable for at least 50 chains in length and has been cut into by a number of open-cuts and workings from shallow tunnels. These have
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
23
proved the ore body to be irregular in thickness, varying from 2 to 30 ft.
There are many other promising copper lodes in the West Pilbara field which cannot be worked owing to the fact that at the present ruling price of copper only ores of a value between 20 and 30 per cent, will pay to work on a small scale.
Copper deposits other than those mentioned cover a wide extent of country, and under more favourable mining conditions seem to be capable of yielding in the future a considerable quantity of copper ore.
Lead.—The production of lead in Western Australia, though at one time giving indication of rising to the dignity of an important industry, has not come up to the highest expectations owing to much of the ore not containing sufficient silver to pay for extraction. The year 1848 saw the first discovery of lead ore on the Murchison River, at what is now known as the Geraldine River.
The chief sources of supply have been from the mines in the Northampton district, which produced practically the whole of the lead ore in the State. Up to the close of 1910 33,644 tons of lead ore valued at £364,756 have been exported from that district, while up to the same date 602'85 tons of lead ore, containing 290 tons of metallic lead valued at £3,811, have been reported to the Mines Department.
The lead ores of the Northampton district are found in the ancient crystalline rocks which make up the fundamental complex. These are traversed by a series of basic dykes, which bear an intimate relation to the lead lodes.
Lead ores also occur in the Ashburton district, and a deposit of some promise has been more or less perfunctorily worked at Uaroo. The ore deposit of Uaroo lies just to the west of the junction of a large area of granite, which occupies an extensive tract of country in this portion of the State. The ore-bearing area of Uaroo is occupied by one geological formation, which consists of a continuous series of sedimentary rocks, some bands in which have undergone more or less
mechanical deformation. The beds consist of quartzite and phyllite, which have a steep dip to the north-east. The lead lode is a quartz reef of very variable dimensions which runs generally north and south. The deposit has yielded up to the close of 1910 1,224 tons of lead ore (chiefly galena), which has been valued at £10,863.
It is more than probable that other lead lodes will be actively exploited when transport and other expenses have been materially reduced.
Tin.—The development of the tin deposits of the State has been considerably retarded by conditions tending against operations on a large scale. Such disadvantages, however, are in some localities being gradually overcome.
The total quantity of tin ore raised in Western Australia up to the close of 1910 amounts to 12,252
tons valued at £920,011. Tin appears to have first been discovered in Western Australia toward the end of 1888, and has since been found to occur in several widely - separated localities in the Kimberley district, the Pilbara goldfield, the Thomas River in the Gascoyne V alley, the Murchison, Cool-gardie, and Green-bushes.
There are, however, only two districts in the State from which any considerable output of tin has been reported—Greenbushes and the Pilbara goldfield. From the former locality 7,635 99 tons of tin ore have been raised, of which 7,4S605 tons represent the yield of stream tin and 149'94 tons of lode tin. Pilbara has produced 4,614 69 tons of tin, of which amount 4,327'47 tons represent the output of stream tin and 287'22 tons of lode tin.
Wherever the tin deposits of Western Australia have been examined they are invariably found to fall naturally into two distinct geological categories: —(1) Superficial deposits, which include (a) the alluvial deposits and (b) the residual sands, gravels, etc.; and (2) deposits in country rock, which embrace (c) tinbearing granite and allied rocks and (d) tin-bearing dykes.
Basal Conglomerate (Nullagine Series), Goonanarrina Pool, Sherlock River.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
The alluvial deposits are the most important of ,ny yet opened out in the State, having yielded .1,815 04 tons. They vary very largely in nature and ■ange from an extremely hard ferruginous conglom-:rate to a stiff clay or loose sand or gravel. The tin tone in the first named is often extremely coarse, hough generally one-tenth of an inch or less in liameter, while that in the softer material is almost miformly fine. Assays of ten samples of this class of >re from the Greenbushes field varied from '9 up to 53'3 per cent, of the metal, the average being 10'1 per ;ent. The associated minerals are quartz, kaolin, imonite, ilmenite, tourmaline, tantalite, stibiotantalite, jarnet, zircon, gold, magnetite, rutile, and topaz. 3n the Greenbushes field the alluvial deposits nay be divided into two main groups, the older being the old river courses or deep leads and the newer being represented by the existing channels. In the latter the tin-bearing gravels often lie at from 10 to 40 ft. from the present stream bottoms. The older deep leads attain considerable depths, the deepest being 96 ft. The tracing of the course of these deep leads is a matter of considerable economic importance to the future of Greenbushes.
The residual deposits are either lat-eritic ironstone or sands, clays, etc., derived from the decomposition in situ of igneous rocks. These are frequently stanniferous. The chief minerals accompanying the tin are limonite, quartz, tourmaline, clay, and mica.
The tin-bearing granites consist of granite passing-in places into a highly-foliated and highly-micaceous granite, with little or no felspar. This granite (greisen) contains tin, tourmaline, zircon, garnet, etc., as accessory constituents.
In many of the tin-bearing districts of the State the granites, gneisses, and allied rocks are traversed by numerous dykes of a pegmatite composed mainly of quartz and albite, with subordinate mica, garnet, and cassiterite. Considerable quantities of the stream and a little (lode) tin owe their origin to the disintegration of veins of this nature.
Tantalum.—Quite a number of different ores of tantalum have been recorded from various parts of the State, viz., tantalite, columbite, stibiotantalite, micro-lite, and euxenite. Tantalite was first discovered in Western Australia at Greenbushes in 1893, and since
that date tantalum ore has been raised for the market at Wodgina and neighbourhood in the Pilbara goldfield and at Greenbushes, in the South-West Division. At Wodgina there is a number of pegmatite veins which pass from the granite into the schists and more solid hornblende rocks. Within the area of the latter the pegmatites contain ores of tantalum, mainly mangano-tantalite, and it is these dykes which constitute the tantalum lodes of the district. Large quantities of detrital ore have been recovered from the shallow surface soil in the immediate vicinity of the outcrops of the pegmatite veins, and more or less waterworn alluvial ore has also been won from many of the adjoining gullies.
At Greenbushes only 3’ 19 tons of tantalite have been raised. It is not by any means common, but is practically confined to the southern half of the district. The whole of the output is from alluvial deposits ; the tonnage, however, is probably far short of the true total of the ore raised, for much may not have been officially reported to the Government.
There have been up to the close of 1910 89‘24 tons of tantalite raised in the State, and valued at £13,486, and of this quantity only 2^ tons are from lodes.
Iron.—The ores of iron are very widely distributed throughout Western Australia, but, save in one or two instances, the area in which the exploitation of such deposits is actively prosecuted is very limited, such areas being, with the single exception of Koolan Island, Yampi Sound, at present confined to localities where ore used as a flux in copper- and lead-smelting can be readily obtained.
The large iron deposits of the State, some of which are. probably equal in size to any others in the world, have not been worked, and are, owing to their geographical situation and the absence of suitable coalfields, under present conditions practically valueless. The iron deposits of the Murchison stand out prominently before any of the others so far discovered, and though at present neglected are destined to form a very important State asset. No detailed, geological surveys have yet been made of any of the iron deposits of the State, hence even an inventory of the available iron ore supplies can be only a mere approximation.
The iron deposits of Western Australia, when viewed from the standpoint of their geological relation-
Lava flow, bunbury.
25
ships and mode of occurrence, fall naturally into two main classes: —(a) Ores associated with the crystalline schists and other allied rocks and (b) superficial deposits of limonite (laterite), which occupy extensive areas in many and widely - separated portions of the State; and the soft porous deposits of bog ore of comparatively recent origin. The deposits associated with the crystalline schists, which are by far the most important, appear to be very largely developed in the Murchison district. The most important deposits are those at the YVilgie Mia (Weld Range), Mounts Hale, Taylor, and Matthews, and Gabanintha. In addition to these places, however, iron-bearing schists are found almost all over the Murchison goldfield and at numerous other centres in Kimberley, Pilbara, Ashburton, Gascoyne, Peakhill, East Murchison, Mount Margaret, North Coolgardie, Yilgarn, and Phillips River fields, as well as from other localities outside the limits of any legally-defined mining field. The deposits of this type consist of highly-inclined beds, bands and lenses of almost pure hematite (and magnetite), or admixtures in all proportions of hematite and quartz, usually laminated, some of which seem to be the result of the chemical alteration of highly-foliated and crushed belts of greenstone.
The siliceous bands very often attain a width of as much as 10 chains, and can often be followed across country for a great- many miles.
The superficial iron deposits comprise the laterite ores and the bog iron ores.
The laterite ores, together with the gravel resulting from their denudation, are the most widely-distributed ores in the State, but unfortunately they vary greatly in their composition, ranging from a ferruginous bauxite to an almost pure limonite or turgite. The ores are developed mostly on the tops of hills or ranges; in depth they pass gradually without any distinct line of demarcation into the underlying rock, and nowhere do they attain any great thickness. The composition of the ores naturally varies within very wide limits, and is very largely determined by the nature of the underlying rocks. When these belong to the basic series (amphibolites, dolerites, etc.) the over-lying ores are relatively rich in iron; but when the underlying rocks are of the acidic series (granite, etc.)
the ores are poorer in iron and proportionately richer in alumina.
The ores of this class have been used principally for fluxing purposes, for which 57,270 tons valued at =£36,148 have been raised.
The bog iron ores consist of soft porous deposits of hydrated oxide of iron of comparatively recent formation, and are known to occur at one or two places along the southern and western coastline. So far no deposits of this class have been worked in any way.
Coal.—The Collie coalfield is the only one upon which any active operations are being carried on, though there are other districts in the State in which lignites and brown coals occur. The Collie coalfield lies to the east of Bunbury and south of Perth, near the north-western edge of the tableland which succeeds the Coastal Plain. The area occupied by the Collie River coal measures is approximately 50 square miles. The beds consist of alternations of shales, sandstones,
and grits of Permo-Carboniferous age, which rest directly upon granite, schists, and other crystalline rocks. The boundary of the field is, with one exception, everywhere defined by faults. On the southwestern side of the field the boundary fault has been estimated to have a downthrow to the north-east of at least 2,000 ft. There are several coal seams on the field; these are of variable thickness and consist, in descending order, of : —
Cardiff No. 1 seam, 9 to 12 ft.
Cardiff No. 2 (or Boulder) seam, 7 ft.
Collieburn No. 1 seam, 9 ft.
Collieburn No. 2 seam, 6 to 7 ft. 10 in.
Coal (no name), 8 ft.
Proprietary No. 1 seam, 4 to 8 ft.
Proprietary No. 2 seam, 5 to 7 ft. 6 in.
Wallsend seam, 9 to 17 ft.
In addition to these beds a further series of seams in the north-east corner of the field has been discovered, but which cannot at present be correlated with any of those referred to. The seams from this new locality consist, in descending order, of (omitting all those under 3 ft. in thickness):—Coal, 3 ft.; coal, 4 ft.; coal,
6 ft.; coal, 6 ft. 4 in. ; coal, 5 ft. 4 in. ; coal, 4 ft. ;
and coal, 5 ft.
Lake Wav, East Murchison goldfields.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
The coals of the Collie field are hydrous, semi-bituminous, non-caking coals, which approach very closely to lignite in some parts; between the various varieties the differences are only of degree. So far as departmental analyses indicate it appears that the average calorific value of the Collie coal is about 10,000 British thermal units. According to estimates which have been made it seems that, omitting the seams of trifling thickness, there is about 137 ft. of coal in the 2,072 ft. of strata so far explored by mining and boring operations.
Estimates have been made as to the quantity of coal available in the seams so far known, and these are given in the following table: —
Seams Tons
Cardiff No. 1 . 18,175,104
Cardiff No. 2 . 17,547,840
Collieburn No 1 .. 46,433,088
Collieburn No. 2 . 38,996,640
Eight-feet seam (no name) 50,683,968
Wallsend . 138,843,936
310,680,576
The coal production of the State up to the end of 1910 —which is entirely that of the Collie coalfield— amounts to 1,778,158 tons valued at £822,424
Jurassic, Tertiary, and Post Tertiary lignites and brown coals, mostly of poor quality, are known to occur in various portions of the State, but so far little active work has been done upon any of them. No geological surveys have yet been undertaken such as would enable even an approximate estimate to be made of the area or quantity of coal available in these Mesozoic, Tertiary, and recent strata.
Salt.—Salt is obtained from certain depressions in the calcareous sandstones of the coast, which are filled to a shallow depth in winter with salt water. In summer lakes of this type dry up completely, leaving a layer of salt 2 or 3 in thick, which is collected and either consumed locally or exported both as a fine and a crude product. The four localities where salt collecting has been carried on are at Rottnest Island, oft Fremantle; Middle Islands, near Esperance; Yarra Yarra Lakes, near Three Springs; and Lynton, near Port Gregory.
There is a very large number of salt and brine lakes in many districts in the State, but their geographical situation and other causes place them at present beyond the reach of profitable enterprise. So far as records are available it appears that about 3,500 tons of salt valued at £8,525 have been produced in the State up to the close of 1910.
Phosphate Deposits.—The occurrence of phos-phatic fertilizers has such an important bearing on the
future of the agricultural industry that considerable attention has recently been paid to the discovery of these substances. The known phosphate deposits of Western Australia are distributed principally in two localities: —(a) The islands along the coast and (b) a portion of the Coastal Plain between Dongara and Perth.
Up to the present time the chief source of the guano raised is m Houtman’s Abrolhos Islands, which he about 30 miles north-west of Geraldton. That the importance of these deposits is considerable may be judged by the fact that up to the end of 1903 86,165 25 tons of guano valued at £335,591 were exported from the State and a royalty of £41,955 paid to the Government. The guano deposits in these islands are nowhere very thick, varying from 4 to 27 in.
No estimate of the supply of guano on these islands is available, though the last surveys made some years ago showed the available tonnage on several of the islands to amount in the aggregate to 100,490.
Christmas Island in the Recherche Archipelago, about 20 miles south-east of Israelite Bay, contains a fairly large area of phosphatized limestone, which rests upon a foundation of granite. The phosphatized limestone has an average thickness of about 2 ft.
In the neighbourhood of Dandaragan, about 22 miles to the west of Moora, is a series of low hills containing phosphate deposits. These occur in beds which have been followed across country for a distance of about 22 miles, and the rock phosphate is exposed in several places. There appear to be three distinct classes of material among the phosphate deposits, viz., (a) weathered rocks containing from 0 54 to 2 10 per oent. of phosphoric acid; (b) ferruginous sandstones con-
taining phosphates mainly of iron, with from 7 25 to 15 13 per cent, of phosphoric acid, the iron phosphates occurring as dufrenite and vivianite; and (c) fossil bone and coprolite rock containing from 15 32 to 39 34 per cent, of phosphoric acid. The bone-bed has been proved to be about 3 ft. thick, and the underlying ferruginous sandstone, which has been more or less phosphatized by the interaction of ironstone and phosphoric acid derived from the bone-bed, is at least 7 ft. in thickness. The bone-bed is the most important of the deposits, and it is possible that judicious prospecting may result in the discovery of portions much richer in phosphoric acid than any of the outcrops yet tested.
In addition to these rock phosphates there are at Watheroo some cave deposits consisting of evacuations of wallabies, bats, and birds, some of which is of high-grade quality. The value of deposits of this nature depends upon the extent of the caverns and the quantity and quality of the accumulations contained in them. The comparatively reoent cave limestone country which extends practically from Geraldton southward along the
27
coast as far as Albany contains numerous caves that have been proved to contain varying quantities ol guano, but which yet remain to be worked. Without more or less detailed surveys it is obviously an impossibility to make even a rough estimate of the available deposits, which, of course, are exhaustible, or to attempt any forecast as to the life of the phosphate deposits.
Artesian Waters.—Western Australia possesses a large tract of country which actual boring operations have shown to be artesian water-bearing. Artesian water has been found in the Eucla, South-West, North-West, and Kimberley Divisions. The water-bearing strata in the Eucla Division consist ot sandstones, sandy shales, glauconitic marls, etc., lying beneath a great thickness of white limestone. These beds have been proved by then fossil contents to be the equivalents of the Lower Cretaceous strata of Eastern Australia. Five bores have been put down m this plateau, and the watei rises in them to a height equal to that of sea-level. The first bore, situated not far from the sea coast at the foot of the tableland, was carried down to a depth of 2,041 ft. At a depth of 900 ft. the strata pierced consisted of limestone, the remainder being mud, stones, shales, etc. At 2,041 ft. a supply of good stock water was encountered, which issued from a standpipe 2 ft. above the surface, at the rate of 5,700 gal. per diem. The water-carrying beds in the Eucla Plateau have a prevailing dip toward the Great Australian Bight.
The most important portion oi the South-West Division when viewed in the light of the occurrence of artesian water is the Coastal Plain, which practically extends from 29° to 33° southern latitude The plain is really formed by a fringe of strata round the coast, with a more or less gentle slope to the seaward. It is from the strata underlying this plain that the supplies of artesian water have been obtained. The structure of the Coastal Plain differs in many important respects from the typical areas m which artesian water has been obtained in other portions of Australia. The strata are horizontal, or nearly so, though occasionally there is a slight local dip of about 5 to 8 deg. The effect of this horizontality is shown in the fact that the water - carrying beds do not crop out on the surface near the eastern margin of the plain, but impinge directly against that portion of the main range which is concealed from view. The strata do not attain a uniform thickness throughout, but are disposed in the form of lenticular beds, some of which appear to be of exceptionally absorptive properties The mean annual rainfall of the Coastal Plain is from 20 to 30 in., a precipitation which is considerable No systematic observations have as yet been undertaken to ascertain the actual discharge of the numerous rivers which flow across the plain, so that no estimate of the amount of water available for absorption can be even arrived
at. That such must be considerable is obvious from the data collected and tabulated with reference to the discharge of the Helena River, near Perth. The observations were made at two stations—one near Midland Junction, the other near Greenmount. The westernmost locality is situated on the outcrop of the permeable strata of the Coastal Plain and the other on the crystalline (or impermeable) rocks. From the figures obtained it appears that about 22,000,000,000 gall, of water per annum disappeared underground and is capable of being reached by wells. The conditions which prevail over large areas of the Coastal Plain demonstrate that rivers of a much larger catchment discharge their drainage into the plain, and it is therefore only reasonable to assume that a large proportion of the water from the catchments also disappears beneath the surface and helps to feed the artesian reservoir below. So far as the latest official data with reference to the extent of boring operations show there are forty-eight artesian wells in the South-West Division reaching an aggregate depth of 39,378 ft. and yielding a total flow of 15,521,800 gall, per diem.
A considerable portion of what may be called the coastal area of the North-West Division is of considerable economic importance by reason of the fact that artesian water has been found to occur over a wide area, and in consequence of the discovery of which the stockcarrying capacity of this excellent pastoral district has been materially increased. This artesian area extends, so far as determined by such geological mapping as has been carried out, from the mouth of the Murchison River to somewhere about North-West Cape, thus covering about 6° of latitude with a maximum width of over 130 miles. The strata occurring in the valley of the Gascoyne River consist of representatives of the Palaeozoic, Mesozoic, Tertiary, and Post-Tertiary ages, all of which are of importance from the hydrological standpoint The basal beds of the Palaeozoic strata, which cairy a considerable portion of the artesian water in this part of the State, consist of conglomerates, sandstones, and limestones These when viewed broadly are found to have a very gentle dip to the westward, which carries them below the level of Shark Bay. These beds have been pierced in the experimental bore put down at Pelican Hill (Bibbawarra), near Carnarvon, and which was carried down to a depth of 3,011 ft. The record of this importnat bore showed that the first 150 ft comprised clays and limestone of newer or Post-Tertiary age; Middle Tertiary marls and shales were passed through to a depth of 1,238 ft.; Mesozoic (and possibly Cretaceous) clay shale and glauconitic sandstone down to 1,361 ft. ; while the balance of the beds, 1,650 ft in thickness, revealed limestone, black shale, and sandstone as determined by the organic remains of Permo-Carboniferous age. This Pelican Hill bore is of
28
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
importance owing to the fact that it yields an overflowing supply of artesian water at the rate of 520,000 gall, per day drawn from a bed of sandstone 448 ft. in thickness, and forming the lowest bed of the Carboniferous Series penetrated. The basal beds of this formation which constitute the catchment area are well exposed in the headwaters of the Wooramel, Gascoyne, Minilya, and Lyndon River valleys. According to the latest data available there are in all twenty bores in the North-West, reaching an aggregate depth of 32,096 ft. and having a total output of 11,151,620 gal. of water per diem.
The large area of sedimentary rocks sufficiently porous to absorb and transmit water occurring in the Kimberley Division has led to some more or less successful boring operations. The Great Sandy Desert as shown on the maps of Australia is made up of sedimentary rocks disposed in such a way as to form an ideal artesian water-bearing basin. This country extends from Flora Valley to somewhere about the neighbourhood of Lake Disappointment. These sandy beds doubtless continue westward and form the low country which flanks the Ninety-Mile Beach between La Grange
Bay and Poissonier Point. The basal beds of the Carboniferous Series, which form the intake of what may be called the desert artesian area, outcrop along the northern flanks of the valley of the Fitzroy, where the rainfall is greatest. The few bores which have been put down in this perhaps the largest of the Western Australian basins prove that the occurrence of artesian water in the Kimberley Division is no longer a matter of theory.
The following is a summary of the flowing and non-flowing artesian wells in the State, so far as can be gathered from official data:
A. Completed Bokes No.
1 Artesian or flowing wells . . . 54
2. Sub - artesian or non-flowing wells
which can be pumped ... 9
3 Abandoned bores which did not
strike potable water ... .. 6
B. Non-Completed Bores
1. Flowing 3
2 Non-flowing . . . . . 7
3 Dry or nearly dry . . 1
THE FAUNA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
The natural history of Western Australia cannot be studied apart from that of the Australasian region as a whole. Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand are islands now, but in far:back times had a more or less direct land connection with Asia and South America. A map of ocean depths to the 1,500-fathom line shows the position of these former connecting lands very clearly. Along these old connections came the first living creatures, which became the ancestors of the present Australasian land fauna Geologists can tell us something regarding the period when these now sunken lands were above sea-level, for crystalline rocks occur in Fiji and clay slate in the Marquesas group; and such rocks do not appear in islands which have never formed part of a continental mass. During the Palaeozoic period there was assuredly a large continent stretching from' Asia across the South Pacific Ocean, but at the close of that period a big climatal change occurred over a large part of the Southern Hemisphere All the southern half of Australia went through a severe glacial epoch, the evidences of which are still to be distinctly seen in the North-West Division of Western Australia and in the Irwin River basin of that State; on Kangaroo Island and the shores of St. Vincent Gulf, in South Australia; and at Bacchus Marsh, in Victoria. During the succeeding Mesozoic period the configuration of land and sea within the
Australasian region became greatly changed There were great dislocations and subsidences; along the coast of New South Wales it is estimated that the downthrow was at least 12,000 ft. Such a subsidence must have involved the ocean bed far out eastward, and it seems probable that New Zealand became dissevered from the continental masb about this period. Western Australia also became a large island, and Eastern Australia and Tasmania a long narrow peninsula. During the Cretaceous age the sea stretched uninterruptedly right across Australia from north to south and was of great depth, for the sediments in the Lake Eyre basin have by artesian-water bores been proved a mile m thickness. At the close of the Cretaceous epoch a great uplifting of the land began which finally established dry land from west to east, and brought Lake Eyre itself within 39 ft of the present sea-level. With occasional oscillations this uprising is still going on along the south of the continent, but m the north there is a corresponding subsidence taking place and deepening the shallow sea which separates Australia from New Guinea. Toward the close of the Tertiary period this uprising was accompanied by intense volcanic activity along the western side of the former long peninsula, and immense flows of lava occurred over wide areas in Victoria, New South Wales, and Queensland. The old land connection with Asia was now finally broken up, and the configuration
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
29
of the continent became substantially that which it at present appears.
It was while this old connection with Asia, and perhaps South America, lasted that Australia and New Zealand received along that route the ancestral types of their present native faunas. The reptilian forms of life which dominated the earth’s surface during the Mesozoic period had then passed their prime; the birds of the air had become an important feature and the beasts of the field had begun to put in an appearance. These latter were lowly-organized animals and laid eggs. They were the Prototheria, a division now surviving only in Australia, the Platypus and the Echidna, or “native porcupine,” being its representatives. The Metatheria (a more highly-organized division of the mammalia which bring forth their young in a partially-developed condition only, and nourish them at breasts encased in a marsupia or “pouch” until completely developed) became extensively spread over the world during the Tertiary period, but to-day survive only in the Australasian region, and—as the opossum family—in North and South America. After the arrival of the Meta-t h e r i a Australia became separated from the northern land mass, and has remained an island ever since. New Zealand became separated still earlier (apparently about the time of greatest bird life development), but Tasmania, Kangaroo Island, and the islands of west and north-west Australia remained part of Australia long after the arrival of the Metatheria—until quite recent times, in fact. Except bats, rats, and mice, whose means for dispersal over wide areas and across seas are quite exceptional, none of the Eutheria, or true placental mammalia, ever reached Australia until introduced by man. The dingo is a near ally of the dhole of India, though rather more wolf-like and now absolutely untamable permanently.
Among the progenitors of the present marsupial fauna were some giant forms, now known only more or less fully by their fossil remains. There was the Diprotodon, a kind of wombat as large as a rhinoceros, the casts of whose complete skeleton are now in all the principal Australian museums; there was the Noto-therium—an animal as large as (and in some respects
resembling) the Tapirs—a gigantic kangaroo which stood about 12 ft. in height. These were vegetable feeders, but there are remains of large extinct carnivora also, one being named Thylacoleo, because supposed to have been a kind of “pouched" lion. The Thylacinus or “pouched hyena” and the Sarcophilus or “devil”—two species now surviving only in Tasmania—existed on the mainland along with the gigantic creatures just mentioned. There were also struthious birds, allied to the moa of New Zealand, and as large as the ostrich, whose skeletons have been recovered along with the Diprotodon in the dried-up swamps of the Lake Eyre basin. Enormous alligators ranged southward far outside of the tropics, and a land lizard (Megalania), very nearly akin to the present-day “goanna,” but upwards of 20 ft. in length, was the terror of the dry-land creatures. Some giant turtles and tortoises also appear in the life of this ancient period, and as a part of the present-day fauna,
including some of the frogs, have their closest affinities now in South America, it would seem that their ancestors came here while the now submerged South Pacific continent reached as far east as Patagonia.
The changes which caused the extinction of the Diprotodon and his congeners, leaving only their fossil remains distributed from Cape Leuwin to the Gulf of Carpentaria, must be held to have exercised the influence accountable for the distribution of the present fauna as now observed in each of the Australian States. That fauna which is isolated from the rest of the world will still compete within itself for advantages in the battle for existence. A difference in climate, of food supply, or predaceous foes must necessarily lead to modifications of form or habit to contend with such change, or, in the alternative, must cause that fauna to become extinct. It is thus that in Australia, as throughout the world in general, the life regions are zoologically impoverished regions from which all the largest and fiercest creatures have died out; and it is well for man that it should be so.
MAMMALIA.
Of the total mammalian fauna of Australia that part which is now to be found dwelling within the
Ocean Depths Around Australasia.
The shaded portion is deeper tban ]s500 fathoms
30
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
State of Western Australia is only about one-third of the whole number of species. This fact is significant, as the conditions for animal existence in the west are essentially the same as in the eastern half of the continent. The rainfall map of Australia suggests at once the cause of this difference in animal life, for it is the food obtainable which governs the routes the occupying animals must travel in order to reach the areas in which they settle. The “fruit-eating” bats will keep to fruit-producing forests—unless man by planting orchards furnishes the desired source of supply—and such forests in Australia occur only within the rainfall zone of 30 in. and upwards. The large species of kangaroo keep to the great plains and grassy open scrubs, while the smaller species of this family, known as “wallabies,” have their haunts amid brushwood or in rocky places The insect-eating animals find their prey everywhere, especially the “ant-eaters.” The Echidna and the Myrmecobius are the principal ant-eaters in the south, while small “pouched mice” and a blind mole (Notoryctus), which latter is found only in sandhill country, are also “ant-eaters.” The rainfall zones of Western Australia naturally divide the State into four divisions, officially known as the north, north-west, central, and south-west, and the distribution of mammalian species within these divisions and along the sea-coast is strikingly brought out in the following tables. The first table summarizes the whole Australian and Tasmanian mammalia in genera and species, and the proportion of them contained within Western Australia; the second is a detailed list of the western species as distributed through the divisions mentioned.
Table comparing distribution of Australian Mammalia and their occurrence in Western Australia: —
All Australia and Tasmania. Western Australia only.
No. of No ol No. of No. of
Genera Species Qeneia Species
Prototiibria.
Monotremes :—
Ornithorhynchida Platypus i i — —
Echidnidse Native Porcupine i 2 i i
Metathekia.
Marsupials :—
Peramelidse Bandicoots 3 10 3 6
Notoryctidse Mole Ant-eater 1 1 1 1
Dasyuridse Native Cats, etc 8 26 4 10
PhascolomyidiK Wombats I 3 — —
Phalangistidm Opossums, etc. 11 21 5 6
Macropod idle Kangaroos 11 48 7 24
Euthebia.
Land animals:—
Oheiropteia Bats . . 16 33 4 5
Rodentia Mice and Rats 6 18 3 15
Canid# Dingo . 1 1 1 1
Total land mammals 60 164 29 69
Sea animals :—
Sirema Dugong 1 1 1 1
Cetacea:
Balamid® Whales 4 I 5 1 I
Physeteridae Toothed Whales 4 1 6 — —
Delphynidie Dolphins, etc 7 7 1 1
Carnivora : 1
Phocidse Sea Leopard 1 1 _
Otariidae Seals, Sea-Bear 2 2 1 I I
19 22 4 4
Grand total land and marine 79 186 33 73
Full list of Western Australian Mammals, showing their distribution throughout the North, North-West,
Central, and South-West Divisions of the State: —
ORDER I.—MONOTREMATA.
Family. —Eohidnidfe.
Echidna aeuleata (Shaw)
ORDER II.—
Family I.-Sub-Family 1, Myrmecobius fasciatus (Waterh.)
Sub-Family
Sminthopsis crassicaudata (Gld.)
,, murina (Waterh )
Phascologale Blighi (Woodw.)
,, oalura(Gld.)
,, penicillata (Shaw)
,, flavipes (Gray)
„ apicalis (Gray)
Dasyurus hallucatus (Gld.)
„ Geoffroyi (Gld.)
Notoryctu typhlops (Stirl.)
Sub-Order I.-Family 1.-
Native Porcupine
MARSUPIALIA.
—Dasyuridse.
—Myrmecobiinse.
Banded Ant-Eater
2. — Dasyurina.
Fat-tailed Pouched Mouse Common Pouohed Mouse .. Bhgh’s Phasoologale ... Lesser brush-tailed Phascologale Brush-tailed Phascologale Yellow-footed Pouched Mouse . Freckled Phascologale North Aust. Dasyurus ... Geoffroy’s Dasyure
- Poly protodontia.
-Notoryotidas.
Blind Mole Ant-Eater
— NW C sw
— — C sw
— — C sw
NW —
— — — sw
— sw
— sw
N — — sw
— — sw
- NW c —
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
31
Family 2. — Peramelidm.
Choeropus castanotis (Gray) Perameles BarrowenBis (Thos )
„ Bougainvillei (Q. and G.) „ macrura (Old.)
,, obesula (Shaw)
Peragale lagotis (Reid)
Pig-footed Bandiooot Barrow Id. Bandiooot Striped Bandiooot North-West Bandicoot Short-nose Bandicoot Rabbit-eared Bandicoot
Trichosurus vulpecula (Kerr)
,, „ var. fuliginosus (Ogilby)
Pseudooheirus occidentalis (Thos )
Petaurus brevioep3 (Waterh.) , .
Dromioia oonoinna (Gld.)
Family 3.—Phalangistidas. Sub-Family 3.—Phalangerinai.
Common Opossum
Sooty Opossum Ring-tailed Opossum Lesser Flying Opossum Lesser Dormouse Phalanger
Sub-Family 4.—Tarsipedime. Tarsipes rostratus (Gerv. and Yerr.) ... The Tarsipes
Sub-Order II. —Diprotodontia. Family 1.—Macropodidas. Sub-Family 1.—Potoroiine.
Potorous Gilbert! (Gld.)
,, platyops (Gld.)
Bettongia Lesueun (Q. and G.)
,, penicillata (Gray)
Sub-Family 2.— Lagostrophus fasciatns (P. and L.)
Lagorchestes hirsutus (Gld.)
,, conspicillatus var. Leiehardti(Gld. „ „ (Gld.)
Onychogale unguifera (Gld.)
,, lunata (Gld )
Petrogale mornata (Gld.)
,, concinna (Gld. )
„ brachyotis (Gld.)
,, lateralis (Gld.)
Macropus brachyurus (Q. and G.)
,, Eugenei (Desm.)
,, irma (Jourd.)
„ agilis (Gld.)
,, rufus (Desm.)
„ isabellmus (Gld.)
„ robustus (Gld.)
,, „ var. cervinus (Thos.)
,, ,, var Woodwardi (Thos.)
„ giganteus (Zimm.)
Gilbert’s Rat-Kangaroo Broad-face Rat-Kangaroo Lesueur’s Rat Kangaroo Brush-tailed Rat-Kangaroo
Macropodime.
Banded Wallaby Rufous Hare Wallaby
) Spectacled Wallaby Barrow Id. Spectacled Wallaby Nail-tailed Wallaby Crescent Wallaby Plain coloured Riook Wallaby Little Rock Wallaby Short-eared Rook Wallaby Western Australian Rock Wallaby Short-tailed Wallaby Dama Wallaby Black-gloved Wallaby Agile Wallaby Red Kangaroo
Barrow Id. Isabelline-coloured Kangaroo The Wallaroo or Great Kangaroo Hill Kangaroo Woodward’s Kangaroo Great Grey Kangaroo
ORDER IV.—CETACEA. Balasnoptera Sibbaldi (Gray) ,, Sibbald’s Fin Whale
Delphinus delplns (Linn.) ... Dolphin
ORDER V.—SIRENIA.
Halicore Australis (Owen) The Dugong
ORDER VII.—RODENTIA.
Sub-Order II.—Simplioidentata.
Mus Burtoui (Ram.)
,, albocinereus (Gld )
,, nanus (Gld.)
„ assimilis (Gld.)
,, fuscipes (Waterh.)
,, delicatulus (Gld.)
,, ferculiuus (Thos.)
„ sp. nov.
Hydromys fuliginosus (Gld.)
Conilurus longioaudatus (Gld.) ,, Mitohelli (Ogilby)
„ maorurus (Peters)
,, Boweri (Ramsay)
„ Gouldi (Gray)
,, Cervmus (Gld.)
Family.—Muridse.
... Burton’s Rat . . Greyish-white Mouse Little Rat .. Allied Rat
Dusky-sooted Rat . Lagrange Bay Pigmy Mouse Barrow Id. Mouse ... Kimberley Mouse Sooty Beaver-Rat Long-tailed Jerboa-Rat ... Mitchell’s Jerboa-Rat ... Peters’ Jerboa-Rat ... Bower’s Jerboa-Rat ... Gould’s Jerboa-Rat ... Fawn-coloured Jerboa-Rat
ORDER IV.— CHEIROPTERA.
Sub-Order I.—Megacheiroptera.
Family. —Pteropodidse.
Pteropus Gouldi (Peters) ... Red-naped Kalong or Flying Fox
I
I
l
N NW c
— NW —
— —
— NW —
— — —
— — —
NW
-
— — -
N NW c
N NW c
— — —
— — —
NW
— NW —
N — —
NW —
N - —
— — —
N NW c
N NW c
N NW 0
N — —
— — —
— — —
—
N —
— NW 0
— NW —
— 0
c
N — —
- - ~
NW
— NW
N NW —
N
— C
N NW c
N NW c
— —
N
— NW
N — —
— —
— — 0
— —
— NW
N NW NW c
N
N —
SW
sw
SW
sw
sw
sw
sw
SW
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
sw
32
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
Sub-Order II —Microcheiroptera
Vesperugo pumilus (Gray) Family —Vespertilionidse. Little Bat of Perth sw
Chalinolobus morio (Gray; Chocolate Bat of Perth — sw
,, Gouldi (Gray) Gould’s Bat sw
Nyctophilus Geoffroyi (Leach) Geoflroy’s Bat — — sw
,, timoriensis (Geoff ) Western Nyctophilus — — — sw
Nyctinomus Australis (Gray) Family. —EmballonuridEe. White-striped Bat N C
Otaria Forsteri (Lesson) ORDER XI.-CARNIVORA. Sub-Order I.—Pinnipedia. . . Sea-bear or Seal sw
Canis Dingo (Blum.) Sub-Order II —Fissipedia. Family. —Camdas. Dingo or Wild Dog N NW c sw
Of the total of seventy-two species in the list given, sixty-eight are land animals, and of these latter nineteen are to be found in the central division or dry interior having an annual rainfall of less than 10 in. Ten of these species, vis., the dingo, three rats, three wallabies, two rat-kangaroos, and a bandicoot, have spread to all the other divisions; four other species are divided with the north-west and south-west divisions; and five species are restricted within the central division only.
In the north and north-west there are thirty-five species, twenty-one of which do not extend southward, ten of them being restricted absolutely to the north and ten to the north-west. In the south-west division there are thirty-nine species, of which one extends to the central and one through the central to the north-west; while no fewer than twenty-seven are absolutely restricted to the south-west division itself Such facts demonstrate conclusively that it was not from the north, nor from the central division of the continent, that Western Australia received its mammals, but by all three routes and principally along that of the south coast. That ancient coastline (formerly extending to Tasmania, and with extensive lakes and marsh lands behind it) has now broken up, and the Great Bight takes its place save for the extreme south-west corner of the continent. It was due to these ancient marsh lands that the Diprotodon, the Sthenurus, the Koala or “native bear,” and the wombat once reached and dwelt in this south-west division, but where only their fossilized remains now. occur.
This breakdown of the southern coastline was coeval with the intense volcanic activity in south-eastern Australia Did man see these volcanic fires * And was that man the now extinct, woolly-headed type which survived till a few years ago in Tasmania ? The answers are yes. The dingo is an alien introduced into the fauna by'man, and its competition with the pouched hyena (Thylacinus) and the “devil” (Sarcophilus) caused their extinction on the mainland, while the remnant cut off in Tasmania still survives m that island. The dingo bones have been found under the volcanic ashbeds of Mount Gambier, in South Australia, and from that same district the fossil bones of an extinct bird of the
emu type were found to have been scarred by some cutting instruments
Economically the mammalia of Australia is of small service to man. The skins of the opossum and the kangaroo form articles of trade, but the flesh of none is much esteemed. The dingo being untamable and destructive to sheep is shot or poisoned as vermin. In the old days of gold digging in Victoria kangaroo hams were a staple commodity of the Melbourne markets. In view of the reputation Victorian pork-ham curers still maintain it may be of interest to publish here the recipe used in the golden days for curing kangaroo hams in lots of fifty at a time (it may be useful to the new settlers in the West) : —Common salt, 15ft).; treacle, 2 ft>.; coarse brown sugar, 3 ft) ; saltpetre, 3 oz ; and carbonate of soda, 4 oz These were mixed in a tub of cold water until a potato would just float in the brine, which must never be boiled. The hams were then soaked in the brine for five days, with occasional turning. They were afterwards hung up to dry, and when properly dried were smoked for three or four days m a smokehouse made of boughs of the tea-tree, constructed over a small pit in the ground, in which banksia cones and wood were kept smouldering. The kangaroo hams prepared in this way became a staple article of diet in Melbourne and on the goldfields, and were said to be indistinguishable from the best reindeer hams of Europe.
BIRDS.
The latest published list of Australian birds enumerates 873 species, inclusive of those ocean-flying species which visit the coasts only at intervals. These ocean fliers and the birds which frequent only the inlets and estuaries along the coast number eighty-nine species
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
33
all told, which leaves 784 forms that may be distinctively termed 'Tand-biids,” and whose distribution over the continent is more or less governed by the existence of a continuous land surface. Of these 784 species only 438, or less than 56 per cent, of the whole, are to be found in the western half of Australia, and only eighty-eight of these are common over both halves of the continent. Although the conditions for living are not greatly different in east and west, it is seen that no less than 44 per cent of the forms of bird life still cling to that long narrow tract of Eastern Australia which, with the exception of Bass Strait, extends unbroken from Cape York on Torres Strait to the southernmost point of Tasmania. In that long and mountainous tract two very distinct sub-regions of bird life appear. One is the Cape York Peninsula, which contains many forms of both mammalian and bird life that do not occur in the Northern Territory on the western side of the Carpentaria Gulf Zoologically it is closely allied to New Guinea and contains two small tree-climbing kangaroos, three “birds of Paradise,” a “cassowary,” two “brush turkeys,” and a host of fruiteating pigeons. The other district or sub-region is practically the coast slopes of New South Wales, in which occur the famous lyre bird family, an enormous development of sea-coast birds, and a relative paucity of variety among the parrots and cockatoos. Inland from the ocean slopes of Queensland and New South Wales the bird life of the plains and the scattered scrubs begins; the forest bird life is absent; the watercourses and occasional swamps develop a fauna of remarkable sameness, and this feature is characteristic right across Central Australia to the shores of the Indian Ocean.
The bird life of the western half of Australia is far older in origin than its mammalian life, but, like the latter, has spread to the Western Australian coast by three distinct routes. One stream has come down from the Northern Territory through the Kimberley district, and sent a few stragglers as far southward as the North-West Cape Prom Central Australia most of the forms common to the whole western region have come, a few forms only reaching right to the nor’-west coast. Along the south coast, as formerly existent, the third stream came; and in the extreme south-west corner of the continent can now be witnessed the extent of variation into peculiarly restricted species which have evolved as the result of long isolation from the original family groups in the east. Of 264 species of land-birds in this south-west corner no fewer than 193 have come from South Australia—that is to say, from the land round Spencer Gulf and the lower reaches of the Murray River, a region itself possessing but 323 species of land- and river-birds. From Central Australia and Western Queensland—a region containing 186 characteristic bird forms—fifty-two species have passed into Western Aus-
D
tralia. Of the 297 species of land birds recorded as occurring in the Kimberley and nor’-west divisions of the State there are 138 species directly common with that part of North Australia west of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and have their closest affinities with Indian and Indo Malayan forms. The three streams of immigration—the northern, central, and southern—are thus equally clearly marked. The total number of land- and sea-birds recorded for Western Australia (and at the present time regarded as well-established species) is 491. Of this total fifty-three are sea-birds and 438 land-birds. Of the latter some 383 species have come in as colonists from North or East Australia, leaving but forty-five species, or some 10J per cent., as autochthonous species or variants evolved within the State itself.
It is the number of species restricted to particular districts or regions which marks off the distinctive life-regions of the world or of a country. The complete separation between the northern, western, and southern parts of Western Australia from its central portion is clearly shown m the following tabulation: —
TABLE SUMMARIZING THE DISTRIBUTION OF WESTERN AUSTRALIAN BIRDS.
Land-birds—
Common to all Australia 88
Common to all Western Australia only 71
Species restricted to one division—
Restricted to N. Division 104
,, ,, N.W. Division . 11
,, ,, C. Division 21
,, ,, S W. Dinsion 63
— 199
Species only partially restricted—
Common to N. and N.W. 26
,, ,, N. and N.WT. andC. 5
,, „ N. and C. . 5
„ N W. and C. 2
,, ,, N W. and C. and
S W. 2
„ „ N.W and S AY. . 5
,, ,, S W. and 0 36
— 80
Total land-birds ~438
Sea-birds 53
Grand total for State 491
The distinction between the north and south parts of the State is thus seen to be a strongly marked one, and without any well-defined intermediate or mixed zone. In the north there are 104 species which do not spread southward, and in the south there are sixty-three species which do not spread northward. The little redbreasts or ‘robins” of the south are not identical with the “robins” of the north, nor are they with those of the interior or central region. Neither are the magpies, the shrike-tits, or the tree-creepers identical. Even
34
among that widely-distributed and large order of the Psittaci or parrot group there are only the five forms which are spread over all Australia that are common to north and south. These are the “red-collared Lorikeet” (Tnchoglossis rubntorques), which feeds on honey of the eucalyptus-trees; the “white cockatoo” (Gacatua yalemta), which ranges out of Australia into the Malay Archipelago as far as the Moluccas; the “many-coloured parrakeet” (Psephotis multicolour), the little “shell-parrot” ( M elopsittacus undulatus), known also as the “beteherrygah” and “warbling grass-parrakeet”; and the “cockatiel” or "cockatoo parrot” (Galopsittacus Novce Hollandce), a beautiful and common cage bird pet In pigeons, ibises, and egrets the north division is the richer, but the south is richer in quails, moorhens, and wild ducks. The emu, the crane, the wild “turkey” (Eupodotis Australis), the plovers, and the sandpipers are so well known and general in distribution as to call for no comment The drongo is a northern bird which ranges from Madagascar through India and China to North Australia
In viewing the distribution of sea-birds along the Western Australian coasts the Antarctic and Indian birds are seen to be much more prominent than they appear in the richer bird fauna of Eastern Australia. The “King Albatross,” which accompanies every ship crossing the Great Australian Bight, does not come up the coast north of Cape Leeuwin, but Carter’s Albatross is an ocean flier often seen at the North-West Cape. The small penguin (Eudyptula minor) is not uncommon along the south coast, and the frigate-bird and the “red-tailed” and the "white-tailed” tropic-birds are common on the north coast. Gannets are restricted to the north coast, but grebes and cormorants are very generally distributed.
Of distinct menace to the continuance of many forms of Australian bird life—if not to their ultimate extinction altogether—is the trade in ornamental bird skins. To this is superadded the wanton destructiveness of the sportsman and the ill-advised efforts of the agriculturists and fruit-growers, who regard certain species as pests to their industry. The trade in bird skins for the sake of plumage sadly needs legal regulation, and the different State Governments are now wakening to the fact Emu skins have sold in London this year at 17s 6d. each, and whole consignments of skins of the bower-bird were marketed there at Is 7d per skin. The lyre-bird is now getting so scarce that only fifty-two tails were catalogued for sale in London during the first half of this year. Pigeons in North and East Australia and the small birds such as the “silver-eye” (Zosterops) and the parrots certainly do interfere with fruit- and grain-growing, but not nearly to the same extent as the introduced sparrows and starlings. Furthermore, the native bird never forsakes entirely
the quest of its natural prey, the native insects, and its services to man m this respect are incalculable. The grasshopper and the caterpillar pests are kept down wholly by insect-eating birds such as the wild turkey and the ibis, yet these birds are shot whenever opportunity is afforded The plumed egret (Mesophoyx plumi-fera) for the sake of its plumage is shot down by the thousand every year, and unless the millinery craze for its plumage is diminished a few years more will practically see these birds extinct in Australia. In each of the Australian States there is now a Government reserve area for the preservation of the native fauna and flora, but a more rigorous enforcement of the laws regulating the shooting of wild birds and a “close” season each year is an immediate want, and one severely felt.
REPTILIA AND AMPHIBIA.
The reptilia and amphibia of any region are always interesting subjects for study on account of the very ancient lineage of these creatures Their advent into the animal kingdom far antedates that of birds and mammals, hence their present distribution and develop ment furnish a valuable clue to a country’s past geological history. The simpler or more elementary is the organization either in plant or animal life the more widespread will it be found to have been in area and the more ancient in geologic time. Reptile life requires very little oxygen, the digestion is remarkably slow, and the blood temperature is almost the same as the atmosphere or watery environment in which it dwells. Warmth and moisture are its two great requisites for existence, and as a normal feature the abundance of such life is greater toward the equatorial regions than in the reverse direction. It is a notable fact, however, in this connection that, though individually the snakes in temperate climates are less numerous than in hot regions, the number of poisonous species of snakes in proportion to the non-venomous kinds Seems to increase in cold climates.
G> ocodiles.—There are two varieties of crocodiles in Australia, and both are met with in the rivers of the north coast of Western Australia One is the common Indian crocodile, which ranges eastward in the tropics, occasionally as far as the Fiji Islands. The other is the Grocodiliis Johnstoni, and is an inoffensive creature.
Lizards.—Australia has some 300 species of lizards, and 105 of them occur in Western Australia. Of these species fifty-one are credited with being generally distributed throughout the State, but of the remainder no fewer than thirty-two are found within the north-we»t division, and fourteen of them absolutely restricted to it. There are twenty-seven species in the south-west division, of which fourteen are in like manner restricted
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
35
Only one species is restricted to the central division and only three to the extreme north division, so that it would appear the western coast district of the State is the principal home of the lizard family in the western half of the continent. The Gecko family, numbering twenty-seven species, is most strongly representative of the northern lizards; the Agamidae—in which family are the well-known “Mountain Devil” (Moloch homclui) and the “frilled lizard” (Chlamyclosarus Kingi)—contains twenty-five species, and is most representative of the north-west division; and the Scincidse or “Skinks” with forty species—among which is the “stump-tailed lizard”—is mainly characteristic of the south-west division. The “long-tailed iguana” or “goanna” (Vara-nus vanus) is one of a family of seven species only, and its largest representative is to be found in the north.
Snakes.—Australia has about 100 species of snakes, of which three-quarters of the number belong to the venomous kinds. Only four or five of them are, however, really dangerous, and it has been laid down as a fact that no snake, however long it be, which does not bulk thicker than a man’s little finger can by its bite endanger the life of an adult human being. The number of snake species recorded for Western Australia is sixty-five.
Sea-snakes, all venomous, number twelve species, and are fairly plentiful in the tropical seas and different estuaries of the north coast. They spend all their existence in the sea-water. Six species are “blind snakes,” perfectly harmless, which burrow after white ants beneath decaying timber. They are distributed through all the coast districts from south to north. Six other species belong to the Pythonidse or “Boa” family, and are also non-venomous. They obtain their largest size in the tropical coast divisions, often being 11 ft. in length and 14 in. in girth. Their haunts are the fringing reeds of large water-pools and permanent springs. The Elapidse family, which numbers thirty-three species, contains the most venomous snakes in Australia, the red-bellied black snake (Pseudechis), the brown snake (Diemenia), and the death adder (Acanthophis) being the three most rightly dreaded. The little “white- and black-ringed snake” of this family (Vermicella anmi-p2
lata) is the other extreme of this poisonous group, and its bite is no more harmful than the sting of a bee. This venomous group contains fifteen species, commonly ranging over the whole State; ten others are restricted to the south-west division, and eight are oonfined to the north and north-west divisions.
Turtles and Tortoises.—The “green turtle” (Ghel-oma Midas) of the nor’-west coast has attracted commercial attention latterly, and samples of its Calipee and Calipash have been officially reported by London dealers to be worth Is. 6d. per ft). Queensland samples sell at from 6d. to Is 9d., but the best West Indian fetches as much as 4s. The Western Australian “long-neck tortoise” (Chelodina oblonga) is specifically distinct from the two other forms found in the swamps and rivers of Eastern Australia. There are no
tortoises in Tasmania.
Frogs.—There are five species of frogs in the State, two of the species being tree-frogs (Hyla aures on the mainland and Hyla rubella on the Ahrolhos Islands). The tree-frogs will invade houses and wage destructive war on cockroaches. The frogs of the Swan River (Myo-batraclims paradoxus) is not a croaker like ordinary frogs, but emits a high-pitched groan which sounds like a human being in distress, and has a weird effect on listeners. It is even said that the perfunctory exploration of the Swan River made by the French expedition early in the last century was due to the boatmen becoming terrified by the ear-piercing groans of these frogs. At any rate, the French ascended the river no farther than the site of Perth, though there is navigable water for a full score of miles beyond it.
FISHES.
Fishes have a still more ancient lineage than any land animal and have been widely distributed from very early ages. Hence it is not remarkable that in the fish fauna of Australia there should be very little which is distinctively Australian in character. Along the south coast and extending to Tasmania and New Zealand the fish life is principally that characteristic of the temperate portion of the whole South Pacific
86
Ocean. Down the east and west coasts of Australia spread fishes from the warmer equatorial waters. On the Western Australian coast a mixture of these warm and cold water faunas is met with all the way from Mandurah, some 40 miles south of Perth, right up to Shark Bay, and possibly as far as the North-West Cape itself. The number of species of fish at present recorded for Western Australian waters is about 220, but our knowledge in this respect is still very incomplete. In fact, the systematic study of the occurrence and distribution of fishes in the West has scarcely yet been begun, and the economical aspect of the question has been left mainly to chance as an industry which would develop of itself somehow, like the industry of golddigging. The Department of Fisheries has this year been completely reorganized, with a view of systematic development of the State’s fish resources. As an index of what may be learnt by further research in Western Australia it is significant to compare the proportion of “table fishes” to the total number of species catalogued. The British seas have 208 species, of which forty only rank as edible; New Zealand has 243 species and thirty-three edible; Tasmania, 207, of which one-third is really edible, but only twenty-one ordinarily sold in the markets; while Western Australia has already some forty marketable species out of the 220 now known. During a Government-conducted trawling expedition from Fremantle to Shark Bay, about five years ago, the trawl was cast 100 times, and on an average three out of every four casts brought up a species new to the coast; and ten of these were new to Science both m species and genera. The fresh-water fishes of the State, owing to the absence of large rivers, can never be important economically; but the sea-fishes which visit the coasts in search of a favourite food have their distribution governed by the warm or cold water currents bearing that food Swarms of medusae, mol-lusca, and larval crustaoea crowd along the coast according to season and attract shoals of small fishes, which in turn are pursued by enemies usually inhabiting waters elsewhere The study of the ocean temperatures which regulate the lower forms of life on which the fishes feed has as yet not even been attempted as far as Westralian seas are concerned, though the data could easily be obtained from the engine-room records of the trading steamers. That a big fishing industry is possible and will yet be developed along the Western Australian coast is certain, and must attain to great export dimensions. Even such countries as Italy and Spain draw over one- and a half millions sterling every year from their “Harvest of the Sea.” The total “catch” of Western Australia each year is about 1,500 tons, worth about £52,000, while nearly an equal sum of money is spent on importing cuied fish from abroad.
MOLLUSC A, ETC.
Space does not admit of any extended discussion of the minor marine organisms of the Westralian seas. There is nothing distinctively Australian about them, except those along the south coast. Northward the characteristic forms of the tropical waters occur. The pearling industry (which begins at Shark Bay and extends to the extreme north coast) produces about
1,000 tons of pearl-shell (worth over £150,000) and about £50,000 worth of pearls annually. Good sponges occur freely at all points where the sea bottom is composed of the crystalline rocks, but, so far, have been neglected.
ENTOMOLOGY.
Insects with a world-wide range are rare in Australia, but the insect fauna of the continent is a particularly large one. It is enormously rich in beetles, flies, wasps, bugs, and, to a slightly lesser extent, in butterflies and moths. The peculiar characteristics of the Australian insects are so marked that it is claimed an expert in such matters would at once recognize any specimen as from Australia. From New South Wales northward there is, as was to be expected, an increasing analogy with the insect fauna of the Malayan Archipelago and Southern India, and even a slight admixture of species. From New South Wales to Tasmania the insect fauna has its nearest affinities with that of New Zealand and Western Polynesia. In the open sandy plains of the interior of Australia, and extending to the heath and tangled scrubs of the West, the affinities are strongest with the insect fauna of South Africa, but the differences are all strongly marked.
It is estimated that a full catalogue of Western Australian insects would run to quite 30,000 species, but only the barest fringe of this great field of work has yet been entered. The three distant relationships of the Australian to other insect faunas, and its own peculiarly distinctive character, attest the long-continued isolation to which it has been subjected and the extremely early period of its origin. The development of this fauna has, however, proceeded under the same forces as those pertaining to other parts of the world; hence all the familiar forms of northern hemisphere insect life and its province in the economy of Nature have “representative forms” in Australia. Thus there are dragon-flies by the sides of streams; there are wasps, hornets, bees fall small and no larger than the common house-fly), mosquitoes, flies, fleas, cockroaches, spiders, etc, all fulfilling their natural work and appearing almost identical with the northern familiar forms. That the competition for existence between the different forms of insect life had long ago reached a normal level or balance in Australia is also attested by the general
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
37
rule that its insect distribution is governed by the distribution of plants; where certain plants are widespread the insects which live upon them are widespread also, though absent from the intermediate areas in which the plants do not occur.
These are significant facts and very suggestive of valuable results if carefully pursued. Scarcity of food or the destroying influence of parasites and insect-devourers could alone have brought about this long-continuing balance. Hence it is in Australia that a unique opportunity is afforded for the study of economic entomology, uncomplicated very far as yet by man’s introduction of competing forms from abroad. All the Australian Governments are now giving this matter attention, for though the introduced destructive pests are many, there are several native pests which are
equally able to woik mischief to farm, garden, and orchard. The settlers who in Western Australia are now clearing away some 400 square miles of native vegetation annually are also destroying the natural food of the native insects in those parts. The plant life grown in its place may prove quite as acceptable for insect food as that which was cleared off—at least for some forms of vegetable-feeders—and as the parasites have been destroyed and an abundance of one particular kind of food provided where once the native special food was relatively scarce the farmer finds he has made a pest of what was formerly no pest This is now one of the great insect problems of Western Australia.
Speaking in general terms, the insect life of Western Australia is not of very great discomfort to human life, nor is it dangerous to the domestic animals.
THE FLORA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
HISTORICAL NOTICES.
The flora of Western Australia, like the fauna of that State, cannot be studied apart from that of all Australia.
The study of Australian botany is marked by three very distinct phases.
The continent being an island, without navigable rivers to give access inland, its vegetation became first known along the whole circuit of its coastline, and before even a glimmer of knowledge had been obtained concerning the character of its inland regions.
The second phase began after the Blue Mountains had been successfully crossed and exploring expeditions had examined the head waters of the numerous rivers which drain the inland slopes and flow out into the great plains to the west.
The third phase began when the Eastern States became self-governing and appropriated portions of their revenues to maintaining State gardens under expert botanical direction. A close study of the native flora ensued, its distribution became ascertained, and its economic limitations clearly defined. By means of the precise information thus acquired colonists were helped to a knowledge of the oorrect lines on which to cultivate to economic advantage such other plants as they found it necessary to introduce from abroad.
The English knowledge of the Australian flora, curiously enough, begins with the visit of William Dampier to the coast of Western Australia in the year 1688, or nineteen years befoie the birth of Carolus Linnaeus, the
founder of botanical science. Dampier in 1697 published the narrative of his voyage and illustrated it with drawings of some of the new plants brought home by him. Crude as these drawings are, and ill-preserved the specimens from which they were taken, those familiar with Australian botany find little difficulty in recognizing most of the plants figured The casuanna, the tea-tree, the Sturt pea, and a prickly solanum are among those most easily distinguishable.
Eighty-two years after Dampier’s first visit to north-west Australia Captain Cook’s expedition, having the botanists Banks and Solander on board, discovered the coast of east Australia; and at Botany Bay they made the first collection of Australian plants gathered by scientists Altogether about 1,000 species were obtained while on the Australian coast and the beginnings of Australian botany were firmly laid. Menzies, who was botanist of Vancouver’s expedition in 1771, made a further collection of plants when Vancouver discovered King George Sound, and a year later Labillardiere, the naturalist with D’Entrecasteaux’s expedition, again augmented the list of known plants by the collections gathered by him on the south coast of Tasmania.
When Flinders in 1802 started his exploration of the Australian south coast there had by that time become scientifically known about 1,300 species of Australian plants. Flinders had with his expedition the now famous botanist Robeit Brown, and so assiduously did Brown collect that he raised the total number 'of
38
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
flowering species to nearly 4,000, a truly splendid achievement. This collection was, by a strange coincidence, representative of the two great gulf systems of Australia—that from the south coast being from the east end of the Great Bight to St. Vincent Gulf and Kangaroo Island, and that from the north including all the flat shores round the Gulf of Carpentaria and' the escarpment of desert tableland along the north coast of the Northern Territory. Flinders’ voyages terminated in 1803, but it was not till 1814 that his narrative was published. Baudin, the French explorer whom Flinders met in Encounter Bay, had meanwhile pirated all Flinders’ discoveries, incorporating them with his own work down the north-west and west coast of Australia. Leschenault de. la Tour, the botanist of his expedition, had, however, but few opportunities to add to collections until the expedition put into the Geo-
work of his successor as Surveyor-General, Mr. (now Right Honourable Sir John) Forrest, completed the line of exploration across the centre of Australia from east to west. Cunningham’s collections during King’s voyages brings to an end the first phase of our knowledge- of the Australian flora, the flora of a region isolated from the rest.of the world, its own natural vegetation protected from intruders by
‘■'The long wash of Australian seas..” .
The second phase of Australian botanical explorations—that of the region inland—did not begin until after King’s last voyage. Allan Cunningham remained in Australia to pursue his studies at the cost of the Home Government, and in 1823 he led an exploring expedition northward along the western foot of the Blue Mountains, crossed the Liverpool Plains in a subsequent journey, and reached as far north as the latitude
Spider Orchid.
graphe Bay and discovered Leschenault Inlet, where now the town of Bunbury stands.
The botany of the west, south-east, and north coasts had become fairly known as the results of the foregoing discovery voyages. When Flinders’ narrative was published in 1814 the British Government decided to have the unknown north-west coast also surveyed and thus complete the outline of the map of Australia. Lieutenant King’s voyages from 1817 to 1821 were made with this object, and as his landings promised to be frequent the famous botanist, Allan Cunningham, having been specially sent out from Kew Gardens to study Australia’s flora, was attached to the expedition. One of King’s other officers was Lieutenant Roe, afterwards Surveyor-General of Western Australia, and in this connection it is interesting to note that just as Lieutenant Roe’s surveying work completed the Australian coastline, so the
spider Orchid.
of Brisbane. Cunningham added 1,300 new species to the flora., and his death when accompanying Mitchell’s expedition in 1835 was an irreparable loss. The work done by others also increased the list considerably. Captain Stirling, when founding the Swan River colony in 1829, had introduced a staff of gardeners with James Drummond in charge, and planted Government gardens' Drummond became a permanent settler in the colony and made extensive collections of the native plants, which collections he sent to Europe. His assistants— Gilbert, Morrison, and Mangles—also made extensive collections and disposed of them. Wilson, Baxter, and Collie gathered largely in the Cape Leeuwin corner and along the south coast, while Surveyor-General Roe always collected extensively during his journeys inland. Much of the material thus collected passed into Cunningham’s hands, and in 1833 the Austrian traveller
Flannel Flower.
39
Baron Huegel visited the Swan River colony and made a big collection. Altogether, at the time of Cunningham’s death the tabulated flora had reached to about
6,000 species of flowering plants, and some considerable progress had been made in systematically grouping them. Thenceforth and until the era of the gold discoveries many collectors were at work in the more accessible or settled parts. Ludwig Preiss in 1838, and Backhouse a little later, made extensive collections in both Eastern and Western Australia; Lawrence, Caley, Hooker, and Ronald Gunn added extensively to the eastern flora— Gunn essaying a complete collection of all the plants of Tasmania. At Albany in 1848 Maxwell established himself in business as a collector and exporter of native plants and seeds.
With the era of gold-digging came a prosperity which enabled the colonies to expend money for scien-
Museums and the Public Libraries are so well stocked with specimens and botanical literature that the study of Australian botany is now easy to cultivate, either in its purely scientific aspect or as science applied to industry.
The full flora of Australia, inclusive of the higher seaweeds and fungi, probably runs to over
10,000 species. Of the vasculare or veined - leaf plants the list of authoritatively, - established and fully-recognized species approaches 9,000 and new discoveries continually increase the number. The complete working up of all this material we owe to many hands working more or less independently; from which circumstance many species have been several times named and new systems of classification and groupings frequently introduced. Botany is a progressive science, and it is well to remember that the
HOVEA.
GREVILLEA,
Boron i a,
tific or aesthetic purposes. The State garden established in Melbourne was fortunate in having appointed to it as Director and Colonial Botanist the late Baron von Mueller. For the development of Australian botany this was a most happy appointment, for the hour and the man had both arrived. The Baron’3 work in Victoria, supplemented by the work of Dr. Woolls in Sydney and of Professor Tate in Adelaide, practically completed the pioneer work in Australian botany and established it on a sound natural basis, which further workers may expand, but which further discoveries are little likely to alter. In all the Australian States now there are established botanic gardens maintained at the Government expense, and each State has a department of botany. The economic phase has been developed in forestry and agriculture, and the Technological
systematic study of Australian plants grew with the schools founded by the giants of the eighteenth century. Sir Joseph Banks was not a botanical writer, but he was a great collector and helper of other botanical workers. Solander, his fellow-traveller, was a British Museum official who had but little time for writing, though as a pupil of the great Linnaeus he was well able to do so. Another pupil of Linnaeus, named J. Rheinold Forster, was botanist of Cook’s second voyage, and on his return he wrote much concerning Australian botany. Sir J. E. Smith published a small number of illustrations of Australian plants in 1793, and De la Billiardiere (or Labilliardiere) published in Paris in 1804-6 a summary of Australian results to that date, including his own work as naturalist to the D’Entrecasteaux expedition.
40
1'HE CVctOPEblA Ot WESl’EJiK AtfiTtlALlA
But it was uot until Robert Brown (the botanist of Flinders’ voyage), working up the vast material collected by himself and Banks, began in 1810 to publish a prod-romus of the Australian flora that progress worthy of the subject was really attained. Sir Joseph Banks has been called the “Father of Australia,” but m a much truer sense Robert Brown was the “Father of Australian Botany.” As late as 1830 Brown brought out a supplementary volume to his prodromus, and the first paper published by the Royal Geographical Society is by him, and is a discussion of the botany of the Swan River district of Western Australia. Bauer, who was Brown's draughtsman during Flinders’ voyage, and who afterwards remained some years in New South Wales, published in 1813 a volume of illustrations of the Australian flora, and Robert Sweet did a similar work in 1827.
Of Western Australian botany in particular the collection made by Huegel in 1837 was worked out by Endlicher, Fenzl, Bentham, and Schott and the results published in Vienna The collections which Ludwig Preiss made in Western and Eastern Australia during the years 1844-7 were worked at by different specialists and the results embodied m two volumes edited by Lehman. The botany of Western Australia underwent a critical revision at the hands of Baron von Mueller, who accompanied Gregory’s expedition across North Australia and afterwards exhaustively investigated the forest resources of the south-western division of Western Australia on behalf of the Government His report is beautifully illustrated with a figure of every one of the timber forest trees in that division of the State, and is still a textbook on the subject The opening up of the Western Australian goldfields rendered accessible to collectors a strip of back country nearly 300 miles wide, and this great increase of new ground tempted Spencer LeM. Moore and Diehls and Pritzel to make special collecting tours in search of new forms or the acquisition of new facts Government exploring expeditions into the Kimberley division during recent years have also extended our knowledge of Western Australian tropical vegetation. All these later results have not yet been fully worked up, nor are they incorporated in the list published in a special natural his tory volume of the State issued by the Registrar-General in 1904.
Where so much work has been independently done, and where the results have been published in such a scattered manner, it is difficult and even impossible for Australian students to refer to all the works in which the plants were originally described and figured. In the absence of herbariums and published local floras this is a grave impediment to the student, and the number of species of which good drawings exist is still all too few —probably less than 25 per cent, of the whole. To
obtain descriptive characters in a handy compendium is possible by consulting the “Flora Australiensis,” a work in seven volumes by George Bentham; but the last volume of this work was published in 1876 The British Government bore the cost of this great publication, Bentham’s remuneration being £150 per volume Baron von Mueller carried on the labour of recording new discoveries after Bentham, and his “Fragmenta Phyto-graphia Australia” is the standard reference work since Bentham’s time. Floras have been recently published by all the Eastern Australian States, but as they are not based on one common system of naming and grouping the data contained within their pages help the student of one State’s flora very little in comparing it with the floras of other States For such purposes the “Census” prepared by Baron von Mueller in 1889 is still practically the only single work available. It will therefore be both interesting and helpful to enumerate the chief older works m which the Australian plants were first described and figured, and copies of which are to be found m some of the Public Libraries of the Australian States Those marked * are m the Perth Public Library.
*1697. Dampier. A voyage to New Holland
1776. Forster. Oharacteres generum plantarum
quas in ltmere ad insulas maris australis colle-gerunt. London, to , 76 pp., 75 plates.
1786. Forster. Florulse insularum Australium Prodromus Gottingen, 1786, 8vo.
*1793. J. E. Smith. A specimen of the botany of New Holland. London, 4to, 16 col plates, by
James Edward Smith, Pieisident of the Linnean Society.
1797. Forster. Herbarium Austiale Gottingen,
8vo.
1804-6. De la Billiaidiere. No vie Hollandise plant-arum specimen. Pans, 4to, 2 vols., 112 pp. and 130 pp and 265 plates.
*1810 Cox. Illustrations of the botany of Cook’s voyage. Parts 1. and II.: “Australian
Plants,” a series of 213 copperplate engravings made at the private cost of Sn Joseph Banks and published m two large volumes m 1900 by the Biitish Museum.
1810 Robt. Brown. Piodromus Flora Nova?
Holiandue et insulae van Diemen London, 8vo
1813 Bauer, Ferdinand, ljlustiationes Flora Novae Hollandia?.
1814. Robt. Brow n. General remarks on the (geog and system) botany of Teria Australis. 4to, 84 pp., 10 plates
1824-5. De la Bilhardiere Sertum Austro caie-donicus. Pans, fo , 2 parts, 83 pp , 80 plates.
”1825 Cunningham. Botany of the mountain country between the colony round Port Jack-son and the settlement of Bathurst. 8vo (This is one of the papers in Baron Field’s Memoirs on New South Wales.)
1827. Guillemm leones plantarum Australasia? variorum. Paris, small fo , 2 parts, 20 pp , 14 plates
“1827 Robt Sweet Flora Australasica Laige 8\ o , 56 col plates.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
1830. Robt. Brown. Supplementum primum Prod-romi Flora: Nova: Hollandise. 8vo., 40 pp., describing the plants collected by Baxter, Caley, Cunningham, Fraser, and Sieber.
1837. Emumeratio plantarum quas in Nova llol-landia collegit K. von Huegel. Vienna, 4to.
1838. Endliclier. Stirpium Australasicarum decades tres. Vienna, 4to, 23 pp.
*1838. J. Lindley. 77 Nova sp. plantarum. (In Mitchell’s “Three Expeditions.”)
*1839. J. Lindley. Sketch of the vegetation of the Swan River colony. 8vo., 58 pp., 18 col. figures. (Supplement to 23rd vol. of Edwarde’s Botanical Register.)
*1844-7. F. Lehman. Plantee Preissianae.
In addition to the above it is well to note that the appendices in the narrative volumes of the voyages of
ANIGOZANTHUS MANGLESI1 KANGAROO PAW>.
discovery and the inland exploring expeditions give many botanical details.
ORIGIN OF THE AUSTRALIAN FLORA.
Baron von Mueller’s “Census of Australian Plants, 1889” enumerates 8,839 Australian plants which, after critical revision, he admits as well-founded and established species. These he grouped into 156 natural orders comprising 1,409 genera. Additions since made to this flora have perhaps raised the total number of species to about 9,000, but in discussing the characteristics of Australian vegetation these additions raise no material issues.
WESTERN AUSTRALIA. 41
Briefly stated, the Australian flora is constituted of three elements, viz.-~-(1) The autochthonous or original Australian vegetation more or less spread over the whole continent, but with many of its species very localized. (2) An immigrant element, mainly Oriental, which dominates the tropical northern coasts, but does not obliterate the distinctively Australian characteristics of those coastal regions. (3) An alpine or cold region flora, also immigrant, and typical of the Andes Mountains of South America. This element survives now only on the highest mountains of Tasmania, Victoria, and New South Wales.
For the ancestral types of each of these elements search must be made far back in the rocks of the geological record. The two immigrant floras are descendants of families of relatively recent date and are as yet comparatively little modified. The autochthonous element, on the contrary, is descended from families so ancient that many of the types have become extinct in other parts of the world, and but for their survival in Australia many genera would to-day be known only by their fossil forms. Some fifty species found fossil in Australia still survive in the world’s flora, but of this number no fewer than seventeen survive only in the Australian region. The}' belong to the genera Byblis, Casuarina, Cephalotus, Santalum, Nuytsia, Polyom-pholyx, Persoonia, Grevillea, Hakea, Lomatia, Banksia, Dryandra, Callicoma, Ceratopet-alum, Boronia, Eucalyptus, and Phylloglossum. All of these, except Persoonia, Hakea, and Boronia, occur as fossils in Europe, some of them as far north as Greenland and Spitzbergen. Of the other species (or species very closely akin to them), seven live in North America and two in Brazil. Sixteen range among East Indian islands, three are in Japan, one in the African island of Bourbon, one in the Himalayas, one in Syria, three in Europe, and two in New Zealand. Among the forms of plant life of the ancient ages which still survive, but which now have forsaken Australia, are Sequoias (pines), indistinguishable from the giant pine of California and the lumber wood which America exports to Australia from Oregon in such immense quantities. The “cedar of Lebanon” and the oak and the beech-trees also once had an Australian home. Such facts suggest that in ancient days the world’s climatic conditions favoured a far wider range of specific plant life than now obtains, or that the plants were better able to struggle in the battle for existence. This is still better seen if the geological ages are traced still farther back. New Zealand, for instance, shows very little affinity with Australia during the Tertiary period, but in the Mesozoic period she had in common with Australia certain forms which still survive as closely-allied species among living floras. The Gingko pine of China and Japan, the Araucaria or “Norfolk Island pine” and the Dammara or “Kauri” pine are
typical examples of these survivals. Among the coalbeds of still older age in South Africa, India, Tonquin, Australia, and New Zealand the fossil plants which are identical (but of genera now extinct) are still more numerous.
It is thus seen that the autochthonous flora of Australia must have been long isolated from the rest of the world. Even the immigrant forms which mixed the flora of the eastern coast were cut off from reinforcements, and in many cases have died out altogether. The purity of the autochthonous flora still occupying the south-west corner of Western Australia is proof that the immigrant flora invaded eastern Australia while yet the western half of the continent was a detached island. It is further proof that since the period of the fusion of this western island with the land mass in the east there has existed an arid or ‘'Eremian” region dividing the continent into a north coast section and a south coast section, except for the narrow eastern belt formed by the Blue Mountain cordillera in New South Wales. Across this Eremian central region a large section of the immigrant flora could not spread; while competition with the local forms m the east, reinforced continually by autochthonous forms from the west after the continent had become one compact land-mass, caused many of the immigrant families to die out altogether and others to become much modified in structure and in numbers.
What caused this great development of tree-life throughout the world at the beginning of the Tertiary period, and its shrinkage into highly-specialized forms with restricted habitats later m the Tertiary period (and continuing down to modern times), is a riddle yet unsolved. It has been suggested that the development of monocotyledons, especially the grasses, which took place after the Miocene period and is still proceeding, though not yet at culminating point, affords a sufficient explanation of the modifications of both flora and fauna. Certain it is that the teeth of the early land mammals were better designed for twig-breaking, fruit-crunching, gnawing, and root-grubbing than they were for browsing on pastures. It is the mammals of to-day which are specially adapted to browse on prairies, in meadows, or in glades. But for their offices m keeping down grass growth and insect life the most productive regions of natural growth would be under the continual menace of destruction by fire, and the fauna become the victims of a holocaust when fires took place It is due to the outpouring of lava streams and their complete covering of drift deposits over wide areas that most of the fossil plants m eastern Australia have been preserved to us. Tin ore and gold being also in the detntal matter thus preserved the fossils have been brought to light by the work of the miner’s pick So little exploration has been
done as yet in the western half of the continent that it is impossible to surmise the extent to which our present knowledge may be supplemented from that source when it shall be explored. The broad generalizations already established do not, however, seem likely to be very much amended.
The character and aspect of the Australian flora has been often described, and it is needless to repeat the descriptions here. It was Robert Brown who first drew attention to the shadeless character of the trees owing to the leaves being set edgewise on the stems, and that both sides of the leaves were alike in consequence It is a popular belief that all of the Australian trees are evergreen, that the trees shed their bark instead of their leaves. But there are a few which are deciduous, though they are not all markedly so. In the Cape York Peninsula the following deciduous trees occur, and some of them also occur m tropical Western Australia . —Cochlespermum Gillivrse, Bombax, Malabanca (the silky cotton-tree), Sterculia quadrifolia, Melia composite (white cedar), Cedrela toona (red cedar), Sesbama gran diflora, Erythnna Indica, Cas-tanospermum Australe (Moreton Bay chestnut or "bean tree”), Albizzia procera, Sarcocephalus cordata (Leichhardt-tree), Eucalyptus platyphylla (poplar gum-tree), and Ficus colossa.
There are now some 200 naturalized plants in Queensland which have made good a new home for themselves in that tropical corner of Australia; while South Australia, m the temperate region of the south, has no fewer than 348.
THE WESTRALIAN SECTION.
The rainfall map exhibits very clearly the three natural divisions of the floral regions of Western Australia. There is the tropical north separated from the temperate south-west by the dry Eremian region, which extends from the west coast right across Central Australia to the western foot of the eastern coast range. This dry region, with its great extent, is due to the prevalence of south-east winds—really the south-east trade wind—which normally blows right across Australia from the Great Bight to the north-western coast. These winds in their course go from a cool to a warmer latitude, and as there are no high mountains to chill them they not only retain the moisture they bring from the south coast, but add to it by evaporation of any water met with along their journey inland The north-west coast is therefore a region watered by rainfall only when the cyclonic depressions in their passage down the Indian Ocean on its Australian side (a passage which they continue along the south coast after rounding Cape Leeuwin) get drawn in to strike the coast above the North-West Cape, and so take a "short cut” across to
43
the Southern Ocean parallel to their more usual southern track. It is by these incursions that the creek channels in the Eremian region are occasionally flushed to overflowing, that the elaypans and so-called lakes are replenished, and then truly “the wilderness blossoms as the rose.” The Eremian region is, in fact, a region in which a “mild drought” is always reigning, and the plant-life indigenous to it must necessarily be of a kind adapted to withstand heat, cold, drought, or flood. Yet no fewer than 942 species of plant-life have been enumerated in the flora Qf this peculiar region. No fewer than 208 of them reach the north tropical coast and practically the whole of them the west and north-vrest coasts. It is a fact, both interesting and instruc-
Leptospermum Firmum,
Commonly known as "Tea-Tree."
tive now to remember, that it was to reach this region of prevailing south-east winds that the Dutchmen, in their voyages to the East Indies so long ago, stood so far eastward after rounding the Cape of Good Hope before bearing up northward for Java. Sometimes they kept easterly too far, and thus discovered Australia where they least expected—under their ship’s keel, as in the case of Pelsart’s wreck on the Abrolhos. Prom where the Dutchmen ordinarily made their Australian landfalls, right along northward as far as navigation toward Java or the Moluccas took them, the winds which favoured them were the winds blowing over the west end of the Eremian region, and the coast itself is the least inviting portion of all-Australia. To this fact is
doubtless due the absence of Dutch desire Ho annex or to colonize, and thus it came about that Britain, seeking a new territory for new penal settlements to replace those lost with the American colonies, settled first the east coast and finally claimed all Australia. A better knowledge of botany and meteorology would have saved Australia to the Dutch, or, later, would certainly have given it to the French. On very small issues does history thus sometimes pivot.
The Eremian Division.—The Eremian flora is that which supports millions of sheejo and cattle in eastern Australia and on to which the flocks and herds of Western Australia are continually expanding. Wherever the stock can be provided with water in this so-called ‘desert” of Australia there Nature has provided food for it. What is true of one part is true of all, and the ultimate pastoral resources of Western Australia within this region have not yet been even guessed at. Sheep, cattle, and horses will thrive and multiply on even the worst of the spinifex sandhills country, and the sustaining character of the feed there is exemplified by the work of the horses with which explorers have traversed Australia from north to south and from west to east. The region is essentially a grass region. Tree life occasionally covers large areas, but succulent herbage is always a local occurrence after rain or flooded creeks. In tree life the acacias predominate. The Acacia aneura or "mulga,” along with a few interspersed Myoporinse, Casuarinse, Santalacese, and Eucalypti, constitutes the typical desert “scrub,” which has a thin undergrowth of grass at times. In the watercourses the only large timber is to be found, and the sandy creek channels sometimes look like broad drives through an avenue of the Eucalyptus rostrata or “flood gum-tree.” The south margin of this Eremian region, where it graduates into the better forested lands of the temperate zone, is dominated by dense tracts of eucalypti with slender stems and having foliage only at the top. These trees grow closely crowded and all about the same height (say 25 ft.), and are about the thickness of a man’s arm. In the Eastern States this is the typical “Mallee” scrub, the trees in the Eastern States being the Eucalyptus dumosa; in the West this “mallee” is chiefly Eucalyptus oleosa. Toward the northern zone where tropical vegetation begins to appear the fan-palm (Livis-tona) and a fig-tree (Ficus platypoda) are the first important harbingers. The Livistona Marise occurs south of the Macdonnell Ranges in Central Australia, and its almost identical congener, the L. Alfredi, occurs at Mill Stream Station on the Fortescue River, near the North-West Cape.
The North Division.—The north or tropical flora of Western Australia is the diminishing progression southward of the flora of Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory, mixing with the Eremian flora as dis-
44
tauce from the coast and the Equator increases. The last stragglers southward reach as far as the Fortescue River, but the real aspect of a tropical flora does not come south of the Fitzroy River. Along that river there is a long stretch of forest country, but in geneial terms the aspect of the Kimberley region is grass land rather than forest land, and despite the abundant rainfall ferns are exceedingly rare. Phragmites Roxburghi, a tall bamboo-like reed, grows on pool margins to heights of 10 to 12 ft , and the true rice grass (Oryza sativa) occurs toward the South Australian border of the State. The Adansonia or baobab tree is one of the immigrant flora from the north, which looks strange amid so much other vegetation purely and distinctively Australian. On the east side of Cambridge Gulf a vast tract is covered with pines (Callitns), which it is now the object of a commercial company to exploit. The true caper plant (and a true bean) occurs and has spread down the nor’-west coast, and the “kapock” or silky cotton-tree (Bombax Malabarica) of India is among recent additions to the flora of this region. The “cajeput” is the Melaleuca leucodendron of India, and this and the Callitris pine are the only two really light-woods out of which the aboriginals might have constructed rafts had they a suitable substitute for cordage with which to bind the mass together. At present in tidal waters the natives cross by means of a floating log of “cajeput.”
The South-West Division —This corner of Western Australia, bounded inland by a line drawn from the Gascoyne River at Shark Bay to Cape Arid on the south coast, is at once the most distinctive and the most interesting botanic region of all Australia. Within this region are 2,013 species of plants which are never found beyond it. It is the last remnant of the primitive flora, and has survived because it is adapted to a season of seven months of copious rains, followed by five months of drought or very light coastal showers. This region possesses the most valuable timber industry of all Australia, the jarrah and the karri timbers being now household words in Europe and America. The forest trees, which reach to 30 ft m height and upwards, are of more than thirty species, and only three of them occur elsewhere. The karri (Eucalyptus diversicolour) is one which takes first rank among the vegetable giants of the world. In extreme instances it reaches 300 ft high, but its average height is about 200 ft., the stem being without a branch for the first three-fourths of its height, and 4 ft. in diameter when starting to branch. It is in the most humid part of the Cape Leeuwin Peninsula that the karri forest occurs and such giants grow. With increasing distance inland belt after belt of lesser rainfall is characterized by a more varied and moderate growth of tree life. A line from Cape Leeuwin north-east to the Kalgoorlie goldfield crosses
these belts at right angles, each belt marking, in effect, the frequency of the incursions inland of the cyclonic atmospheric depressions, which while rounding the Cape bring rain in over the coast, the rain following in the wake of the nor’-west and south-west quadrants of the cyclonic depressions. The town of Kalgoorlie stands within the Eremian division, but at a point where the transition zone of mixed Eremian and southern primitive flora is of great width. A traveller starting from there to the coast is already 50 miles inside the belt where the mallee (the Eucalyptus oleosa) has gained ascendancy over the mulga and is itself dominated in turn by the salmon-gum (Eucalyptus salmonophloia) and Gimlet-tree (Eucalyptus salubns). If he keeps to the railway line the almost continuous dense scrub is seen to be mixed with morrell-gum (Eucalyptus longi-cornis) as Southern Cross is approached, and here (although the country is still Eremian in aspect) he meets with the first wheatfield, the crop being cultivated for hay From Southern Cross the presence of the farmer becomes more and more marked, and the great wheatgrowing belt of Western Australia which lasts to Northam is fairly entered. From Northam to the coast the whole route is amid the typical flora of the south-western division. If the traveller took a direct route from Kalgoorlie to Cape Leeuwin he would meet each belt in succession earlier in his journey, the autochthonous or primitive flora being fairly entered when he reaches the line of railway from York to Albany One of the eucalypts (E occi-dentalis) met with along this York-Albany railway is known as the mallet-bark tree, whose bark is so rich in tannic acid that thousands of tons of it have been stripped and sent to the coast for export Passing the mallet-bark belt the jarrah belt is entered. Thence to the Cape the farmer’s country is left behind, an exuberant tree growth is developed in the moist climate, and soil and climate are best suited to root-crops or orchard-trees The jarrah becomes also a very large tree the nearer the coast is approached, until it in turn is dominated by the giant karri already mentioned Grass is not plentiful in this forest country; the dense undergrowth of many kinds of Proteaceae, Leguminosae, and Myrtacese effectually occupies all space between the large trees The Xanthorrhea and its near ally the Kingia or “Blackboy,” along with Casuanna and Banksia, are common where the soil is poorest and sandy, but wherever the forest is sufficiently open to sunlight the abundance of beautiful wild-flowers is simply amazing.
Much has been said and written about the poisonous plants which occur in the native flora of Western Australia. Unquestionably the list of plants reputedly poisonous to stock is a long one. But they are not all really dangerous. Those even with the worst reputation kill the animals only when consumed in con-
45
siderable quantity. Their potency is greatest after flowering, and it is just at that time that other herbage has been fed off. Stock do not eat the poison foliage from choice, but from scarcity of other feed. Overcrowding the animals at any one spot is therefore the most fruitful cause of stock losses from poison plants. Small paddocks with only one watering-place, or the neighbourhood of frequent camps, are always danger-points in a poison bush country As a general rule all the native herbage is good feed for stock, but in most localities is thinly distributed. Hence the danger of overstocking, even for a short period.
It is matter for great regret that successive Governments have so long neglected to develop the scientific knowledge of the flora of the State. All the other States have compiled and published floras, but that for Western Australia has yet to be written. What is known now is mainly the result of private enterprise encouraged and directed by other State Administrations It is now nearly a quarter of a century since any full discussion and review of Australian botanical results has been attempted.
Summarizing all the data at present available the conclusions to which they point are —
1. Descendants of the primitive Australian flora still survive m the south-west division of Western Australia
2. The Eremian region has a flora which is also distinctively Australian, but it originated out of the elements of the old flora in admixture with an ancient immigrant flora of a type now also mainly extinct.
3. A later immigrant flora from the Oriental regions and Malay Islands has obtained a strong footing along the tropical coasts of Australia This flora is strongly marked right down to Tasmania on the east side of Australia, but on the west side its farthest stragglers do not come as far south as Shark Bay
4. The isolation of the south-west flora from the flora in the east dates far back and is still maintained. Practically the connection between the south-west and eastern Australia is limited to the Eremian plants; less than a dozen truly south-west plants have as yet been detected inside the typical Eremian area.
5. The artificial division of the Western Australian flora into two sections only—the one extra-tropical and the other inter-tropical—is misleading, because the Eremian flora is mixed with both divisions. Mere tropical and extra-tropical lists are therefore useless for comparison
6. The Eremian flora is very partially distributed and localized; the greater number of its species appears only during exceptional seasons or in special positions About 942 species are believed to occur west of the east boundary of the State. Of these some 208 species spread north to the tropical coast of the Northern Territory, 830 species spread east into South Australia, 594 continue on into Victoria, and 200 still farther east into Tasmania. These Victorian and Tasmanian species include the 236 species which intrude into the south-west division of Western Australia, and they constitute the only plant-link directly connecting the two southern corners of the continent at this time.
7. There are 1,221 species at present assigned to the north-coast flora or Kimberley division of Western Australia. A consideration of the data at present available for the whole State seems to justify the following estimate of the species more or less restricted to each division and constituting the present flora of the State : —
South-west division, 2,239 species, of which 2,013 are endemic; Eremian or central division, 706 species, of which 614 are endemic; north or Kimberley division, 1,221 species, of which 780 are endemic Totals, 4,166 species, of which 3,407 are endemic.
THE ABORIGINES OF
There are very few matters pertaining to Western Australia of which it is more difficult to give a comprehensive account than the aborigines. Those of the Eastern States have been more or less completely studied and described by A. W. Howitt (the pioneer of Australian aboriginal anthropology), the Rev. John Mathew, Dr. Roth, Professor Spencer, F J. Gillen, and others But except for vocabularies collected by George Fletcher Moore and Sir George Grey little work in the direction of obtaining a full knowledge of the Western Australian aborigines has been so far undertaken From time to time explorers passing through various parts of the State have collected information, none the less valuable because often incidental and disjointed, and there have also been desultory attempts to gain some knowledge of native life and customs in particular districts. So far,
WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
however, no results of a comprehensive character have been published. At present something in the way of remedying our ignorance is being attempted by two observers working in different fields. Mr. Alfred Brown, in charge of an ethnological expedition from Cambridge University, is conducting researches into the anthropology of the natives of the north-west, while Mrs. Daisy M. Bates is endeavouring to secure at first hand material for a survey of the manners and customs, habits and languages of the aborigines generally throughout the State. It will probably be several years before these researches are completed. Meantime all that can be done is to present in a concise form such information as may be available. We do not, therefore, lay claim to any degree of originality in this article, but desire to acknowledge our indebtedness to all those who have previously written
46 THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
upon the subject, more especially to the Registrar-General of the State for the excellent information published in his “Notes on the Natural History, etc , of Western Australia,” and to Mrs. Bates for notes published by her from time to time.
There is no doubt that the aboriginal inhabitants of Australia furnish from many points of view an interesting study. To ethnologists they form a link in the chain of human growth and development the importance of which is tardily being recognized The question of their origin is the cause of much speculation, and their peculiar rites and ceremonies, so distinctive in character, are beginning to engage scientific attention.
Untouched by civilization, the Australian aboriginal seems to approach very nearly to the primitive type of humanity. He is a wanderer, without permanent habitation or settled abode He has no arts or manufacture—he does not even till the soil or tame animals for domestic use; and while he has necessarily a language he has no literature, and his ideas of art are crude in the extreme. Religious sense, as we understand the term, is practically absent, and he seems to have no perception of conscience or of moral responsibility Yet he has a definite tribal organization, a vague family life, some leaning toward the supernatural, and a most intricate and elaborate social structure. He has diverse methods of reckoning degrees of relationship, innumerable traditions and superstitions, curious customs, rites, and ceremonies, and established habits, all of which well repay inquiry.
Those actuated by a desire to civilize the natives are baffled by their ineptitude and lack of intelligence The missionary finds his efforts to plant Christianity upon them futile on account of the absence of a moral and spiritual nature; the pioneer is compelled .to recognize and often to use their unerring instinct in matters of bushcraft, but requires to be ever on guard against their ingrained treachery. The Government, charged with the material welfare of these people whom the white man has dispossessed, and with the administration of justice and prevention of criminal actions as between them, is continually exercised not so much about the right course to pursue as the best means to adopt in doing it
All these phases give rise to problems that call for solution No doubt the rapid diminution in numbers caused by the spread of civilization and the adoption of some civilized vices will in many cases lead to absolute extinction, and so solve some of the difficulties. But those are the very facts that make the work of the ethnologist more insistent, if such knowledge now available is not to be for ever lost. “The inhabitants of Australia," wrote Sir William Flower, “have long been a puzzle to ethnologists ” Fortunately of late years efforts have been made to solve the puzzle, and there is every hope that before the race passes out of existence a complete record will be secured
WESTERN AUSTRALIA
of every phase of native life and character. In dealing with the subject in this article it is proposed to discuss as concisely as possible the following questions: —
1. Origin and language.
2. Physical and mental characteristics.
3. Tribal or political organization.
4. Social organization, including marriage and
inheritance and the totemic system.
5. Superstitions, rites, and ceremonies, including
initiation ceremonies, etc.
6 Arts and manufactures
7. Missions and other methods for improvement
I.—ORIGIN AND LANGUAGE. Origin.
To trace the origin of a race which possesses a history and a literature is often a difficult problem, but the difficulties are considerably increased when we attempt to deal with the ancestry of a people without either literature, history, or recognizable traditions of origin Such is the case with the aborigines of Australia, whom even the most elementary phases of civilization seem to have passed by. Though much speculation has taken place with regard to the stock from which they have sprung, the question cannot yet be regarded as satisfactorily decided. There are, however, perhaps three points upon which scientists have arrived at something like an agreement-—(a) That the various tribes have a common ancestry; (b) that the original race arrived by immigration, though from what particular direction is uncertain ; (c) that since the original inroad there has been admixture by alien immigration from some second source
One of the most important factors in discussing the question of common origin is the examination of language, and those who have made a careful analysis of the dialects spoken agree that the aborigines throughout the whole of Australia are traceable to a common ancestry.
The first investigator to remark this was Sir George Grey, than whom no one is more fitted to speak upon the subject with authority. After some years spent in the collection of information he formed the opinion that no matter what might be the apparent differences between the tribes in various districts of the continent, their common origin and fundamental unity must be admitted on the following grounds • —
(i ) A general similarity in sound and structure of words used in different parts of Australia;
(li ) The recurrence of the same word, with the same significance in many instances, round the entire continent, subject only to unimportant modifications;
(ni ) The frequent occurrence of the same names of natives at totally opposite portions of the colonies, and the fact of children being named from any remarkable circumstances attendant on their birth.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
47
Although some support is given by all ethnologists to the enunciation, the premises have been questioned on the ground that at the time they were put forth the science of comparative philology was new, and therefore there was a strong tendency to attach too much weight to it. Professor A. H Keane, however, in his “Man . Past and Present,” written half a century later, appears to confirm Grey. “To the observer arriving on the north coast of Australia from New Guinea,” he says, “this homogeneous character of the aborigines is very striking . Strong support is given to this assumption by the absolutely independent and uniform character of Australian speech.” He points out that the divergences from a common form are few, while the phonetic system is everywhere identical. The absence of sibilant sounds is also commented upon, and from the whole he deduces that “here we have complete accord between linguistic and anatomical characters, both alike arguing for a common racial origin.”
The theory is strengthened by little divergence in physique between natives of different parts, and by the fact that throughout the continent similar fundamental ideas prevail in the system of tribal and social organization, as well as in the various rites and ceremonies “The most striking fact,” according to Spencer and Gillen, “in regard to them [the aborigines] at the present day is that over the whole continent, so far as is known, we can detect a community of customs and social organization sufficient to show that all the tribes inhabiting various parts are the offspring of ancestors who, prior to their migrating in various directions across the continent and thus giving rise to groups separated to a great extent from one another by physical barriers already practised certain customs and had the germs of an organization which has been developed along different lines in different localities. The class and totem systems, variously modified as we now find them in different tribes, can only be adequately accounted for on the hypothesis that, when the ancestors of the present natives reached the country, they spread over it in different directions, separated into local groups, and developed, without the stimulus derived from contact with outside peoples, along various lines, each group retaining features in its customs and organizations such as can only be explained by supposing them all to have had a common ancestor.” As an instance of this the practice of knocking out a tooth is mentioned. Along the eastern side of the continent this has been retained as an integral part of the initiation rites, while in districts farther west only traces of it remain, yet agreement in important details proves the common origin of the custom. In this regard it seems certain that the present numerous ceremonies were not introduced in the forms that now exist, but have been evolved from the early traditions with gradual local divergence. This development probably took place before the interior of
Australia became a dry and Ihnsty dcseit, almost devoid of water and animal life; when the climatic conditions of the country made intercommunication between the tribes easy and circumstances were favourable to homogeneity. The changes in the physical conformation of the country caused diversion and isolation. “With this gradual segregation, which really consisted of a drawing in toward certain centres where in time of drought physical conditions were more favourable than elsewhere, intercommunication between the various groups became less and less frequent on anything like an extensive scale, and thus in time the various dialects arose. While words can become modified and changed with more or less ease in savage tribes, it is quite otherwise in the case of customs and beliefs, more especially those associated with sacred matters. When once they have become settled then they are, of all things among savage peoples, the least liable to change ” The totemic system affords evidence of this, and is further an indication of facility of intercourse in earlier times, as well as of a common descent.
It thus seems certain that the aborigines of Australia are descendants of a common ancestry. Whence these ancestors came is still a matter for debate, but it is practically agreed that invasion occurred in the north, and from there spread out in three distinct lines from north to south, ultimately reaching Tasmania, which must then have been portion of the mainland, or separated only by shallows. Some ages afterwards a second migration occurred, according to the opinion of those best qualified to judge, which was of a type somewhat higher in the scale of civilization. This in turn followed the lines of dispersion already in existence, and arrived at the Southern Ocean, but did not cross to Tasmania, as in the meantime that island had become completely separated by Bass Strait This may be seen from the traces that still remain of the aboriginal inhabitants of that part, which prove them to have been of a lower grade than those of Australia. The Tasmanian aborigines, now extinct, probably therefore represented the pure original stock. The severance of the continent by the formation of straits in the north then cut off any further stream of immigration, so that our present Australian black represents in all probability the result of the admixture of these two migrations, modified by local conditions in various parts, but wholly unaffected by further alien immigration, except perhaps locally, within historic times in the north, where traoes of Malay influence may be found.
The theory of a double migration, it may be said, is not approved by all ethnologists, but it certainlv appears to rest upon evidence difficult to controvert. It was put forward by Flower and Lydekker some twenty years ago, and in a measure it meets the views of the Rev John Mathew, Professor Keane, and others who base their contention, inter alia, on the facts that the
tribes are each divided into two sections or phratries, designated by names signifying in every case “light-blooded” and "dark-blooded,” and that these distinctions are not restricted to human beings alone, but are applied to all things concerning the tribe. These terms, so absolutely a part of the tribal organization, are, in their opinion, evidences that the Australian aboriginal is a composite of two original strains, both of whom would colloquially be termed black, but one of whom was of a decidedly lighter complexion than the other With this we shall have to deal later when discussing Mathew’s theory in greater detail.
On the question of the particular ethnological division to which the original race or races belonged Grey does not put forward any theory beyond from time to time drawing attention to certain physical characteristics which appear to be similar to those of the Semitic races, and instituting comparisons between various native rites and customs and similar ceremonies among the Jews. Many of the later investigators have attempted to solve the problem, but have not yet secured unanimity of opinion. Mr. Edmund Curr, in his monumental compilation “The Australian Race,” advances the theory, first suggested by Captain Fitzroy, of H.M.S. “Beagle,” that the aborigines are descended from the negro race of Africa, mainly on the ground that both are without religion, while they exhibit certain similarities in rites, customs, ceremonies, and superstitions. He is inclined to think that the whole race sprang from a single canoe-load of negroes who landed somewhere on the coast in the north-west, and as their numbers increased scattered over the whole continent.
The objection to the theory is that if the ancestors arrived by canoe from so distant a oountry as Africa they must necessarily have been an ocean-going people, a suggestion which, so far as we know, is entirely foreign to the character of the native inhabitants of Australia. Curr admits that certain peculiarities would lead us to suppose that there has been a cross with some other race, and it is now almost wholly accepted by ethnologists that the Australian is not a pure type, but is the result of admixture of two, if not more, original races As a result of considering the physical and physiological characteristics Dr. Topinard came to the conclusion that the aborigines were a mongrel race. "It is clear,” he says, "that the Australians might verv well be the result of a cross between one race with smooth hair from some nther place and a reallv nevro or autochthonous race ” The opinions expressed by Mr. Huxley are in harmony with this hypothesis He savs "the Australians are identical with the ancient inhabitants of the Deccan.” Huxley and Topinard both relate the aborigines to the Dravidians, the ancient inhabitants of the Deccan, but do not arrive at any decision concerning the direction from which the woolly-haired race with which they are crossed may have come.
A W. Ilowitt, whose view necessarily carries considerable weight, is of opinion that the Australian ancestors must have reached the continent by some land connection from the north or north-west at a time when Tasmania was part of the mainland; a conclusion which involves a vast antiquity, but which nevertheless has the balance of opinion in its favour. The hypothesis put forward by Howitt as a possible theory of.origin does not meet with the same general acceptance In his own words, it is “an original Negrito population as represented by the wild tribes of Malaysia, a subsequent offshoot represented by the Andamanese and Tasmanians, and another offshoot in a higher state of culture originating the Melanesians As to the Australians, I may say that the discussion of the problem as to the origin of these savages and of the Tasmanians has led me to conclusions which require, as the original stock of the former, such a race as would be supplied by ‘the low form of Caucasian Melanochroi’ suggested by Sir W. H. Flower. From such a stock the Dravidians may be also thought to have been m part derived ” Flower and Lydekker, however, in their “Introduction to the Study of Mammals” (1891), do not subscribe to the idea that the Caucasian Melanochroi were the original stock Recognizing that the absence of frizzly hair in a people presenting the features and skeletal characters of the negro forms a stumbling-block in the way of every system proposed, they proceed to point out that "the solution, supported by many considerations . . . appears to lie
in the supposition that they are not a distinct race at all —-that is, not a homogeneous group formed by the gradual modification of one of the primitive stocks, but rather a cross between two already formed branches of these stocks. According to this view Australia was originally peopled by frizzly-haired Melanesians such as those who still do, or did before the European invasion, dwell in the smaller islands which surround the north, east, and southern portions of the continent, but that a strong infusion of some other race, probably a low form of Caucasian Melanochroi, such as that which still inhabits the interior of the southern parts of India, has spread throughout the land from the north-west and produced a modification of the physical characters, especially the hair. This influence did not extend across Bass Strait into Tasmania, where the Melanesian element remained in its purity.”
This is the view which up to the present finds most favour. Not only can fewer objections be urged against it, but through it, without any undue effort of imagination, almost every phase of aboriginal existence may be accounted for. A later theory has been advanced by by the Rev. John Mathew. While it seems to differ in some degree from the above on the question of the original race, it admits a second invasion resulting in a present crossed people. As it is the most recent solution offered it may be worth extended notice. To quote Mr.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
49
Mathew:—“The ancestors of the now extinct Tasmanians were the original inhabitants of Australia. They were a short, black, or very dark-brown curly-haired race, congeners of the Papuans and Melanesians. But, unlike these two races, the Tasmanians, being absolutely separated from higher races, made virtually no advance in culture. At a time when Tasmania formed part of the mainland or was much more easily accessible from it than in historic times it was occupied by the then Australian race. There would not necessarily be absolute uniformity in physical characters and language among the primitive race in all places. There would be some differences, and these would probably be graduated from south to north so as to approximate to the Melanesians.
A superior race, akin perhaps to the Dravidians of India, the Veddahs of Ceylon, and the Toalas of
corroboration he mentions a discovery made by him concerning the Kabi tribe, and quotes Mrs. Langloh Parker and Mrs. D. M. Bates, the one with regard to the Euahlayi tribe and the other respecting the aborigines of Western Australia. In all these cases the tribal classes are said to correspond to the terms light-blooded and dark-blooded. These blood distinctions have also been referred to, though not so definitely, by Leichhardt and Bunce.
The chief objection to Mr. Mathew’s solution appears to be its vagueness. While contending for a crossed origin, definition of the original stocks constituting the cross seems to be lacking. Plis evidence would perhaps be equally applicable to the solution proposed by Flower and Lvdekker.
ITis indication of a further infusion of the Malay
Aboriginal Dwellings.
Celebes, though not necessarily derived from one of these lands, migrated into Australia from the north-east. The newcomers were straight-haired, and though dark in complexion were not so dark as their predecessors. They pressed forward, gradually absorbing or exterminating the lowlier, earlier inhabitants until they overran the whole of Australia, the true autochthones leaving more traces of their presence in some places than in others.
. . The Australians of historic times are therefore
a hybrid race, constituted mainly of the Tasmanian and Asiatic elements.”
Mr. Mathew suggests that these two races are represented by the two classes or phratries into which Australian tribes are divided, generally designated by names indicating contrast of colour—light and dark. As
race is, upon the evidence brought forward, worthy of serious consideration. Mr. Ilowitt contends that the extent of this must have been very slight, but in that we cannot follow him. With some knowledge of the north-west of Australia the writer has long held the opinion that both the language and the physical and mental characteristics of the Malays are discernible not only in the aborigines of the extreme north of Western Australia, but in varying degree in those farther south. If detailed information concerning these tribes could be secured it would, we feel convinced, strongly bear out Mr. Mathew’s contention. The rock-drawings and paintings of the north-west, to which reference will be made later, certainly point to the presence in former times in the northern portion of the State of a race
E
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
superior in every way to that now living. The existence of individuals of a lighter complexion than usual—a fact commented upon by several observers—seems also to confirm that opinion.
In conclusion, reference may be made to the opinion of Dr. Klaatsch that the Australians are unitary in origin, and that variations are the result of isolation and local circumstances. This suggestion, however, seems to disregard certain ethnological and biological facts, all of which go to prove that the present Australian native is an admixture of at any rate two practically pure stocks.
No more has been attempted on this question than to give a resume of the various theories held by different investigators. No new theory is advanced, as that propounded by Sir William Flower and Mr Lydekker appears to meet most of the difficulties, and in the present state of Australian ethnology seems to rest upon the soundest evidence.
Language.
Closely allied to the question of origin is the consideration of language, and, as we have already pointed out, there is evidence all over Australia that the various dialects are all derived from a common root. That the dialects possess local peculiarities and differences owing to local circumstances is only to be expected, but the opinion expressed by Sir George Grey in his “Vocabulary of the Dialects of South-Western Australia” is apparently true of the whole continent. Referring to the dialects of the country from Perth to King George Sound he remarks:—“Throughout the whole of this extensive range of country the language is radically the same, though variations in dialect and in the use of certain words by single tribes are very considerable, but certainly not more than from the scattered and ignorant state of the population, the little intercourse existing between adjacent tribes, and the want of any fixed standard of speech, we might have been led to expect.” As a rule, the dialects are soft and melodious, being marked by the absence of s, x, and z sounds, and in many cases of j, g, and v. The absence of sibilant sounds is general throughout the continent, and is one of the factors of moment in the consideration of origin. Grammatical construction of a kind exists, but so far we do not know enough to speak definitely about it. The structure is flexible and the emphasis usually on the penultimate. No provision is made for the expression of abstract conceptions or for reckoning up further than three, though there are ingenious methods, for example, of fixing a future date more than three or four days ahead There is no written language, but communications are conveyed by means of a messenger or a message-stick. The hunting cries are wild and strange, with a pronounced distinctness of sound, commencing with a hard consonant, as “kau” and “kooee ”
The north-west dialects are more musical than those in the south, and possess other differences due mainly to altered local conditions. In addition to message-sticks a sort of gesture language is also used, as well as messengers who relate their news to the old men, to be by them disseminated among the tribesmen.
Numbers.
To ascertain even approximately the number of aborigines remaining in Western Australia is extremely difficult. The estimate of 50,000, said to be the total number at the date of the foundation of the State, cannot be used as a basis, as it is quite evident that it was purely an effort of imagination. Mr. Coghlan in 1898 estimated that there were 12,183 in contact with whites, and the census of 1901 returned 6,181 full- and half-caste aborigines civilized or semi-civilized "in employment or living in proximity to settlements.” Those living in a wild state were not included. The late Protector of Aborigines (Mr. H. C. Prinsep) in 1906 estimated the number of the savage natives to be about
20,000, but the present Chief Protector, after visiting the Kimberley district and having also the opinion of Mr. Canning as to the desert tribes of the north, is inclined to think the number overstated, and that 10,000 or 12,000 would be nearer the mark On that basis the total number of Western Australian aborigines would be approximately 25,000.
II.-PHYSICAL AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS.
Considering the very large extent of territory embraced by Western Australia we can scarcely expect physical uniformity among the tribes. Intermixture of races, particularly in the north, where evidences of Malay infusion exist, and local variations of climate and food supply, must in the course of time have had a definite influence on the bodily appearance Proximity to the white man wherever it occurs also leaves its mark, generally in the direction of degeneracy, so that no description of the aborigines limited to the specimens we see about the various settlements may be considered typical of the race. But though differences seem to be marked when contrasting individuals, when comparing tribe with tribe in their natural condition there are certain pronounced similarities in build and general appearance that enable a description to be given that may be considered typical.
We are accustomed to speak of the aborigines as black, but the skin is really of a dark copper colour, changing to a dirty pink shade on the soles of the feet and the palms of the hands. It is particularly soft and velvety to the touch, emitting that strong odour characteristic of dark peoples. The hair is generally black, but instances of red and fair hair are met with, combined with a lighter complexion, even in places where peculiarity cannot be ascribed to alien infusion. It is
51
somewhat curly, without being woolly, and when cleansed from grease and dirt is fine and glossy.
In stature the native is not far short of the average European, but he is inferior to the latter in muscular development The limbs are longer in proportion than those of the white man, but are lean and thin, with that absence of calves to the legs usual in dark races, though in some cases there is abnormal corpulency. Certain of the tribes in the north-west might be described as tall even in the European sense, and are splendid examples of muscular development. These, however, are anomalies of the general type, due in large measure to the influences above noted.
The cranial formation, somewhat finer in the male than in the female sex, is on the whole narrow and lengthy, with high cheek bones, the lower portion of the forehead about the eyebrows projecting, the upper portion receding rapidly. The nose, narrow above, giving the eyes the appearance of being drawn close together, becomes broader and somewhat squat lower down The eyes are dark and, except during moments of interest or excitement, dull and listless, but the sight is quicker and longer than that of the European. The ears are inclined slightly forward, the mouth is large and unshapely, and the lips thick, though not so thick as those of the African negro. The teeth are fine and white, the upper row generally overlapping the lower The jawbone is contracted and the chin small.
In carriage the native is erect and graceful, his movements being light and easy, free from the awkward ness which so often distinguishes his more civilized brother. The senses—taste, smell, hearing, and sight—
are particularly keen, a fact to which they owe their value as guides and trackers.
The women, as a rule, are smaller than the men Some of them when young have nicely-rounded limbs, but overwork and early child-bearing cause them to quickly lose any appearance of beauty, and the majority are distinguished even in early womanhood by pendulous breasts and general want of figure
The mental characteristics of the native are comparatively of a low order. His intelligence is narrow and his reflective faculties are largely undeveloped, though the perceptive faculties are preternaturally sharp, making them invaluable as trackers and very useful under white direction as shepherds, stockmen, and at other callings not requiring heavy manual labour. To this quickness of apprehension is added a keen sense of the ridiculous and an excellent talent for mimicry. In Mr Curr’s opinion “the black is quicker in the action of his mind, more observant, and more self-reliant than the English peasant, but less steady, persevering, and calculating.” Those who have been taught to read and write are quite as apt as white children, but when they return to a wandering life the results are not maintained. A native who has been educated and subjected
e2
to the influences of civilization shows little or no inclination to give his children the same benefits in turn. Whether a course of training maintained through successive generations would effect a permanent change we have no means of knowing, but it is practically certain that the native cannot be raised to the level of a civilized being in one generation. A story is told of a philanthropic lady in Western Australia who had a native carefully instructed in both English and French. Some years later a traveller spoke to a lonely native shepherd far out in the bush, and received an answer interlarded with French expletives from the learned native scholar. The lack of sustained interest may be due partly to the fact that the black recognizes that he can never compete on anything like equal terms with the white, and that his chances of fraternal recognition are absolutely nil as regards self-respecting white people The principal cause, however, doubtless lies in the deficient quality of his intelligence. The absence of a reflective faculty is shown by their improvidence and want of forethought, as well as by the apparent inability to oonnect cause and effect This, perhaps, does not altogether hold in the north-west, where they are said to make excellent boatmen, an occupation that certainly calls for some exercise of care and forethought
Socially the aborigines are naturally polite, sunny in disposition, and inclined to good-fellowship, but those in contact with civilization often show a moroseness and sulkiness of character that is at times the cause of considerable trouble From the standpoint of morality there is little to be said for them. The sense of right or wrong is not strongly developed; to lie costs them no pang of conscience. Toward the whites they are often treacherous and have little regard for human life. In courage they are weak, and will rarely undertake an expedition where death for some of the company is almost sure to be the result, yet they will follow a party of white men for days in the hope of getting the members of it alone, so as to kill them.
Industry and thrift are unknown to them, and chastity, in the sense that we understand the term, is entirely foreign to their natures But though these shortcomings seem pitiful to us, nurtured in the lap of twentieth-century civilization, we have to remember that it is scarcely fair to measure them by our standards. Allowance must be made for heredity and environment, for tribal law and immemorial custom, and above all for a conscience that is little more than rudimentary. Low as they undoubtedly are in the moral scale they are not addicted to those cruel and barbarous practices that have prevailed among many natives of a higher type The aborigines, too, have some redeeming qualities. Most observers agree that they are possessed of the virtues of hospitality, of reverence for age, and of parental and filial love—three characteristics not always a distinguishing feature of civilized life.
52
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
The amount of clothing worn by the natives varies considerably, a state of things oasily accounted for in a country which extends over a large proportion of the temperate and tropical zones. In the southern districts kangaroo-skins are used by them as a cloak for the shoulders, with loin-cloths of opossum fur to cover their nakedness. Farther north the kangaroo-skins are dispensed with and the opossum-cloths give way to a thin strip of plaited grass rope, while among the wild tribes of the interior of the north-west even that tribute to decency is considered superfluous In addition there is an adornment of the hair characteristic of the various tribes, and in some cases the bodies are painted with red-and-white colours. Among the Ngurla tribe on the De Grey River the men wear plumes in their hair and suspend pearl-shells from the waist-girdle, while the women hang pellets of gum on locks of their hair. The Nickol Bay tribe ornament themselves with pearl-shells and rat-tails, knot their beards, and smear their bodies with grease and red ochre The natives who resided in the vicinity of the Swan River wore feathers in their hair, clothed themselves in a plentiful coating of grease, and used kangaroo-skins as cloaks, while the women wore upon their backs a bag made of kangaroo-skins, in which they stowed their babies and other impedimenta. The natives, as a whole, grease the hair and body, probably as a means of protection from the cold rather than as ornament. Additional ornament is sometimes provided by inserting bones in the septum of the nose and bv scarifying the breast and other parts of the body so as to present an appearance of permanent weals.
A particularly concise, and at the same time fairly accurate, description of the natives of the south-west was given by Governor Hutt in a despatch to the Secre tary of State dated May 3,1839, when suggesting a Bill for the purpose of dealing with native offenders He points out that
the aborigines are an anomalous thonsch a most interesting: race of people Interestin'?. I mean, as offerin'? Doints of character totally at variance with anything T have seen described of tribes or nations elsewhere. They are active, handy daring. intelligent, and faithful • impatient of restraint utterly hateful of work, even where rewards the most tempting and which thev most covet are offered; careless of all European arts and comforts, remaining the same now as when the colonists landed ten years ago on the beach at Fremantle : totally free from the licentious courses of most savage peoples; uncontaminated, with some few exceptions, by the vices of their invaders; regarding every stranger as an enemy and therefore to be made away with on the first safe and convenient occasion; under no restraint even in childhood (I speak, of course, of the men; the women, as in all savage nations, being the household drudges, the slaves, or servants of all work), having no acknowledged heads of tribes or families; following no rule but the impulses of their own caprices and passions, blood for blood being their law, and every man the judge, jury, and executioner in his own quarrel; with no fixed place of residence, no habitations but those which the weather temporarily necessitates them to erect: with no idea of
accumulation, whether as a means of barter or as a provision for the future; no personal property but their kangaroo cloaks and their implements of war or the chase, no means of subsistence but such as Nature affords them, they have, finally, a language in which there is no word for either love, want, or gratitude, and they live literally without God m the world. Not the slightest vestige of any religious sentiment or ceremony has yet been traced amongst them. From childhood to the grave they propitiate neither God nor devil. . .
They have been brought up to look upon crimes not only with indifference, but even as meritorious, which in England would be punished with death.
Later knowledge has modified some of Governor Hutt’s opinions, but in the main they form a valuable statement of the characteristics of that section of natives which has practically now ceased to exist,
III.-TRIBAL OR POLITICAL ORGANIZATION.
The Australian aborigines, at first probably consisting of a single organization, have in the course of centuries become, by reason of climatic and other influences, separated into sections or tribes, each possessing a more or less definite area of country as its location. As a result of this segregation we find that the tribal organization is both simple and complex— simple as to the principles which form the bases of tribal law and custom, and complex by reason of local modifications which have brought about diversity in the application of these principles Though to a superficial observer this organization may not seem apparent, there is no doubt that, like other savage peoples, the Australian blacks are subject to a system of tribal regulations that allows but little individual freedom of action in any department of life. According to Mr. Howitt a tribe consists of an aggregation of individuals occupying a certain territory in common, speaking the same language with slight dialectic variations, and acknowledging toward one another a relationship which is denied to the members of surrounding tribes. Extent of country and number of persons do not make any difference to this tribal connection A tribe may, however, be divided into groups or clans, and these again into families, until we finally arrive at the unit consisting of those of the same blood, who possess their own portion (booja) of the common territory and manage their own domestic concerns.
As a general rule the tribe is divided into two sections which, in the opinion of many, represent the original stocks of which the present aborigines are the result. Each of these sections is then split up into two or more groups or clans, which again are subdivided into families. Each group and family has its own peculiar cognizance or family sign—the totem—known by the natives as kobong, which is usually some natural object
The functions of government rest generally in the old or senior men of the tribe, one of whom is considered to be above the others and is for the time being virtual ruler. There is no hereditary right to this
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
63
position. A son may succeed at times to his father’s office as ruler, but in such cases it is only by consent of the headman, because he possesses the necessary qualifications, and not because he happens to be the heir of the deceased chief.
The laws by which the members of the tribe are governed are the result of those traditions which embody the principles of the original stock. As one might expect, they favour the strong as against the weak, the old and influential as against the young, the man as against the woman. One of the remarkable points about the aboriginal laws is their general acceptance by the people and the ready submission offered by them to the punishments decreed upon violation. As an instance of this we may quote an occurrence mentioned by the Rev. C. G. Nicolay where two young persons in the Victoria district were so enamoured of each other that they willingly suffered severe punishment, three times repeated, in order that, the law being satisfied, they might live togethe r.
Marriage laws and regulations are so intricate and involved and form so integral a part of the social organization that they arc treated fully under that section. The laws regarding hunting and the preservation of food are so strict that infringements of them are visited with serious results to the evildoer. Except by invitation no stranger is allowed to enter a family’s booja or preserve, and poaching is often punished by death. No vegetable products used as food may be gathered at seed-time, and in cases where the totem is a vegetable that particular article is forbidden as food. In the matter of personal offenoes punishment is based upon the lex talionis, with the extension that a culprit’s relatives are implicated in his guilt. As a general rule, when a man is killed the duty of avenging his death, whether caused by accident or design, falls upon his nearest relative, who must undertake the task or risk disgrace at the hands of the family. Where it is not possible to kill the actual culprit vicarious sacrifice in the person of some relative
or member of his family is sufficient to wipe out the stain and fulfil the demands of the law. This explains to some extent the murder of innocent settlers by the natives. They have been made to suffer for the wrongs committed by their predecessors. For seduction, incest, and adultery the nominal punishment is death, but the law is frequently satisfied with a less penalty. Whenever a criminal runs away he is tracked with unrelenting tenacity, and when found the trouble of catching him does not detract from the punishment. The usual penalty short of death is the infliction of spear wounds in the fleshy portions of the body, the number and extent varying with the gravity of the crime. As an instance of inequality on the part of the law it may be mentioned that unfaithfulness of a wife is not only visited upon her, but often on the wife of her paramour as well, while the guilty man invariably escapes.
Crimes against property need scarcely be taken into account. Private ownership of land does not exist, the whole section being the common property of the family. On the other hand, the personalty of a native is not such as to give rise to temp tation on the part of his fellow. It does occasionally happen that the area of land held by a family or group is rich in some commodity which is of value to the community. In that case it is protected from spoliation by outsiders, who can secure it only by giving some consideration in exchange. This establishes a rude system of barter, which, however, does not in any way modify the feelings of hostility that often prevail between neighbouring tribes.
IV.—SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.
This is one of the most important phases of aboriginal life, as it is really the framework upon which the elaborate and intricate system of marriage relationships is based. Each tribe, as we have seen—and this holds good for the whole of the continent—is divided into two divisions or phratries, each of which is again often subdivided into two and sometimes three or four
In Battle arrav.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
classes or groups, which axe in turn broken up into families. The whole fabric of the social organization and marriage relationships depends on the two phratries of the tribe, which constitute two exogamous intermarrying sections. Where the phratries consist of two groups intermarriage between groups of the same phratry is forbidden, but where there are three or four groups in a phratry it is permitted among certain of them. It will thus be seen that the question of marriage, which is sufficiently intricate m the simplest form of tribal organization, becomes exceedingly complex and difficult to unravel when the classes or groups are more than two in number. Sir George Grey, as the result of his investigations in 1839, enunciated the following axioms. —(a) That a man and his wife could not belong to the same clan; (b ) that the children take the clan or family name of the mother. He did not, however, attempt to solve the puzzle of matrimonial relationships beyond that point. The credit of a full solution rests with Messrs. Howitt and Fison, who conducted exhaustive inquiries among some tribes m the Eastern States. Subsequent observers in various parts have confirmed their conclusions as far as the question of marriage is concerned, but have made it apparent that descent may be on the paternal as well as on the maternal side, and that in some cases, as m the north-west tribes, the children belong to a different clan than either parent. These differences, the result of more or less local modifications of the general system, affect the whole system of relationship in succeeding generations Western Australia seems to be split into two divisions. South of the 30th parallel of latitude descent follows, with some uniformity, the maternal line, while north' of that parallel descent is reckoned from the paternal side, but the children are, at the same time, members of a different clan.
Our knowledge of the relationships of the northern tribes is derived almost wholly from the investigations of Sir John Forrest in 1878 and of Mr. A. Brown, of the Cambridge ethnological expedition, who is at present engaged in making inquiries. Both are agreed that the tribes are divided into two phratries of two clans each, making four clans in all, which are named Burong, Banaka, Kaimera, and Paljeri. Sir John contributed in 1891 the result of his observations on the tribes round Nickol Bay to the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, and they may be tabulated as under: —
Husband. Wife. Children.
Burong Banaka Kaimera
Banaka Burong Paljeri
Kaimera Paljeri Burong
Paljeri Kaimera Banaka
The terms Burong, etc., signify the clans to which the husband, wife, and child must respectively belong. From this it follows that Burongs and Kaimeras and
Banakas and Paljens of both sexes mix together as fathers and children of one family, though they may never have seen one another before. The same applies to Burongs and Paljens and Banakas and Kaimeras as mothers and children of one family; but Burongs and Banakas and Kaimeras and Paljens of opposite sexes are greatly restricted m their intercourse, because marriage is possible between them. Mr. Brown, as the result of his researches into the customs of the Buduna and Buruna tribe, places the clans in different order, which alters the whole series of marriages, though the same conclusion as to the children being of a different clan from their parents is reached. We quote his opinions as published in The West Australian:— “As a typical example of the tribes I have been studying I may mention the Buduna and Buruna tribe on the Lyndon and Yannarie Rivers. The marriage laws of this tribe are the same as those to be found over a great part of Australia. The tribe is divided into four parts, of which the names are Banaka, Burong, Kaimexa, and Paljeri. The marriage laws are that a Banaka man may marry only a Kaimera woman and a Kaimera man may marry only a Banaka woman. The children of a Banaka man and Kaimera woman are Paljeri, and the children of a Kaimera man and his Banaka wife are Burong This can be illustrated by a diagram. —
Husband, Wife. Childien.
Banaka Kaimera Paljeri
Kaimera Banaka Burong
Burong Paljeri i Kaimera
Paljeri Burong Banaka
‘In former times there was a strong feeling of disapproval against any man who broke these laws and took women of the wrong class, sometimes leading to the death of the offender. Nowadays native morality is relaxed wherever the blacks have come much in contact with civilization, and wrong marriages frequently occur and do not meet with so much public disapproval.
“A good deal has been written about the peculiar marriage laws of the Australian native and various theories to explain the origin of the system of four classes have been put forward. My work among the natives of Western Australia has satisfied me of the falsity of a theory that I was formerly inclined to adopt. At the same time it has enabled me to form a more satisfactory theory for myself Briefly, that theory is that the marriage laws of the Australian tribes, with the peculiar system of four intermarrying classes I have just described, are due to an extension of family ties to include the whole tribe. An Australian native uses the word ‘father’ to denote not only his own father, but his father’s brothers and a number of other men, some of whom may not be related to him at all. In the same way he uses the one word ‘mother’ to denote any woman who is the wife of any of the men he calls father
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
All the actions of the native are regulated on the basis of this organization. A man owes certain duties to the man he calls ‘father' and others of a different nature to those men he calls ‘uncle’ (mother’s brother). The whole tribe may thus be regarded as a huge family, so that if we choose a single individual all the men of the tribe are either his grandfathers, fathers, maternal uncles, brothers, cousins (maternal uncle’s sons), sons, nephews (sister’s sons), or grandchildren. The women are, of course, similarly divided. As for all social purposes, a man’s own sister is not distinguished from the other women he calls sisters, and as he may not marry his own sister, the native laws prohibit him from marrying any of his tribal ‘sisters.’ The same applies to hib mothers and daughters and aunts and nieces. His choice of a wife is restricted to his tribal cousins (maternal uncle’s daughters).
“This form of social organization, based on an extension of the ties of kinship to include the whole tiibe, is found all over Australia. In some parts, as among the tribes I have been studying, it has been systematized by means of the four class-names. Thus if a man is Banaka his brothers and sisters are also Banaka, his fathers and his sons are Paljeri, his mother’s maternal uncles and his sister’s children are Burong, and his cousins (the children of his maternal uncle) are Kaimera. The law that he may marry only a tribal cousin is, therefore, expressed in another way by saying that a Banaka man may marry only a Kaimera woman Exactly the same form of social organization however, may exist, and does exist in Western Australia without the four class-names.”
We are not so much concerned here with the class-names as with the general principle upon which the marriage system is based. That, we find, is the same in both cases, and brings the children into the father’s section of the tribe, though not into his particular clan From the 30th parallel south to King George Sound, and probably as far east as Eyre, the descent of the children is on the maternal side Mis. Bates, who has spent some years investigating these tribes, divides the tribe into two phratries—Wordungmat and Manytch-mat, and then further subdivides the Wordungmat into Ballaruks and Nagarnooks and the Manytchmat into Tondarups and Didarruks. The marriage relations are set out in the following table, from which it will be seen that the choice i3 not quite so restricted, and, further, that children belong to the same clan as the mother: —
Husbau d. Wife, Children.
Ballaruk Tondarup or Tondarup or
Didarruk Didarruk
Nagarnook Tondarup or Tondarup or
Didarruk Didarruk
Tondarup Ballaruk or Ballaruk or
Nagarnook Nagarnook
Didarruk Ballaruk or Ballaruk or
Nagarnook Nagarnook
WESTERN AUSTRALIA 55
It is scarcely our province in this work to discuss the various modifications and divergences that have developed m difterent districts. The examples given are broad types of the two classes of marriage relationships, between which the whole social organization of the Australian aborigines is divided. On the north of the 30th parallel the one form holds, as a general rule, and on the south of it the other. The main effect is that in the former case the child follows the paternal and m the latter the maternal line, with the consequent necessary effect upon inheritance.
The tribe, from the point of view of the individual native, is thus divided into two divisions—those whom he can marry and those whom he regards as relations, with whom marriage is prohibited. Among the southern tribes of the State the former are Nooyung and the latter are Ngunning. Curiously enough, this idea prevails in tribal matters generally, and to an individual member any particular object or thing is either Nooyung or Ngunning. For example, as Mrs. Bates points out, the red-gum is a male and belongs to the Manytchmat, while the white-gum is a female and of the Wordungmat division. Therefore to a Tondarup the former would be Ngunning and the latter Nooyung.
As regards marriage itself, the female children are almost invariably assigned at birth or soon after to some particular man, who is usually one of the seniors These men, therefore, have generally a plurality of wives, and the system results in a disparity between the marriageable males and females, while it has the effect of depriving the young men of wives until in turn they become seniors. The result of this, as one may easily see, is that seduction is a common crime, and is in directly the cause of many of the tribal disturbances. A further cause of trouble is the custom by which, after a man’s death, his wives are passed on to his brother.
The marriage ceremony itself is simple in the extreme, and consists merely in the fact that the man takes the woman to his hut. After that she becomes his property, to sell, exchange, or mortgage as the fancy takes him.
To the phratries and clan divisions of the tribe there is added another series of classes due to the totems These are the totem kins—a different subdivision altogether of the tribe—which are so closely interwoven m the social fabric that they demand some attention. Marriage relationships are not dependent on the totems, but, on the other hand, whatever religious sense the tribe may possess may be referred to them Taking the whole tribe as one family, the totem kins represent the various branches of that family, a totem kin consisting of those individuals who all have the same totem. A totem is some kind of animal, bird, fish, or plant, or even some natural phenomenon as rain, sun, and so on, between which and the person whose totem it is there is deemed to be some peculiar religious or magical
relation. Among the southern tribes of Western Australia, as among the tribes in the Eastern States, the totem descends from mother to child, but among those of the north and north-west it descends from father to child. Among the eastern tribes, though a man may kill and eat the totems of others he must not do so as regards his own. This, however, does not hold throughout the whole of Western Australia. In some parts a man may kill and eat his own totem, but in these cases the connection between the kin and the totem lies in its religious or magical significance. The individuals of a particular totem are alone permitted to perform those oeremonies without which the supply of that particular object would fail. The kangaroo totem men are responsible for a sufficient supply of that animal, and in the same way the rain totem men can alone prevent a drought.
*The occurrence of the totem among the aborigines of Australia was first noticed by Grey, who pointed out that each family adopts as its crest or sign, which it calls kobong, some animal or vegetable. At the same time he drew attention to the fact that a similar custom prevailed among some of the North American Indians. The aboriginal term for “totem” varies in different localities, and according to Mrs Bates the totem of a child among the southern tribes is bestowed upon it by reason of some particular circumstance connected with or attendant upon its birth, and does not follow any general law.
The curious aboriginal custom of the Too-ah—the mutual avoidance of each other by mother-in-law and son-in-law—seems to be fairly general throughout the State The husband is not allowed to speak to or even look at his wife’s mother. Neither may he enter her house or eat food prepared by that lady; on her part she must preserve the same strict attitude toward her son-in-law The men, as Mrs Bates tells us, believe that infringement of the law will cause them to become bald, while the mother-in-law will go grey if she happens to speak to her daughter’s husband
V.—SUPERSTITIONS, CUSTOMS, RITES, AND CEREMONIES.
Measured by the standard of theological definition, the natives (who, as Governor Hutt said, from the cradle to the grave feared neither God nor devil) cannot be said to possess any religion; but if we take Dr. Durckheim’s contention that religion consists of obligatory beliefs connected with obligatory acts, then we must allow the Australian aborigines the possession of something m the nature of a religious sense They have, however, no belief m a Supreme Being, eithei as Creator or as One to whom they are responsible for their acts. We do find such words as Piama and Mamangurra used, but these signify the common ancestor of the race, and do not, so far as is known,
relate to the Diety. Whatever religious sense they possess must be looked for in their superstitions and in their various rites and ceremonies. Like those of the Eastern States, the aborigines of Western Australia are steeped in superstitions. Every evil or misfortune, whether personal or communal (as epidemic, drought, or want of food supply), they attribute to the action of malevolent spirits. These spirits have the forms of men or animals, are human in their methods, but have nothing sacred about them except their supernatural powers. Their functions are exercised by sorcery and magic, and their effects are overcome by the same means. Some of these spirits are considered to be coeval with the tribe itself, while others are looked upon as the spirits of departed enemies. The only conception of a good spirit is that of some tribal ancestor who may endeavour to help them by causing supplies of food to be plentiful.
The native sorcerers or boolyas are always objects of mysterious dread, and are believed to have the power of becoming invisible to all except other boolyas, and to be able to transport themselves through the air. Sickness and disease are the result of their hostility to a native, and can be cured only by disenchantment on the part of another boolya. Death is due to their evil influence. In the case of murder it is avenged on the murderer or some near relative; in the case of accident or disease upon some connection of the boolyas, who are deemed responsible for the occurrence. Another evil spirit is the Waugul of the south or Kajoorda of the north, a sort of fresh-water serpent, which is endowed with power to consume natives It generally restricts itself to women, and its operation is shown by the fact that the victim gradually pines away until death happens.
There is among the natives a belief in the survival of the spirit after death The native is supposed to go to a country beyond the sea, and his spirit, which has the power of returning until such time as the flesh has fallen away from the bones, is called Kaanya 01 Janga. Among the southern aborigines this country is reached through the caves, where there stands a spirit sentinel who requires of each an expressed wish to reach that abode, failing which he cannot pass. In the north the country is situated among the islands off the coast Various places called Winytch exist in the southern districts which are held sacred to Kaanya or Janga, and near which a native positively declines to go. To the wandering at large of these spirits is due the intense fear of travelling at night and the dislike of even leaving the camp-fire for wood or water. The south-western natives have also a deep respect for pieces of crystal, which they call teyl. These are held by the sorcerers, and no unqualified native would touch them, while the greatest precautions are taken to prevent the women seeing them.
Among the most interesting of the aboriginal superstitious ceremonies are those connected with death and
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
57
burial. Variations of these exist in different parts, but the following may be taken as typical: —
“At the time of death professional female mourners are introduced, and the women relatives and friends of the deceased exhibit their grief by gashing the flesh on their cheeks and forehead and covering their heads and breasts with a kind of white pipeclay; while the men put powdered charcoal on their foreheads. A curious custom, somewhat similar to that prevalent at the present time among the Bedouins, existed when the deceased’s hut was torn up immediately after his death. The funeral obsequies are performed to the accompaniment of dirges and lamentations. A shallow grave, about 4 ft. by 3 ft., having been dug a bed of leaves is placed at the bottom and the body is lowered, its general position being a doubled-up one, with the knees bent up to the breast and the arms crossed, the face being turned toward the east. Those operations are presided over by a boolya or native sorcerer, whose duty, in addition to the general superintendence of the work, is to ascertain what particu-lar spirit, boolya, or family is responsible for his clansman’s death, and to see that the grave lies due east and west.
Earth and boughs are then placed on the body and the deceased’s weapons on top of them. A heap of bushes or mound is generally placed over all, and a fire lighted to attract and keep the evil spirit that is responsible for the death, when it returns to the grave; for in case of its finding no fire it is thought that it will probably go to the next camp and do further mischief. This spirit is supposed to take the form of a small brown lizard called ‘Bilya Baekan,’ but sometimes another monster called the ‘Waugul,’ which is supposed to reside in fresh-water lakes, is blamed.” One of the most important periods of a native’s life is that when he is admitted to the manhood of the tribe. Before admission he is required to pass through certain initiation ceremonies. These, which take some time to perform, vary considerably in different parts of the State, but agree with one form or another of the initia tion rites performed among the tribes of the Eastern
States. They have been so completely described in various scientific memoirs that there is no necessity to set them out at any length. The variations may roughly be divided into three classes. From Kimberley down to below the Be Grey River in the north we find that both circumcision and sub-incision are essential features of the ceremony, though the latter is not compulsory in every tribe throughout that region. Southward from the De Grey there is a strip of coastal country about 40 miles wide running round to Cape Arid where neither practice is in vogue, but is replaced by piercing the septum of the nose. Over the remainder of the State we find circumcision generally practised. The circumcised tribes touch the coast at the De Grey, and again at Eyre Sandpatch, but not at any point between, though at Geraldton they are within 20 miles. Among the tribes near the head of the Green-ough River, where both circumcision and sub-incision
are practised, it is said that when a youth leaves the camp for initiation he bids his sisters a formal farewell, as on his return he must neither speak to nor look at them. There is traditional evidence that the practice of cir cumcision has not long been abandoned along the north-west coast south of the De Grey. At Roebourne it has been superseded by tying a ligature tightly round the arm at initiation, and it is stated that if this is retained for any length of time the arm withers and becomes useless. While on this question it may be of some interest to notice that there are many tribal customs in addition to circumcision that are remarkably similar to those mentioned in the Bible as observed by the Jews. Sir George Grey repeatedly drew attention to this fact, and Mrs. Bates mentions no less than fourteen customs which seem to be common to both races.
The aboriginal practice of knocking out a tooth upon initiation is also subject to variation over areas almost coincident with those mentioned above. In the north we find that two teeth are extracted, along the coast the practice is not found at all, while in the interior one only is knocked out.
38
The girls are not required to go through any initiation ceremony similar to that prevailing in certain parts of the coast, but on reaching the age of womanhood, or upon being allotted to a husband, every woman carries a thick stick or wanna as a badge, and which is also incidentally used as a weapon of defence and an imple ment for digging roots.
As may readily be understood, polygamy is a usual custom among the aborigines, and until the advent of the white man infanticide was extremely common. In the case of the mother’s death m giving birth to a child the baby was almost invariably buried alive with its mother
With regard to food customs, all native boys and girls are forbidden certain foods until they reach man hood and womanhood, and all natives are forbidden to eat the animal or plant representing their particular totems on the occasion of a death in the family. If, for example, a person’s totem was the kangaroo he would refrain from eating the male animal in case of a death on the male side of the house, and the female when any of the womenfolk died. Scarring the body is also a common custom throughout the State, restricted to the breast in some cases, in others involving the back and arms as well. So far as can be ascertained the practice is merely ornamental and has no ceremonial or symbolic meaning.
One of the chief ceremonial observances is the cor-roboree, which is perhaps the most distinctive of Australian aboriginal customs, though to a certain degree it resembles similar customs of the Polynesians. It is in the main a war dance, but with various modifications is used to celebrate other important events. A very usual method of performing it is for one native to stand in the centre of a half-circle of painted and decorated savages, who dance in front of him with wild gesticulations and cries, while he exhibits different pantomimic gestures expressive of certain events such as hunting kangaroos 01 emus, and occasionally chants a descriptive song. As a rule, the corroborees, which may extend over several nights, are performed by the men, while the women sit round the outside of the semicircle and form the audience, often, however, joining in the chants. The singing is usually a monotonous drone which cannot by any stretch of the imagination be regarded as melodious In some parts, as at Roebourne, it is said that the women sometimes have a corroboree of their own after the men have concluded their ceremony. When poison conoborees are held—that is, when the spears are poisoned—the result is generally death for some particular member of the tribe, or the corroboree is the prelude to a murderous attack upon tribal enemies.
VI.—ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.
When we take into consideration the low state of intelligence of the Australian aboriginal in his natural condition we can scarcely expect to find much evidence of either art or manufacture. Some rudimentary know-
ledge of them may, however, be found m their attempts at personal adornment, particularly on the occasion of tribal ceremonies, m the preparation and ornamentation of their weapons and m the rude rock-drawings and paintings that are here and there to be found. Personal adornment is usually crude and repulsive; the hair is arranged with feathers from the emu or other bird, and sometimes with shavings cut or scraped from a billet of wood, while their bodies are marked with daubs of red ochre and pipeclay, without any pretence at design beyond following the lines of the ribs and other parts of the body. Some attempt at manufacture is shown in the plaited grass rope which they use as lom-cloths. Their dwellings give no idea of either design or permanency, being merely shelters from the wind erected by placing boughs against a support m the crudest possible manner. The use of colour is also seen in the decoration of their weapons. A certain amount of skill is shown in the manufacture of these articles, which are made of stone or wood and scored with lines or other simple devices into which pigments of various colours are rubbed
The most remarkable attempts at art are shown in the rock-drawings and paintings which have been discovered in various parts of the continent, and which have been used as an argument in favour of a higher stage of civilized development on the part of those natives in whose territory they are found. In Western Australia they are confined chiefly to the northern districts, though examples have been seen at other places. The first were those discovered by Ensign Dale in 1830 while exploring the York district. On the wall of a sandstone cave he found a rudely-carved representation of the sun, “a circular figure some 18 in. in diameter, emitting rays from its left side.” Close by were impressions of an arm and several hands. The most important discoveries were those made by Sir George Grey in the valley of the Glenelg, about 60 miles from the coast. At the entrance to the first cave examined a “most extraordinarily large figure” was seen peering down upon him, and on the walls and roof of the interior were paintings of a man and several women. The rock face was painted black so as to throw the red and white colour of the drawings into greater prominence. Hands, heads, an ellipse, and other objects were subsequently found, perhaps the most remarkable being the profile of a human face and head cut in a sandstone rock, a carving which displayed undoubted signs of antiquity. The colours used in the paintings were red, yellow, blue, black, and white. Similar drawings were found by Mr. F. S. Brockman when in charge of an exploring expedition in the Kimberley district in 1901. These have been described by Dr. F. M. House, who accompanied the expedition as naturalist: —
“The most interesting thing connected with these natives, or rather with a section of them, is the custom
=}Woman.
rH«r
dressed w>rh Idum pellet
fNatives underBolrie Tree, juwterjq pm-ncr_______
e n'an as \ ^ niarkin$sl
Native Woman ( Profile)
^/Native Woman, [ Front view.
(Same woman i as Profile")
lustralian NahVe>)
Chest Markings,I|^
Natives preparing for Sanle.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
they have of making drawings on suitable faces of rock. The first specimen of these which we met with was near Camp F.B. 25, and consisted of a row of figures. The place was one which had been used evidently for a great number of years for depositing the bones of the dead. The figures are clothed and all in a similar style of garment, with what appears like a necktie just below the throat. Curiously this same style of figure, similarly dressed, occurred wherever paintings of any extent were found. In all there is an absence of the mouth, and what appears to be a halo round the head. These figures agree in these particulars with those found by Grey on the Glenelg in 1837. The colours used are red, yellow, black, and white, the black being
WESTERN AUSTRALIA. 59
the snake. The origin of these figures affords an interesting field for speculation and investigation. That they date back before the advent of the first known white men we know from the discoveries of Grey, but evidently they must have seen men with clothes at an earlier date, possibly shipwrecked mariners or Malays who used to come across to the coast to get beche-de-mer. It is probable that they copied their first drawings from some done by white men, and the result being pleasing to them the art was handed on; that they should adhere so closely to one design shows either a great lack of originality or that they attach great importance to that particular figure. From the extent of the area over which these drawings occur I should imagine they are not pecu-
charcoal and the other colours argillaceous earth, specimens of which we found carefully wrapped up in paper-bark parcels in most of the camps which had been vacated hurriedly owing to our approach. The drawings are finished with greater care and attention to detail than one would expect to find in such a primitive race, and they apparently value them considerably, choosing places, as far as possible, where they will not be injured by the weather. In all the more elaborate drawings the colours appeared to have been mixed simply with water, and could be smudged by rubbing with the finger; but in one or two places on the Glenelg I saw smaller drawings and marks in red which were made with some other pigment, and were not affected even by wet. In the other drawings the snakes appear to be devouring human beings, and in one drawing eggs are shown inside
liar to one tribe. We found none south of the Charnley River, and how far north they extend I do not know.” Mr. Brockman points out that these drawings are to be found on almost every smooth surface of sandstone rock throughout the western portion of the Kim-berleys lying south of Admiralty Gulf. The existence of these artistic efforts has excited considerable interest among ethnologists, and by many they are deemed to be evidence that in some remote age the northern portion of this State was peopled by a race much higher in the scale of civilization than that which now exists.
VII.—MISSIONS AND OTHER METHODS FOR IMPROVEMENT.
The Western Australian aborigines, like those of the other divisions of the continent, are without doubt
60
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
rapidly decreasing in numbers, and their extinction is only a matter of time. This result invariably follows the encroachment of civilized peoples upon the territory of the lower races of mankind, and this State shows no indication of being an exception. From the settled districts the natives have already almost entirely disappeared, and while they still remain in some force in the north-west, the growth of settlement is beginning to make itself felt. Unfortunately the operation of natural law is, as usual, being accelerated by the natives themselves in the ease with which they accept drunkenness and other social vices of civilization, notwithstanding the efforts of the Government to keep these evil influences from them. But so long as they are still among us we have certainly a duty to perform toward them, and although it is popularly said that “gin and the Bible” are the greatest civilizing agencies of the British, theie is no doubt that m the colonization of Australia the protection and care of the aborigines has never been lost sight of by the Home authorities, a policy that has been adopted and extended by the colonies themselves
Ever since the foundation of the State in 1829 there have been continual endeavours on the part of both the authorities and public and private benefactors to improve the material as well as the moral and spiritual welfare of the native population. That in the latter direction only a very modified form of success has been achieved is due to the low intellectual state of the natives themselves, which provides but poor foundations upon which to build.
Government action has necessarily been limited to the material side of native life in the way of preventing tribal and other disturbances, of prohibiting the sale or gilt of intoxicating liquors, of preventing miscegenation and other social evils where possible, of affording relief and comfort where required, and of securing justice and fair treatment for the native in his dealings with the whites. As far back as 1830 Protectors of Aborigines were appointed whose special duty it was to take care that the aborigines did not lack food and were not subjected to injustice and indignity at the hands of those who had seized their territory, a fact that speaks for the British sense of right, especially when we remember that the little colony had so much to fear from the hordes of savages that infested the neighbour hoo 1 of the settlement. In 1839 Governor Hutt drew the attention of the Home Government to the injustice of punishing the aborigines according to the canons of civilized law, and recommended that legislation of a special character be passed to control them.
In 1871 the Legislative Council reported that it was desirable to appropriate grants of land to aboriginals. In 1875 an Act was passed giving powers to the principals of native industrial institutions to act as trustees to orphan native children, and in 1877 a reserve of 50,000 acres was made in the Murchison Valley for the benefit of the
aboriginals, as well as 100,000 acres on the Upper Gas coyne. The latter, however, was subsequently (1897) withdrawn and 100,000 acres on the Forrest River, Kimberley, substituted for it. In 1886 an Act was passed authorizing the establishment of a Board for the better protection of the aborigines and the management of aboriginal affairs, and to amend the law relat ing to contracts with and other matters affecting aboriginal servants.
In 1897 a Bill, which went still farther, was passed by both Houses of the Legislature. By this enactment the control of the aborigines was transferred from the irresponsible Board to a sub-department of the State, under the control of a responsible Minister of the Crown, provision being made for the appropriation of a sum of £5,000 per annum for uhe use of the department. The duties of the department were to apportion the moneys above mentioned, so as to distribute blankets and other relief, to provide for the custody of the children of aboriginals, to furnish medical assistance and comforts to sick and infirm natives, to manage the reserves, and to exercise a general supervision and care over the native population of the State.
This sum was increased to £10,000 in 1906, and has since been still further added to by annual votes, until in 1910 the total amount expended by the Government on behalf of the aborigines amounted to £25,500. In the same year three small stations near Hall Creek were purchased by the State and set apart as the first native settlement. The area of this settlement is about 860,000 acres, and it contains over 11,000 cattle and horses. It is estimated that some 600 natives will come within its influence, and it is hoped that its establishment will diminish, if not stop, the crime of cattle-stealing.
One of the most difficult questions concerning the natives, more especially those m the north, which the authorities have to face is that of contagious diseases These diseases are so prevalent that the Government has recently been compelled to give serious consideration to the matter. In order to diminish the effects of, and where possible cure those suffering from, such diseases Lock hospitals have been erected on Bernier and Dorre Islands, to which infected natives are taken for treatment. The value of these institutions may be gauged from the concluding paragraph of the Medical Superintendent’s report for 1910 .—“The work among the men has been veiy encouraging, and when the new hospitals are available the prospects of a fair percentage of good results are assured When it is realized that almost every case sent home cured has been rescued from certain death the State may be congratulated on this practical method of recognizing its responsibility for the welfare of these dispossessed heirs of the soil.”
In addition to the work carried on directly by the department there are missions established by various ecclesiastical bodies. All of these, which are noticed
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
61
below, are concerned mainly with the educational and spiritual welfare of the natives, and they receive State support in the shape of subsidies from the Government.
New Norcia Aborigines’ Station.
As early as 1846 a Benedictine Mission was commenced, at what is now' called New Norcia, by a Spanish Monk, the Rev. Father Dom Rosendo Salvado, O.S.B., afterwards consecrated Bishop of Port Victoria, North Australia; and, thougii labouring at first under what then appeared almost insuperable difficulties, his efforts have been long recognized as having ultimately culminated in an unqualified success. The Mission was established as an Abbey Nullius and a Prefecture Apostolic by His Holiness Pope Pius IX. on March 12, 1867. Since the lamented death (in 1900) of Bishop Salvado, after a life of self-sacrifice wholly devoted to the interest and benefit of the aborigines, the Mission has been under the charge, as Superior, of the Right Rev. Fulgen-tius Torres,
O . S . B . The following information in co n nection with the Mission, kindly furnished for the Year-Book by Father Torres, is given in his own words: —
“The object of the Mission has ever been to inculcate the precepts of Christianity and confer the advantages of civilization on the aborigines of Western Australia. Since its foundation on the Victoria Plains a considerable number of wild natives from various districts of the State have been civilized, in the full sense of the word, and have received instruction in the tenets of the Roman Catholic religion. There are at present residing at New Norcia and its out-stations, Marah and Wyening, about 200 aborigines and half-caste natives, who are all well lodged, clothed, educated, and supplied with every necessary by this charitable institution, while a number of the males are, in return for their manual labour, receiving weekly or monthly wages from the manager of the Mission.
“The Mission comprises cruciform church, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, built of stone, 160 ft. long, a large monastery, and over fifty other buildings of burnt bricks
and stone, including a steam flourmill and factories, where all the clothing, boots, shoes, etc., used at the Mission and its outlying stations are made by the brothers and natives. There are also twenty-two cottages for the use of the married aborigines and half-castes, several large dwelling-houses, orphanages, and two separate schools for native boys and girls, who, when they are of age, are mutually engaged according to their own freewill or choice, and embrace the Christian marriage state just like other perhaps more highly-civilized persons. After marriage they either settle in the Mission village or voluntarily leave it at any time to seek employment elsewhere among the settlers or farmers throughout the State.”
In 1905 a Convent -was erected for the full-blooded and half-caste native girls, which is under the control of the Sisters of St. Teresa. Over 1,500 acres of land have been cleared about the Mission station, and nearly 1,000 of
them are under yearly cultivation. At this Mission, which is perhaps the most important of the aboriginal Missions in the State, and certainly one of the most s u ccess f ul, there are about 170 receiving instruction and relief. An offshoot from New Norcia, known as the
Drysdale River Mission,
was founded on the Drysdale River in 1908 by the Right Rev. Bishop Torres. Being situated in a region remote from any European settlement, and surrounded by the treacherous and warlike tribes of the Kimberleys, most of the time since its establishment has been occupied in building strong and secure premises and palisades. In 1910 the total strength of the Mission consisted of three priests, one lay brother, six natives, and eleven half-caste boys, but there is little doubt that in the course of time it will be equally as successful as the parent Mission. This venture does not receive any direct subsidy from the Government.
Swan Native and Half-caste Mission.
In this Mission the Church of England makes provision for the education and training for employment of
BUSH NATIVES, FROG HOLLOW.
62 THE CYCLOPEDIA OP
native and half-caste children. On June 30, 1910, the number of inmates was thirty-seven, of whom eighteen were boys and nineteen girls. “When the boys -reach seven years of age," says the manager, “they are usually transferred to the Swan Orphanage, a neighbouring institution of the Church, where the dark-skinned inmates have exactly the same status as their more lightly-coloured companions. The control of the Mission is in the hands of the Orphanage Committee, the local man ager being the clergyman of the parish, while there are a matron and a teacher resident at the Mission The girls do the work of the place, including the gardening and dairying, and frequently gain excellent reports from their mistresses when they go out to service. Old girls, several of whom are married, are continually to be seen at the Mission, which they consider they are privileged to regard as their home. Quite recently the Mission buildings were extensively repaired and enlarged; and at present there is ample accommodation for further inmates; but it is not always possible to induce native women to consign their little ones to the care of others, however much it may be to the advantage of themselves as well as of the children. The Church is making an effort to induce settlers in the Nor’-West who have the control of young half-caste children to commit them to our care, and the zeal of one of our workers there has already met with success, which it is hoped will continue ”
Beagle Bay Mission.
This mission for the benefit of the aborigines of the Kimberley district was founded in 1890 by the Right Rev. Dr. Gibney, the late Roman Catholic Bishop of Perth It was begun by the monks of La Trappe, who did a large amount of arduous and useful pioneering work. In 1900 they were recalled t-o Europe and their place was taken by the Pallottines, who are at present conducting the Mission Under the Pallottines the area of cultivation has been much extended, and besides the ordinary vegetables, cocoanuts, dates, pawpaws, bananas, and dhurra are grown with satisfactory success. Rice, taro, and the pineapple are being experimented with The originally small herd of cattle has increased considerably, and pigs have been introduced. In addition, a new monastery and further accommodation for the natives have been erected, and two luggers, good sea boats, have been built of native timbers.
The present staff consists of four Fathers, eight Brothers of the Pious Society of Missions (Pallottine), and six Sisters of the Order of St John of God The most important work of the Mission is that of educating and training the children, of whom there are over a hundred in number, while some sixty native men and women are employed in various callings in and round the establishment.
WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
Sunday Island Mission.
In the early part of the year 1897, with the assistance of a grant from the Aborigines’ Protection Board, a Mission was commenced, under the auspices of the Anglican Board of Missions, by four lay members of the Anglican Church—Messrs. Hale, Ormerod, Lennox, and Gatheroole. This Mission was devoted to the interests of the natives of East Kimberley, and is situated at Camera Pool, on the Forrest River, which flows into Cambridge Gulf. Owing, however, to the extreme hostility of the natives, who wounded and nearly succeeded m killing the leader, the Mission had to be temporarily abandoned. Another Mission has since been started by Mr. Hadley, associated with Mr. Ormerod, at Sunday Island. It is now under the entire control of Mr. Hadley, who carried it on at his own expense until June, 1903, when a grant of £100 per annum was made to him in recognition of his untiring endeavours and considerable success Since then the amount has been still further supplemented with the increasing usefulness of the work, and for 1910 amounted to over £400. At this Mission there are from 112 to 115 permanent inmates, practically all of whom are full-blooded natives.
Salvation Army Girls’ Home.
In addition to the splendid efforts of this religious organization in other directions, a home for aboriginal girls has been established at Kalgoorlie, which contains some seventeen inmates. Other missions for the care of native children are the Ellensbrook Home and the Australian Aborigines’ Mission, the latter a non-sectarian institution supported by public subscription, aided by a small subsidy from the Government. The most recent movement on behalf of the aborigines is the
Walcott Inlet Mission,
now being established at Walcott Inlet by the Presbyterian Church. The work is to be under the charge of Mr. and Mrs. R. C. Wilson, who have gained large experience among the aborigines of Queensland.
A careful consideration and review of the money spent upon the aborigines in this State, and of the results achieved by the self-denying labours of those—more particularly the missionaries—engaged upon the work, must force upon us the fact that Western Australia, at any rate, is fully alive to her obligations toward the original possessors of the land. Many, no doubt, are of opinion that money and labour are both wasted. To them we would commend the words of Cicero in one of his epistles to Atticus —-“Do not,” he says, “obtain your slaves from Britain, because they are so stupid and utterly incapable of being taught that they are not fit to form a part of the household of Atticus.”
History of Western Australia.
CHAPTER I.
DISCOVERY OF AND EARLY VOYAGES TO AUSTRALIA.
OTWITHSTANDING the amount of research into the documentary annals of the world's history that has taken place during the past quarter of a century it is still impossible to assign any definite date to the discovery of Australia.
From earliest times there have been traditions, probably engendered more by the spirit of prophecy than by fact, of the existence of a Great South Land. Aristotle, Strabo, and others have expressed the opinion that there existed south of the Equator areas of land at least equal in extent to those above it In the “Astro nomicon” of Manilius we find the lines—
. . Austrtnus pars est habitabihs ons,
Sub pechbusque jacet nostris.”
These statements, however, were merely essays in the region of probabilities, and had not any known basis of fact. But to come down to a later period, it is possible to show from early manuscript maps and other sources that this belief in a southern continent was entertained long before the discoveries of the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. The Vicomte de Santarem, in his “Essai sur l’histoire de la cosmographie et de la cartographie du moyen age,” gives a list of these maps, upon which are to be found vague markings of an inhabited country described as the “opposite earth,” which could not be reacned owing to the torrid zone; and he points out that “the cartographers of the Middle Ages have submitted that as a reality which, even to the geographers of antiquity, was merely a theory ” Unfortunately, every effort to discover manuscripts that would bear out the assertions of these maps has so far been without success. Marco Polo, in the thirteenth century, as the result of his travels, certainly did advance the claims of the Chinese to the discovery of a Great South Land, and there is perhaps some justification for the statement, as we know that for centuries prior to the European advent that nation had established extensive trade relations witn the islands of the East Indies. That the country mentioned was Australia is, however, out of the question. Marsden’s explanation is probably the right one-that it refers to a portion of Cambodia, the products of which are gold, spices, and elephants.
“In the early engraved maps of the sixteenth century, however,” says R. H. Major, ‘we see the effects of this description exhibited in a form calculated to startle the inquirer respecting the early indications of Australia. On these maps we find laid down an extensive development of the great Terra Australis Incognita trending northward to New Guinea, with which on some of these maps it is made to be continuous, while on others it is divided from it.”
No doubt the conviction, resulting from these rumours, strengthened by the success of Columbus and fired by thoughts of the golden trophies of Cortes, induced the hardy maritime adventurers of the age— Portuguese, French, Dutch, English, and Spanish—to scour the seas, hoping to prove the conviction true and anxious to benefit by the boundless treasure that new countries might possess.”
In the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris there was unearthed some years ago an old wooden globe on which is inscribed the statement that the Terra Australis was discovered in 1499. As the date ascribed to this globe is 1535, it really fails as an instrument of proof, but quite recently Mr. E. A. Petherick, the Commonwealth Archivist, has announced that evidence is forthcoming to prove that Amerigo Vespucci must have touched some part of Australia during his return voyage to Cadiz after the discovery of Brazil in 1499. So far the complete case m favour of that contention has not been presented, so that it is not possible to speak with any decision, but it certainly would record a remarkable achievement for those far-off days if, within sixteen months in a small sailing vessel, Vespucci could have sailed from Spain to Brazil, along the coast from Cape St. Roque to the Amazon, then back again round Cape Horn and across the Pacific Ocean to Australia, thence proceeding by way of the Cape of Good Hope back to Cadiz—a voyage of close upon 30,000 miles!
Early in the sixteenth century we begin to find evidences of a more solid character. By this time the Portuguese and other navigators had found a way by sea round the Cape of Good Hope to the East Indies, and extensive trade relations were being developed. This
64 THE CYCLOPEDIA OP
meant the continual passage of ships to and fro, and it is not unlikely that the prevailing winds bore many ships toward the Australian coast when endeavouring to make Java or other islands of the East.
The first actual claim to the discovery of Australia was made by the French on behalf of Paulmier de Gon-neville, who sailed from Honfleur in 1503 bound for the South Seas. After passing the Cape he met with very rough weather, and was carried in a north-easterly direction by the storm to a great country to which he gave the name of Southern India. Here he remained some six months, during which he was hospitably treated by the natives, and finally returned to France, taking with him one of the native princes. Having been plundered of eveiything during his voyage home by an English corsair, his claim rests upon a declaration made by him to the French Admiralty in 1505, which was signed by the principal officers of the ship. The President de Brosses in 1756, after examining the account of De Gonneville, considered that the land reached was somewhere south of the Moluccas, and was m fact the first authentic discovery of the Terra Australis. An impartial investigation of the matter does not bear out this contention. De Gonneville refers to his friendly intercourse with the natives—a fact in itself sufficient in the eyes of anyone acquainted with Australia to throw great suspicion on his discovery, as the natives ot our north-west coast, so far from being friendly, have a thoroughly well-deserved reputation for cruelty and treachery. We also know from De Gonneville’s statement that he was driven into calm latitudes, and was so near the land that he was directed to it by the flight of birds. Further, his men rebelled and refused to proceed on their journey to the East. This latter would scarcely have happened had they been so near their destination as the north coast of Australia, so that all things considered it is much more likely that the country reached by him was really Madagascar.
Following upon De Gonneville comes Magalhaens, or Magellan, who, after vainly endeavouring to secure Portuguese support to a voyage round the world, finally sailed away in 1520 with a small Spanish fleet. When approaching the East Indies after doubling Cape Horn he desoribes having sighted a large oontinent to the south of Java to which the name Magellanica was given. A close examination of Magellan’s description of that coast, however, leads one to feel sure that it refers to the northern coast of New Guinea, with the known features of which it has much in common. The claim of the Portuguese to the discovery cannot therefore be allowed to rest upon the statement of this navigator. A more reasonable argument may be advanced by that nation. Considering the evidence of six Portuguese maps of the sixteenth century there is every reason to believe that the mystery surrounding the discovery of Australia was set at rest between 1512 and 1542. Upon these
WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
maps there is shown a large coastline to the south and south-east of Java, separated from the island by a narrow strait, and to which the name Java la Grande (Great Java) is applied. It is permissible to suppose that the prevailing winds and the ease of sailing consequent upon taking advantage of them had carried the Portuguese mariners within sight of Australia. That they did not at the time make use of that discovery is not hard to understand. They were busily engaged in trading to the East, and had little or no opportunity of turning their knowledge to account. They were, however, anxious that no other nation should derive any benefit, and so far was this idea carried that Humboldt informs us that the Portuguese were forbidden upon pain of death to export marine charts showing the course to the East Indies. According to Sir William Temple the Dutch also, when trading largely with the East and too busily employed to open up the continent, were guilty of the same fault.
In the maps mentioned some islands are shown lying off the west coast, and in one map the name Abrolhos is appended to these. They are said to have been discovered by Don Jorge de Meneses in 1527 and to have been given their appellation, which in Portuguese signifies “keep your eyes open,” by that voyager The aptness of the designation no one acquainted with the treacherous nature of the coastline will doubt. The importance of the statement, however, lies in the fact that we have here what is probably the first discovery of Western Australia.
At any rate, that parts of Australia were known to the Portuguese during the first half of the sixteenth century is practically certain, and Major, after considering the documents available, makes the following deliberate statement: —
“Our surmises, therefore, lead us to regard it as highly probable that Australia was discovered by the Portuguese between the years 1511 and 1529, and almost to a demonstrable certainty that it was discovered before the year 1542.”
Further evidence conclusively proving that it was known prior to what we may term authenticated accounts may be found in Cornelis Wyfliet’s “Descriptions Ptole-maicse Augmentum” published in 1598. It is there stated that
“The Australis Terra is the most modern of all lands, and is separated from New Guinea by a narrow strait. Its shores are hitherto but little known, since after one voyage and another that route has been deserted, and seldom is the country visited except when sailors are driven there by storms. The Australis Terra begins at 2° or 3° from the Equator, and is maintained by some to be of so great an extent that if it were thoroughly explored it would be regarded as a fifth part of the world.”
65
But the sixteenth century was allowed to pass without any definite step to increase the knowledge of the new countiy being taken. That there were cour ageous spirits imbued with a thirst for discovery, who sought greater fame than the mere accumulation of wealth, is not to be doubted, but there is no record that Australia over claimed their attention. The great majority of the adventurers, however, whether Portu guese, Spanish, Dutch, French, or English, found moie than sufficient occupation in exploiting the treasures of the Indies, and preferred rather to gather in the riches that were certain than undertake the search foj
toward the end of the century of any exploratory voyages made by the Spanish in the Southern Seas. Political embarrassments and a depleted treasury had caused the Emperor to renounce his pretensions to the Moluccas in 1529 m favour of the Portuguese for a certain consideration in money, although in accordance with the decree of Pope Alexander VI. he retained control over the islands to the East. In 1542 an attempt was made by Spain to establish a colony in the Philippines. Although this was not successful, a further essay made some twenty years later resulted in the foundation of a settlement at Zebu. It
Section of dauphin Chart, presented sy sir Joseph banks to the British Museum
those which were vague and problematical. Those who were not content with the mild excitement of profitable trade found ample employment for their buccaneering tendencies in looting one another.
Still, the spirit of discovery was not dead, and the seventeenth century had barely opened when the tale was once more taken up—this time by the Spanish. From the time (1527) when Alvaro de Saavedra, dispatched from New Spain to the Moluccas, had touched upon the coast of New Guinea there is no record until
is not inconceivable that this settlement brought about in those regions further voyages of discovery, of which there are no records remaining. Of one, however, we have certain particulars, and mention of it is important, as it indirectly became the means of definite information concerning the new continent being secured. Alvaro de Mendana sailed from Callao on a voyage of exploration in 1567, during the course of which he discovered the Solomon Islands. Nearly thirty years later (1595) he left Peru with the intention of founding a colony on
F
these islands, but failed to accomplish his object, as he was unable to again locate them. Associated with him on this voyage as chief pilot was Fernandez de Quiros, to whom much of the honour of Australia becoming definitely known is due, though he himself never set foot upon it. Failing to locate the Solomon Group, Mendana attempted to form a settlement on the island of Santa Cruz, but the venture met with no success and resulted in his death.
The discovery of Santa Cruz led De Quiros to think that the much-discussed southern continent was at last found, and he addressed two memorials to the Viceroy of Peru in which the question is set forth with much geographical detail, and which may be said to have brought about a definite solution of the problem, though he was not destined to demonstrate it by actual discovery. Two centuries later (when advocating the same cause as De Quiros) Dalrymple, speaking of that navigator, says: —“The discovery of the southern continent, whenever and by whomsoever it may be completely effected, is in justice due to this immortal name ”
The Viceroy of Peru, while sympathizing with De Quiros and favourably inclined toward his projects, felt that it was beyond his power to afford the assistance asked for, and advised him to address himself to the monarch in person, for which purpose he armed the navigator with letters of support. The appeal to Philip III. was successful, and De Quiros returned to Peru with the necessary authority to carry out his plans. Two large vessels and a corvette were equipped for the expedition, which left Callao at the end of 1605 The second ship of the three was under the command of Luis Vaez de Torres, whose name remains in the nomenclature of Australian waters. The object of the voyage was to make a second attempt to found a colony at Santa Cruz and then to proceed in search of the southern continent
After the discovery of various small islands Quiros reached a land which he called Australia del Espiritu Santo ('really the New Hebrides), and which he considered to be part of the continent
At this place, through unknown causes, the ships became separated Torres finding that Espiritu Santo was an island continued his way westward, passing southward of what is now known as the Louisiade Archipelago, and proceeding thence south of New Guinea through the passage that was in future to bear his name—Torres Straits In his description of the difficulties encountered in this passage he refers to large islands to the southward. These were without doubt the hills of Cape York Peninsula, so that to Torres, though he was unaware of the fact, we owe the first definite mention of the north-east coast of the island continent. De Quiros, after leaving or being separated from Torres, set his course for Mexico, where he arrived
in October, 1606, and from that time until his death in 1614 unsuccessfully urged upon the Spanish King the great desirability of prosecuting further searches in these unknown regions.
From this time we may safely say that the existence of a southern continent was definitely known, though its coastline was still undefined and unexplored. What for centuries had been merely rumour and suggestion was at last established fact, and though nearly two moi e centuries were to pass before its area was accurately determined and its boundaries charted, yet from the end of the sixteenth century Australia was practically endowed with a habitation as well as with a name.
Having discussed thus far the question of the dis coverv of Australia as a whole, we may, with regard to voyages taking place after the seventeenth century had opened, reasonably confine ourselves to those which are of interest in dealing with that portion of the continent the history of which is the subject of this work— Western Australia.
Western Australia was—and indeed from its geographical position must have been—the first part of the continent to become known, lying as it does just off what was then the main trade route to the East. No evidence can be found of this statement better than a study of the map showing the prevailing winds. We notice that south of the Tropic of Capricorn the general direction of the wind is westward, while just above the tropic we meet the south-east trades and monsoonal disturbances Mariners but doubtfully acquainted with the seas in which they were sailing would have a tendency, after rounding the Cape of Good Hope, to go east as far as possible before bearing northward to Java and Timor, thus hoping to get the benefit of the wind in both directions, and avoid if they could the area of disturbance. This would apply particularly to the Dutch, whose information of the route was first gained by the study of navigation and not by its actual prac tice; and it explains' in great measure the frequency of Dutch names on the west coast of Australia It is more than probable that the first knowledge of a new continent many of them had was when they felt it under their keels.
It is curious to note how great a part the struggle for the control of the East Indian trade played in the gradual determination of the coastline of this side of the continent Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, English, and French m turn endeavoured to command the commerce and resources of these regions of marvellous wealth, and from the discovery of the Abrolhos by Meneses in 1527 we have the same procession of nationalities in the progress of Australian discovery.
Early in the seventeenth century we find important changes taking place in the political conditions of Europe. The great naval strength of Spain and the
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
67
mighty power consequent upon it had made her in the sixteenth century a successful rival of Portugal m the eastern trade. With the new era, however, the glory of Spain was rapidly to wane, and the nation so long trodden under the Spanish heel was not only to become free but to challenge both her naval and commercial supremacy.
The long-stnven-for and hardly-won independence of the Netheilands had roused all the strength and energy of the people, and the dogged determination that had ended Spanish oppression found continued opportunity in the desire to lift Holland to a pioud position among the nations The northern provinces were free, but Spain had for the time regained control of the southern, and had made her implacable hatred felt by repeated acts of cruelty, from which many of the inhabitants sought relief in flight Among these were a number of Antwerp merchants who had for many years been indirectly connected with the trade to the Indies. The opposition of these men was strengthened by two of the most potent of human passions— the bitter hatred of exiles and the fanatic attachment to religious faith. They saw that Spain could best be crippled by curtailing her overseas trade or by depriving her of it altogether, and that in the result the southern provinces might be freed and the Protestant faith strengthened.
This, at first the idea of a few, gained general support when the Spaniards forbade Dutch traffic with Spain, which even during the wars had never altogether ceased. Geography, hydrography, and navigation became subjects of earnest study, and schools were formed with the express purpose of endeavouring to find a way to India and other Spanish possessions. The outcome of this movement was the foundation in 1602 of the Dutch East India Company, under whose flag many important voyages and discoveries were to be made
f2
Of the Dutch voyages prior to this time no certain information is available. The English Ambassador at the Hague in the time of Charles II., Sir William Temple, gave it as his opinion that “a southern continent has long since been found out,” which he said was “as long as Java and is marked on the maps by the name of New Holland, but to what extent the land extends, either to the south, the east, or the west, we do not know ” To the same authority we are indebted for the declaration that the Dutch East India Company “have long since forbidden, and under the greatest penalties, any further attempts at discovering that con tinent, having already more trade than they can turn to account, and fearing some more populous nation of Europe might make great establishments of trade in
some of these un known regions, which might ruin or impair what they have already in the Indies ” This statement has been vigorously denied by the Dutch, but the fact remains that of the voyages made by the Company little was known until the publication of the instructions issued by the Governor-General of Batavia to Tasman on his second voyage in 1644. This curious document was found by Sir Joseph Banks in 1770 when turning over the old archives at Batavia, and was published by Sir Alexander Dalrymple in his “Collections Concerning Papua.” From it we learn that in 1606 the “Duyfhen” made the first authenticated discovery of that great land which at the instance of the famous navigator, Matthew Flinders, is now designated Australia The captain of this vessel, whose name is not known, prepared a careful chart of the voyage, showing that he sailed along the coast of New Guinea, then went southward along the coast of Cape York Peninsula to Cape Keer Weer (“Turn again”), but was prevented from landing even for water owing to the cruel and treacherous nature of the savages, who murdered some
68
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
of the crew. The results of Torres’ voyage not being known at the time, the captain considered that the whole coast traversed was a portion of New Guinea The second voyage, according to the "Book of Despatches,” was that made in a yacht from Batavia by order of the Fiscal d’Edel in 1617. Of this, however, nothing certain is known, as the journals and remarks could not be found.
No further attempts at discovery were made from Batavia until 1623, but in the meantime outward-bound ships touched at various portions of the coast in 1616. 1618, 1619, and 1622. Of these voyages but little information is now available. The most important of them all, from a romantic as well as from an historic point of view, is that of Dirk Hartog in 1616, commanding the ship "Eendraght,” of some 360 tons burden To this navigator we owe the discovery of Dirk Hartog Island, Doore Island (named after the chief pilot), and the roads leading to Shark Bay, so named at a later period by Dampier. The coast of the mainland adjacent to these islands was also named Eendraght Land, after the vessel. On the north end of the island bearing his name Hartog left a tin-plate as witness to his visit. This was nailed to a post and remained in position for nearly a century before being again seen by the eye of civilized man. It bore the following inscription: —
“On the 25th of October, 1616, arrived here the ship 'Eendraght,’ of Amsterdam The first merchant, Gilles Mibais van Luyck; captain, Dirk Hartog, of Amsterdam; the 27th ditto set sail for Bantam; under merchant, Jan Steyn; upper steersman, Pieter Dockes, from Bil; a.d. 1616.”
To continue the history of this plate it may be said that when Van Vlaming, captain of the “Geelvinck” (of whose voyage it will be necessary to speak later), visited the island in 1697—the first visit, so far as we know, after the erection of the plate—he took the original plate away to Batavia, replacing it by a new one, on which the old inscription was copied and the following new one added : —
“On the 4th of February, 1697, arrived here the ship ‘Geelvinck,’ of Amsterdam • Captain commandant, Wilhelm van Vlaming, of Vlielandt; assistant, Jan van Bremen, of Copenhagen; first pilot, Micheel Bloem van Estight, of Bremen; the hooker ‘Myptangh’■ Captain, Gerrit Collaert, of Amsterdam; assistant, Theodorus Heermans, of the same place; first pilot, Gerrit Gerritz, of Bremen; then the galliot ‘Weseltje’ Commander, Cornelius van Vlaming, of Vlielandt; pilot, Coert Gerritz, of Bremen. Sailed from here with our fleet on the 12th to explore the South Land and afterwards bound for Batavia.”
Still another century later—in 1801—during the French voyage of discovery made by Baudin in the
“Geographe” and "Naturaliste,” Van Vlaming’s plate was seen. The two vessels had become separated, and Captain Hamelin, of the “Naturaliste,” sent three men on to Dirk Hartog Island for the purpose of signalling the other ship The boatswain on his return from the island brought back the tin-plate, which he had found on the north point half buried in sand and close to an oaken post to which originally it seemed to have been attached. Hamelin copied the inscription and then replaced it in position on a new post. He also placed on the north-east of the island a new plate giving the name of his ship and the date of arrival. The old plate remained for a while longer, but was not to be found when King made a careful search for it in 1822. It afterwards transpired that Freycinet had removed it in 1818 and had deposited it for safekeeping in the Museum of the French Institute at Paris. This fact is recorded in the Minutes of the Institute for 1821, but apparently it was too safely deposited, as every effort since made to discover it has been futile. The same fate was believed to have befallen the original plate of Dirk Hartog, which had been carried to Batavia. Fortunately, however, it was found in 1902 in the State Museum at Amsterdam by Mr. J. F. L de Balbian.
Reverting now to the historical narrative, it would appear that in July, 1618, the outward-bound ship “Mauritius” made some discoveries on the west coast, more particularly of Willem’s River (probably the Ashburton) near the North-West Cape. As the journals and remarks were lost no further particulars of this voyage are available.
In the following year, 1619, a fleet of eleven vessels under the command of Fredenk Houtman, in the “Dordrecht,” claims to have discovered a series of reefs lying off the west coast, to which the name Frederik Houtman’s Ahrolhos was given These consist of a cluster of rocky islets with surrounding reefs, and are situated west and north-west of Champion Bay. The term “ahrolhos” is a contraction of the Portuguese abn vossos olhos (“keep your eyes open”)—a most necessary precaution—and a term applied by them to outlying coastal dangers. It is very doubtful whether this was really the first discovery of these islands. It will be remembered that on at least one Portuguese map of the sixteenth century they are vaguely defined and the term “Abrolhos” given them. That may have been merely a generic term applied to some obstruction to navigation about that latitude, but the Portuguese certainly claim, with some show of reason, that the honour of their discovery belongs to Don Jorge de Meneses in 1527, and though we may not consider the arguments in favour of that contention completely convincing, there seems very little doubt that the Portuguese were aware of the, existence of the islands before 1542. Mr. Major is of opinion that there is no evidence that Hout-
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
69
man ever visited the group at all, but that the islands were named after him, in 1619, by Jacob d’Edel, to whom their discovery was really due. This view, however, must give way before the researches of Professor Heeres. In his work “The Part Borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia, 1606-1765,” he prints two letters from Houtman, both dated Jacatra, October 7, 1619, the one to Prince Maurice and the other to the managers of the East India Company. In these he describes his visit to the islands “On the 29th” [July], he writes, “deeming ourselves to be in an open sea, we shaped our course north-by-east At noon we were in
managers of the East India Company, bearing the same date as Houtman’s, has perhaps a peculiar interest for Western Australia, as it contains the suggestion, perhaps the first, that the new land from its general appearance might prove to be gold-bearing. For the publication of this letter we are indebted to Professor Heeres’ researches In it, inter alia, d’Edel writes, after describing his meeting with Houtman at the Cape and their journey together till they “came upon the south lands situated behind Java” : —
“We anchored in 14 fathom in 32|° latitude, the bottom being level and hard; in full sight of the land
an old Chart of Australia and a modern one compared, showing the division of Pope Alexander VI , 1530-6
29° 32' southern latitude; at night, about three hours before daybreak, we again unexpectedly came upon a low-lying coast, a level broken country with reefs all round it. We saw no highland or mainland, so that this shoal is to be carefully avoided as very dangerous to ships that wish to touch at this coast. It is fully 10 miles in length, lying in 28° 46'.”
The supercargo of the “Amsterdam,” one of Hout-man’s fleet, was Jacob d’Edel or Dedel, after whom the portion of the coast between Shark Bay and Champion Bay, then discovered, was named Edel Land. The letter forwarded by this supercargo from Jacatra to the
the sea was 100 fathom deep. We used our best endeavours to make a landing, which, however, could not conveniently be done owing to the steep coast. . . . We then made all sail, and the wind coming round a little we stood out to sea, not deeming it advisable to continue longer inshore in this bad weather with such large heavy ships and such costly cargoes as we had entrusted to our care, and with great peril to lose more precious time; but being contented with having seen the land, which at a more favourable time may be further explored with more fitting vessels and smaller craft. We have seen no sign of inhabitants, nor
70
did we always keep near the coast, since it formed large bays which would have taken up much time Still, we kept seeing the coast from time to time until in 27° we came upon the land discovered by the ship ‘Eendraght,’ which land in the said latitude showed as a red, muddy coast, which, according to the surmises of some of us, might not unlikely prove to be gold-beaimg, a point which may be cleared up in time.”
These documents put Houtman’s visit to the Abrolhos m 1619, as claimed by the Dutch, beyond the possibility of doubt; but it is only fair to add that at the time Mr. Major wiote their existence was not known The next voyage of interest was that of the “Leeuwm" in 1622. This vessel rounded the Cape since known as Cape Leeuwm at the south-west corner of the continent, and continued along the coast as far east as King George Sound. The title “Leeuwin’s Land” was applied to the portion then examined, and on Ger ntz’ map it is said to consist of “dunes with trees and underwood at the top” and “lowland seemingly submerged” by the tide.
On J uly 5 of the same year there arrived at Batavia a boat containing ten men, who formed part of the crew of an English ship, the “Trial”; this was followed some few days later by the pinnace of the same ship with thirty-six men on board. The men stated that they had lost and abandoned their ship with ninety-seven men and the cargo on some rocks m 20° 10' southern latitude and in the longitude of the western extremity of Java, that the ship ran on the rocks at night time in fine weather, and that they had met with the accident through following the course of Dutch ships It is probable that while right as to latitude the sailors were considerably at fault in their longitude, as the rocks have since been identified as the south-west part of Monte Bello Reef, which runs north and south to the north of Barrow Island. A Dutch yacht, the “Haze wind,” was instructed to search for the place, but for some reason it never made a start The instructions given to the commander of the yacht are of a most interesting natuie, and had the voyage been carried out m accordance with them the history of Australia— or at least the western part of it—might have been entirely different The captain received orders to give names fitting and worthy from a Dutch point of view to the places he should visit, and to take possession of them in the name of the United Provinces That of course, had it been done, would have meant annexation by the Dutch of practically the whole of Western Australia, as the orders embraced the whole coastline south if necessary to 50° southern latitude, and eastward as far as possible if the coast turned in that direction. From the standpoint of future British settlement it is perhaps fortunate that the voyage never took place Apart from that phase of the question, however, the
voyage would have been productive of great results, and a more or less definite knowledge of the possibilities of the west would have been known to the world nearly two centuries earlier. The thoroughness with which the voyage was conceived and the advantages open to be gained may be gathered from the following extract from the instructions. —
‘ The main object for which you are dispatched on this occasion is that from 4o" or 50°, or from the farthest point to which the land shall be found to extend southward within these latitudes, up to the northernmost extremity of the South Land, you will have to discover and survey all capes, forelands, bights, lands, islands, rocks, reefs, sandbanks, depths, shallows, roads, winds, currents, and all that appertains to the same, so as to be able to map out and duly mark everything m its true latitude, longitude, bearings, and conformation You will, moreover, go ashore m various places and diligently examine the coast in order to ascertain whether or not it is inhabited, the nature of the land and the people, their towns and inhabited villages, the divisions of their kingdoms, their religion and policy, their wars, their rivers, the shape of their vessels, their fisheries, commodities, and manufactures, but specially to inform yourselves what minerals such as gold, silvei, tin, iron, lead, and copper, what precious stones, pearls, vegetables, animals, and fruits these lands yield and produce.”
Farther on they -were directed to inquire as carefully as possible into the question of whether the land would yield gold, as had previously been suggested, and also to endeavour to procure and bring back to Batavia samples of the natives.
The expedition failed to set out owing, it is said, to unforeseen causes, but the existence of the instructions is particularly valuable, giving as they do a complete and comprehensive statement of the Dutch colonial policy of the time. The principal end m view may have been, as was stated, that of discovery, but there is ample evidence that commercial interests were not lost sight of, nor were possible political results altogether overlooked.
The next mention we have of the new land was that made by the captain of the “Wapen van Hoorn” in the same year, 1622. This vessel had left Texel for the East in the previous December, and on arrival at her destination repoited having been “in extreme peril near Eendraght Land.”
The knowledge of the west coast was extended during 1623 by the ‘ Leyden” and the “Tortelduyff,” both of which reported having sighted the South Land. In the same year Arnhem Land, including the present Northern Territory of the Commonwealth, was discovered by Jan Cartensz. During an attempt at exploration some members of the party were killed, and
71
the expedition returned with the information that “in this discovery were found everywhere shallow water and barren coasts; islands altogether thinly populated by divers cruel, poor, and brutal natives, and of very little use to the Company.”
Nothing further is known until 1627, when the “Guide Zeepaerd,” under the command of Franfois Thyssen, sighted the south coast just beyond Cape Lecuwin and made an exhaustive examination of the coastline for about 1,000 miles eastward, giving to the part explored the name of Nuyts Land, in honour of the chief passenger, Pieter Nuyts, who was afterwards Ambassador to Japan and subsequently Governor of Formosa. In Nuyts Land was embraced all that territory lying at the head of the Great Australian Bight.
In the second half of the same year, on July 22, 1627, the Governor-General of the Dutch Indies sailed
Early in the following year Captain De Witt in the “Vianen,” homeward bound, touched the shore on the north-west coast in the neighbourhood of Kimberley, and after making a cursory examination for some 50 miles gave it the name of De Witt Land.
The same year, 1628, was also to witness the commencement of one of the most important and exciting voyages made to the new land. On the whole the history of early Australian discovery is a calm and quiet story, without trace of adventure, recording nothing of an eventful nature beyond the sighting and superficial examination of stretches of isolated and uninteresting coast. But there are some exceptions, and perhaps the greatest of these is the tragic voyage of the “Batavia,” whose passengers and crew formed the first white settlers on Australian soil, albeit involuntarily and for many of them with dire results.
Dirk'Hartog's Plate, 1616
o
-Qo 16 =
z DIM 2s OCTOBER IS HIER x /Am CECOMEN HET SCH1PD EEND1WBL /VAN /MtSTERDMI DE-QPPER KOPflAhi GlL> N /LESMlEBAiS VAN LVCK <> SCHI PTER D1RCK HATICHS \
/ VANAMSTERDAM DE 2^ DlTO TE6EICGEGHM na EaN\ /Tvn DEONDER COEPmNjANi/TINSDE QPPER5TVER\ /DAN PIETER eOORESVAim^WNO a cx<5
A 6 V DEW VFE8/1EVABY16 H1ER AEN GEKOMEN HET3CHIP DE GEELVINCK V00R AMSTERDAM DEW COMBER ENT SCHI P» PERmiEM DE V LA.riiWGH VAN VUCL AIMDT ADSISTEWT JOAN-IUE6 BREMER VAN COPPEAIHAGEN 0PPEr\51 VICRHAN niCHIL \BL0En VWLSTICHT BREWN DEH0ECREADE WTAWGH \SCHIPPERCERRITC0LAMTVAN AMSTERDAM ADSiST'TH©/ \DpRIS HURHANS VAN DITO ' 0RPER SHERMAN GER-\R TCERITSEN-VAN BREHENTLGAUOOT HET J WE5ELT1LGESAGM WEBBER CORRELJSDEVlAtllNCt \VAN VLiELANDFST VIRMaN COEKTCERRITSEN '
BREMEN EAlVAN H1ER CrSEyLTTET0NSE, \VLOT DEN V00RTSHET ?V7DLANDT VERDER TE0NDERS0ECREN ENGEDIS/
\Jineert yoor Batavia hy"
VLAMING'S Plate, 1697.
from Table Bay with the ships “Galias,” “Utrecht,” and “Texel.” All went well up to August 10, when the rudder of the “Galias” broke, and the ship becoming unmanageable, the other vessels passed out of sight. Repairs being effected the next day she proceeded on her course alone, and on September 5 came suddenly upon the Land of Eendraght, which by the reckoning of the chart should have been nearly 350 miles farther east. The Governor’s experience on this voyage and his nearness to shipwreck led him to request the Company to give particular attention to correcting the miscalculations in the chart—a work that seems to have been very urgently required. Accuracy of observation and charting was therefore enjoined upon succeeding captains, with a result beneficial alike to navigation and geography.
The relation of this voyage, probably compiled from Pelsart’s Journal, was first published in Dutch at Amsterdam in 1647, and was repeatedly republished during the succeeding few years. It was used by Thevenot in 1663 to compile a French version for his “Recueil de divers voyages curieux,” and all English accounts were merely abridgments of this until 1897, when Mr. 'W. Siebenhaar, of Perth, undertook a complete translation of the Dutch account. It is from this, with Mr. Siebenhaar’s kind permission, that our description of the voyage is taken. Pelsart’s Journal was recently published by Professor Heeres, but the fact and particulars of the shipwreck were omitted as being already sufficiently known.
In 1628 General Pieter Carpentier returned safely from the East Indies with five richly-laden merchant
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
ships, and this, combined with the fact that the Government had recently succeeded in releasing three ships from an embargo laid upon them by the English a year previously, led the authorities to determine to send another fleet of eleven ships to the East, with which General Jacob Specks was to sail. Two ships and a yacht being soon ready to sail, the Senate sent them to Texel so as to lose no time These vessels were the “Batavia” (under Frangois Pelsart), the “Dordrecht” (under Isaac van Swaenswyck), and the “Assendelft” (under Cornells Vlack). They left Texel for their destination on October 28, 1628. With the details of the first part of the voyage we need not concern ourselves. Nothing out of the ordinary happened except that the ships became separated, which was so usual an occurrence as to cause little excitement. The “Batavia” continued her course alone and on Whit-Monday, June 4, 1629, reached southern latitude
28° 28J' about nine miles from the mainland Here they got among the perilous banks of the Abrolhos and shortly before sunrise struck the reefs The usual trials and tribulations attendant upon shipwrecks occurred, intensified by the drunkenness and lawlessness of the soldiers and sailors, but eventually the whole company was landed on two small islands situated about three leagues from the ship. After considerable difficulty provisions and merchandise, including treasure^ were landed, but it was impossible to secure sufficient water. The forty people on the smaller island had only eighty cans, and the 180 refugees on the larger had even less, so that from the beginning the scarcity of water had to be faced. On this account a great deal of dissatisfaction arose, particularly as there was no water to be found on the islands, and very little hope of securing more until rain came, or unless the ship went to pieces and some of the barrels were to float to the islands. Some of the crew desired to take the boat and search the other islands and the mainland, but Pelsart was not at first favourable to this idea, feeling that he was responsible for the safety of both the people and the merchandise. Ultimately after much pressure he yielded, and it was decided that they should try the mainland for water, and if they found none continue the voyage to Batavia to ask for help to rescue those left on the islands.
Before carrying this resolution into effect the commodore (Pelsart) wished to sail across to the other island to acquaint the people there with the decision arrived at. The crew at first objected to this, but at length were induced to start. When nearing the other shore, however, they renewed their objections and definitely refused to land, evidently afraid of some untoward result. Pelsart was therefore compelled to return to the first island. The next morning in company with some others he set out early, after leaving a note of their
intentions, to search for water. For three days they sought among the islands, but without success. Such fresh water as there was in the rocky holes of the islands round about had been spoilt by sea water during the storm. Then on June 9 they steered for the mainland, but were not able to land owing to the roughness of the coast and the persistence of the storm. Many efforts were made to effect a landing, but without avail, “for the breakers were too strong and the coast too steep and jagged, without any foreland or inlet, as is usually found on other coasts, so that it seemed to them a bare and cursed country, devoid of green or grass.” The current bore them farther to the northward than they desired, and on the 14th, on approaching the coast, they observed a good deal of smoke, and endeavoured to run in, hoping to find men and water. To land being impracticable on account of the breakers, six men determined to swim for the shore, and all succeeded in reaching it. A day’s search left them exhausted but unsuccessful. In the evening "they happened upon four people, who were creeping toward them on their hands and feet ” These fled upon the approach of the sailors, who on their return to the boat described them as “black savages, quite naked, leaving themselves uncovered like animals.” The next day they were fortunately able to land, and managed to collect about 20 gallons of water. They next resolved to go farther inland m the hope of securing more in the mountains, but the search was vain, as there was no appearance of water, ‘for behind the mountain chain the country was flat again, bearing neither trees nor vegetation nor grass, and being everywhere covered with high ant-hills built of earth, which in the distance were not unlike Indian huts. There were also such multitudes of flies that one could not keep them out of one’s eyes ” They next saw eight black people, each carrying a stick in his hand. These approached them to a musket shot’s distance, but “when they saw our people coming toward them they took to their heels and would neither speak nor stop ”
Oppressed by a sense of his own danger and fearing for the safety of those left on the islands, Pelsart followed the coastline in the hope of reaching the river of Jacob Kemmessensz, which according to his charts was close at hand. North-easterly winds prevented him from reaching it, and finally he determined to try to make Batavia for assistance This difficult task he accomplished, and after sighting Java on June 27 reached Batavia on July 5. The next day he made his appearance before the Court, and having informed the Governor-General and Council of his misfortunes, requested speedy help to save the shipwrecked people, and to secure as much as possible of the merchandise. In a few days the frigate "Sardam” was assigned to
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
78
him, and after manning and victualling her he left on his return to the Abrolhos on the 15th of the month.
In the meantime, however, there was great trouble among those left behind on the islands After the shipwreck the supercargo, Jerome Cornelisz (a chemist of Haarlem), with several accomplices had formed the intention of refloating the ship and sailing her for piratical purposes, a trade which in those days was far from being unremunerative. To this end they remained on the vessel for some ten days, until, in fact, she fell to pieces, and they had considerable difficulty in gaining
piracy was out of the question. He therefore resolved, with the aid of his accomplices, to murder all the people except forty men, and then with the scoundrels that remained seize the yacht which he expected Pelsart to bring from Batavia and go pirating with her. Selecting those upon whom he could depend, a contract was made out to which all agreed. The wording of this bond, really an agreement to commit wholesale murder, is so curious that it may be interesting to print it in full: —
“We, the undersigned, in order to take away all
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the shore Cornelisz then as supercargo took command of the company, which at that time was distributed among three islands, the largest number and most of the miscreants being with him. The distribution on three islands arose from the fact that a few days previously some of the men, in charge of a soldier. Webbye Hays, had gone off to a third in seaich of water The supercargo having been on the island for about a month after the wreck, and seeing that the ship was rapidly breaking up, realized that his first intention of
distrust that exists or might arise amongst us, bind ourselves herewith, on the salvation of our souls, and on the solemn oath that God shall tiuly help us to he true to each other %n everything and to love each other as brothers, also promising not to do each other any injury whatsoever in person or possession without first verbally declaring to each other the breach of the peace, in knowledge whereof we have signed this contract on the 12th July, 1629, on the island Batavise’s Herkhof.” The signatures followed. (The language was probably
Cornelisz’; the italics are our own ) They then proceeded to murder all those on the island with the exception of thirty men and four boys, so that the name of the island as set down in the contract—Batavia’s graveyard -was both sinister and significant.
Meanwhile Webbye Hays and party, who were away looking for water, were after twenty days successful m finding it, and made three fires as a signal. As this happened to be on the day of the general murder Cornelisz and his friends were probably too busy to notice it. Some who escaped the carnage managed to get across to Hays on rafts and take hnn the dreadful news Having with these reinforcements some forty-five men under him, he resolved to place himself m a position ol defence from attack. Those on the remaining island, either not being aware of what had transpired or being too weak to defend themselves, were attacked by a party of Cornelisz’ ruffians, and all but seven boys and six women were murdered. The chests of merchandise were then opened and the worthy band attired themselves gaudily m scarlet cloth, with gold and silver embroidery.
The ringleader, however, recognized that there could be no safety for him until Webbye Hays and party were put out of the way. Consequently, having assumed the title and authority of “Captain-General,” he sent an expedition ol twenty-two armed men against them. These were successfully repulsed by the practically defenceless band. Cornelisz tnen had recourse to strategy, and by letter secretly offered some of the men lar£, s rewards m return for treachery. These letters were shown to Hays, and a trap was accordingly laid. Cornelisz was induced to come to the island to settle the terms, and on arrival he himself was taken prisoner and some of his men killed.
At this stage, September 13, the ‘Sardam” with Pelsart arrived at the Abrolhos, the commodore being pleased to find from the presence of smoke that some at least of his people were still alive. Before he could land, Webbye Hays and three others came on board and gave him an account of the whole tragedy, further informing him that the ruffians were already on their way to surprise and seize the ship. These when they arrived were captured, a fate that also quickly befell the remainder of the band An examination into the whole circumstances was then and there made, and as carrying the miscreants back to Batavia would have meant crowding the frigate too much, Cornelisz and those closely associated with him were put to death on Seal Island after being subjected to the refinements of what one almost feels compelled to admit was well-merited torture. Among them they had murdered no fewer than 125 innocent people. The frigate then returned to Batavia, stopping on her course to maroon two of the conspirators on the coast near Champion Bay.
These two villains were the first white inhabitants of the continent so far as is known. It is curious that the first white settlement in Australia also consisted of persons largely of the same class
During the years following, particularly m 1629, 1632, and 1635, various places on the west coast were either touched at or sighted by Dutch ships, but these did not contribute anything new in the way of information. The next important voyage was that of Abel Janssen Tasman (who had discovered Van Diemen Land m 1642) and Franz Visscher with the jactits “Limmen,” ‘Zeemeeuw,” and “De Brak.” It was for this voyage, which took place m 1644, that the Dutch “Book of Despatches” previously rexerred to, and from which much of our knowledge oi the voyages of the Dutch East India Company is derived, was compiled. The object of the expedition was to explore the northwest and north coasts of the new continent, and to proceed eastward, despite adverse winds, to determine whether New Guinea was a separate island or part of the mainland. Tasman’s Journals have unfortunately been lost, so that such information as we possess about the voyage is lather meagre, and is taken from a work published m 1705 by Burgomaster Witsen, who quotes Tasman as the authority for his statements. These refer chiefly to the natives, who are described as ‘possessing rude canoes made of the bark ot trees, but no houses, to live poorly, go naked, and eat yams and other roots ” From the map published by Thevenot in 1663, which it is said was originally taken from that done m inlaid work on the pavement of the new Stadt Haus in Amsterdam, we may get a fair idea ot his route. He certainly did not ascertain whether New Guinea was separated from the mainland, but he examined the northern coastline from Arnhem Land to Exmouth Gulf, taking in De Witt Land and part of Eendraght Land, and embracing the districts now known as the Kim-berleys and the North-West. He also appears to have landed in what we call Carnot and Roebuck Bays. To him we owe the name “New Holland,” which was applied by the Dutch only to that portion of the continent lying west of a meridian line drawn north and south through Arnhem Land and the islands of St. Fiancis and St. Peter The part east of that line was still denominated the Terra Australts. New Holland, which included the whole of the present State of Western Australia, was according to the Dutch “The Great Known South Land,” as distinguished from the rest of Australia, which remained “The Unknown Land.” From this time to the end of the century the interest of the Dutch in coastal exploration seems to have flagged. The sterile nature of the country promised but little in the way of wealth, and though the territory was still included m the lands of the Dutch East India Company it was left undisturbed to the occupation of
75
the savages. An exploratory voyage was made by the “Leeuwerik” in 1648, and in 1649 the “Vergulde Draeck,” laden with rich merchandise and money, was wrecked in latitude 30° 40' and 118 lives lost. Seven of the survivors managed to reach Batavia, leaving sixty eight behind them to protect the cargo and treasure, and implored assistance. To this end several ships were dispatched in 1657 and 1658, but many of these met with disaster of one kind or another, and all returned from the search unsuccessful. The first of these vessels, the “Witte Valck” and “Goede Hoop,” sailed down the coast for some distance, but reappeared after losing a boat and eleven men. The “Vinck,” from the Cape to Batavia, was instructed to search, but also failed. The “Waeckende Boey” and the “Emeloort”
visited the mainland in 1658 on the same mission, but with abortive results. The first of these vessels foolishly abandoned a boat and fourteen men during bad weather, and only four of them got back to Batavia, the remainder succumbing to incredible suffering and privation In the same year the “Elburg” joined in the search with the same negative result. Many of these ships obseived wreckage of various kinds floating about, which evidently came from the “Vergulde Draeck,” but nothing was ever heard of the unfoitunate castaways. There was, however, some result from the attempts in improved charts of the coastline.
Some twenty years later the “Vliegende Swaan” coasted the north-west of the continent on her voyage from Ternate to Batavia
CHAPTER II.
DISCOVERY AND EARLY VOYAGES—(Continued).
Up to the end of the seventeenth century English maritime enterprise m the Pacific Ocean and Southern Sects had been almost a negligible quantity, confined chiefly to occasional voyages of adventure of more or less piratical intent, and any English interest or even knowledge of the new Southern Land could scarcely be said to exist. Curiously enough that English interest was m the first place stimulated by one who at that period of his life was m every respect a buccaneer—William Dampier But pirate though he practically was, he had some of the qualities of a hero, and he posssessed that faculty of accurate observation that made his remarks and opinions on places visited of special value to his country.
Born in 1652 of a respectable family in Somerset, Dampier as a young man gained some experience of the sea both in the merchant service and in the navy. In 1674 he went to Jamaica to assist m the management of Colonel Helyar’s plantation, but the life was so devoid of adventure that in the following year he went back to sea. In 1679 he joined the buccaneers ana made various expeditions m the Pacific with the avowed object of plundering the Spanish settlements Some four years later he took service with one Cook on a cruise round the world. Finding that the vessel was too small for the purpose they ran along the coast of Africa in the hope of meeting a more suitable craft. At Sierra Leone they fell in with a Dutch ship carrying thirty-six guns, and without any qualms of conscience forcibly took possession of her and ran out to sea Dampier’s narrative says nothing of this, but would lead us to
believe that the voyage was one of discovery only, instead of being, as it really was, a purely piratical venture. Cook died m 1684, and Davis, who took his place, joined forces with a Captain Swan of the “Cygnet,” and for twelve months they scoured the South American Coast in company They then parted, as Swan wished to try the Mexican Coast and then go across the Pacific toward the East Indies. With him went Dampier, filled (according to his narrative) with a desire for discovery. Reaching the Philippine Islands in June, 1686, they remained there until early m the following year, when dissatisfaction became rife among the crew owing to the prolonged inactivity. This was ended by Dampier and party sailing away with the ship, leaving Swan and about thirty-six men stranded on Mindanao. After a course of piracy m the China Seas Dampier seems to have tired of the life and set sail for home, taking a lonely route to the south in the hope of avoiding English and Dutch ships, of’ which he stood in some dread. Contrary winds carried his ship out of her course, and in January, 1688, he decided to land on the shores of New Holland “to see what the country would afford us.”
The landing took place in the north-west corner of King Sound, at the spot now known as Cygnet Bay. Here the ship was beached for clean mg and repairs, and it is curious that apparently by accident Dampier found the one place on the whole north-west coast suitable for that purpose. During the stay here, lasting until March 12, the leader appears to have found the society of his fellow-buccaneers uncongenial, and to occupy his
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
time made a careful exploration of the surrounding country.
“New Holland,” he tells us, “is a very large tract of land. It is not yet determined whether it is an island or a main continent; but I am certain that it joins neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. The part of ,b that we saw is all low, even land, with sandy banks against the sea; only the points are rocky, and so are some of the islands m this bay.”
Dampier’s observations on the country and the natives are singularly correct, and have a particular valui as giving the first definite and accurate information known concerning any portion of this vast continent.
The soil he describes as dry and sandy, “destitute of water, except you make wells, yet producing divers sorts of trees. But the woods are not thick nor the trees very big. Most of the trees we saw are dragon-trees, as we supposed, and these, too, are the largest trees of any there. They are about the bigness of our large apple-trees . . and the rind is blackish and
somewhat rough. . . . The other sorts of trees were
not known by any ot us. There was pretty long grass growing under the trees, but it was very thin. We saw no trees that bore fruit or berries.”
Of the natives, whom he must have observed with very great care, he writes.—-
“The inhabitants of this country are the miserablest people in the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a nasty people, yet for wealth are gentlemen to these, who have no houses and skm garments, sheep, poultry, and fruits of the earth, ostrich eggs, etc., as the Hodmadods have; and setting aside their human shape, they differ little from brutes. They are tall, straight-bodied, and thin, with small long limbs. They have great heads, round foreheads, and great brows. Their eyelids are always half-closed to keep the flies out of their eyes, they being so troublesome here that no fanning will keep them off. They will creep into one’s nostrils, and mouth, too, if the lips are not shut very close. So that from their infancy, being thus annoyed with these insects, they do never open their eyes as other people, and therefore they cannot see far, unless they hold up their heads, as if they were looking at somewhat over them
“They have great bottle noses, pretty full lips, and wide mouths The two foreteeth of their upper jaw are wanting m all of them, men and women, old and young. They are long-visaged. . . . Their hair is
black, short, and curled.
“They have no sort of clothes, but a piece of the rind of a tree tied like a girdle about their waists, and a handful of long grass, or three or four small green boughs full of leaves, thrust under their girdle to cover their nakedness.
“They have no houses, but lie in the open air with-
out any covering, the earth being their bed and the heaven their canopy. . . . They do live in com-
panies, twenty or thirty men, women, and children together Their only food is a small sort of fish which they get by making weirs of stones across little coves or branches of the sea, every tide bringing in the small fish, and there leave them a prey to these people, who constantly attend there to search for them at low water. This small-fry I take to be the top of their fishery. They have no instruments to catch great fish should they come, and such seldom stay to be left behind at low water. ... In other places at low water they seek for cockles, mussels, and periwinkles. Of these shell fish there are fewer still, so that their chiefest dependence is what the sea leaves m their weirs, which, be it much or little, they gather up and march to the places of their abode There the old people that are not able to stir abroad, by reason of their age, and the tender infants wait their return; and what Providence has bestowed on them they presently broil on the coals and eat it in common. Sometimes they get as many fish as makes them a plentiful banquet and at other times they scarce get everyone a taste; but be it little or much that they get, everyone has his part, as well the young and tender, the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad as the strong and lusty When they have eaten they lie down till the next low water, and then all that are able march out, be it night or day, rain or shine, tis all one 1 They must attend the weirs or else they must fast, for the eaith affords them no food at all. There is neither herb, root, pulse, nor any sort of gram for them to eat that we saw, nor any sort of bird or beast that they can catch, having no instruments wherewithal to do so.
“I did not perceive that they did worship anything. These poor creatures have a sort of weapon to defend their ware or fight with their enemies, if they have any that will interfere with their poor fisheries.
Some of them had wooden swords; others had a sort of lance. The sword is a piece of wood shaped somewhat like a cutlass The lance is a long straight pole, sharp at one end and hardened afterwards by heat. I saw no iron nor any other sort of metal.”
After leaving Cygnet Bay Dampier desired to proceed on the voyage to England, but this did not meet with the approval of his companions. A quarrel occurred, and m the result the navigator with two others was put ashore on the Nicobar Islands. Here they suffered many trials and privations, but ultimately succeeded in getting away, and m 1691 Dampier arrived back m England after an absence of nearly nine years.
Some years passed without incident until the Dutch became anxious about the fate of a missing ship, the “Ridderschap van Holland,” and in order to make certain Willem van Vlaming in 1696 was instructed by the
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
77
Company to proceed with the “Geelvinck” and two other vessels to carefully examine the west coast of New Holland for some trace of her. On Christmas Day, 1696, they sighted land, and on December 29 anchored off the shore of a large island, upon which they landed on the following day. On exploring it they were struck with the large number of rats’ (wallabies) nests found, and from that fact gave it the name of Rottnest Island. Some pieces of wreckage were discovered, but there was nothing by which they could identify the vessel they were endeavouring to trace. From the higher parts they could see the mainland distinctly, and from the smoke rising here and there from among the trees they gathered that natives were present. On January 5, 1697,
Vlaming with eighty-six well-armed men landed on the shore somewhere in the neighbourhood of Cottlesloe Beach, and marching eastward came upon what they described as “a large basin of brackish water.” On the banks of this they met with traces of natives in the shape of footprints, a fire still burning, and a hut that would
Black Swan River on New Holland, opposite Rottnest Island, prom Vankeulen.
have disgraced a Hottentot, but the aborigines themselves were not to be seen. They camped near the fire, and on the following day separated into three parties for exploratory purposes and went off in different directions, to meet again at night having made no discovery of any importance beyond proving that the “basin of brackish water” was really a river. Some of the men foolishly partaking of nuts “having the taste of our large Dutch beans” which they found growing on a certain tree paid severely for their indiscretion—so much so that one wonders whether they really were Dutch beans. On the 9th they brought the ships in and anchored just off the mouth of the river, which Vlaming and a party explored on the following days for a distance of some 14 or 16 leagues. They were rewarded by the discovery of numbers of that hitherto unknown prodigy of Nature—the fabulous black swan described by Juvenal. Several specimens were secured and three were taken alive to Batavia. From the presence of these birds Vlaming named his discovery the “Swan River.”
However, having, according to the narrative, “found neither good country nor seen anything worthy of note” Vlaming continued his voyage northward, examining the shore carefully for traces of the lost ship, and occasionally landing to make some exploration of the coast. On February 4 they reached Shark Bay and on Dirk Hartog found the tin-plate previously referred to. This they took away, leaving another in its place. Resuming the voyage they reached the North-West Cape, and on the 21st of the month set the course direct for Batavia, after firing guns “as a signal of farewell to the miserable South Land.” To Vlaming thus belongs the discovery of the Swan River, the most important so far of all the discoveries on the mainland, and he also had the honour of being the first to anchor in the harbour at Fremantle.
Meanwhile Dampier had not been idle. For some years after his arrival in England he was engaged preparing a record of his voyage and adventures from 1683 to 1691. This was published in 1698 as “'A New Voyage Round the World.” From it the English gained their first accurate knowledge of these new South Lands. So impressed were, they with the potentialities of the places described and so desirous of learning more about them that William III. was induced to send Dampier in the “Roebuck,” under commission from the Admiralty, to make further exploration of the north-west coast and to solve, if possible, the question whether the new discoveries were a series of islands or part of a great continent.
Dampier sailed from England on January 14, 1699, taking the usual route round the Cape and thence eastward. On August 1 land was sighted, and on the 5th he anchored in Dirk Hartog Bay, to which, owing to the prevalence of sharks, he gave its present name of Shark Bay. Some eight days were spent in making trips to the mainland in search of water, but without result. During this time he surveyed a portion of the Bay and collected a good deal of valuable information about the coastal country, as well as interesting data concerning the fauna- and flora. He tells us that the land was gently undulating, with stretches of sand along the seaboard, changing to a reddish soil of sandy nature farther inland. Upon this grew plants, grass, and shrubs, but no tree above 10 ft. in height. Of the tree blossoms blue was the predominating colour, and small and beautiful flowers of various hues, different from anything he had previously seen, abounded everywhere. The onlv large birds were some eagles, cormorants, pelicans, gulls, and ducks. The land animals were few in number, consisting in the main of kangaroos, iguanas, and lizards. The kangaroos were new to natural history, and Dam-pier’s description of them is the first known. “The land animals,” he writes, “were only a sort of racoons, different from those of the West Indies, chiefly as to their
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
legs; for these have very short forelegs, but go jumping upon them as the others do, and, like them, are very good meat.” The iguanas (or guanos, as he terms them) he found good to eat, but the sensitive stomach of a buccaneer rebelled at the idea of the harmless Australian lizard.
Water not being available, he decided on the 14th to continue his voyage north, keeping as close to the shore as he could in the hope of finding more fertile country and an abundant supply of water. From time to time he sent the boats ashore for supplies, but only once did he obtain sufficient to replenish the casks On the 21st he reached some islands, afterwards called the Dampier Archipelago, situated off the present town of Cossack, and on the 31st again landed, some 150 miles south of his former anchorage, in Cygnet Bay. Here he had a small brush with some natives, in the course of which a sailor was speared and a native shot Being still greatly concerned about the shortage of water, and disgusted with the sterile nature of the land,
Dampier felt, compelled to abandon any further exploration of the coast In accordance with this resolution he set sail early in
September for Timor and New Guinea. On his voyage home the “Roebuck” was wrecked on the island of Ascension, but the navigator succeeded in reaching England, and in 1703 published an account of his voyage.
His observations with regard to the coast and the information he brought back concerning the country and its inhabitants have been proved to be remarkably reliable, and may be regarded as some compensation for his failure to achieve the actual objects of his mission. Whether the new land was a succession of islands or a continent was a question yet to be solved, and the passage between New Guinea and Australia was still unknown.
His unfavourable reports about the land and his opinion of its wretched inhabitants, whom he described as “the miserablest people in the world,” did not give
any encouragement to the Government to pursue its investigations. Consequently we hear of no further voyages under the English flag until 1770, when Captain Cook discovered and took possession of the more fertile country on the east coast.
A remark made by Dampier when seeking a passage among the islands of the archipelago that bears his name, that “among so many islands we might have found some sort of rich mineral or ambergreece,” has given rise to a curious inaccuracy in many publications concerning the gold discoveries of Western Australia It is stated that Dampier, a Dutch buccaneer, discovered gold on the north-west coast in 1688, and that on account of this discovery the Dutch charts of that region were marked “Provincia aurifera.” Though the region is so marked on some of the sixteenth century Dutch charts it is really the result of a geographical blunder, due to a misreading of part of Marco Polo’s “De regionibuo
onentalibus ” This actually refers to Lower Siam, but was ignor-antly transferred by early geographers to an imaginary great southern continent Dampier was not Dutch. Neither does he make any mention in his narrative of a discovery of gold Had
he done so it is scarcely probable that English interest in the new country would have ceased after his report.
The unpromising reports concerning the value of the new land which were brought back by Dutch navigators had the effect of causing the interest of that nation also to wane Only one more expedition with definite instructions to explore any part of the coastline was sent out This was in 1705, when a small fleet of three vessels made some examination of the north-west and improved the charts which Tasman had compiled.
In 1718 one Hans Purry, of Neufchatel, published a work in which he proposed the establishment of a Dutch colonial settlement in the south-west corner near Cape Leeuwin. This idea was submitted to the authorities of the East India Company at Batavia and Amsterdam, and being declined by them was unsuc-
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
79
eessfully urged upon the West India Company. The inducements offered were not commensurate with the expense, and the frugal Dutch mind was not prepared to spend money on something that offered little or no prospect of return.
Dutch interest may from this time be said to have ceased, though as the century progressed Dutch vessels either sighted or touched at isolated portions of the coast, and some had the misfortune to be wrecked there. Tn 1711 the “Zuytdorp” was supposed to have struck somewhere on the Abrolhos, that area of extreme danger to early navigators, and in 1727 the “Zeewyck” came to grief on a reef in the same group Of this vessel numerous relics have from time to time been found by various ex-p 1 o r e r s and others, and they now form an interesting exhibit in the Western Australian Museum.
In 1755 and 1765 casual Dutch visits weie recorded, but they were without incident.
Almost coin-cidently with the cessation of Dutch entei -prise France became active in the Southern Seas Thenceforward, up to the time of the actual annexation and settlement of Western Australia by Great Britain, the competing nations in these waters, as in so many parts of the world, were the English and the French.
The first French ship to touch at any portion of the Australian coast was “Le Gros Ventre,” under the command of Captain de St. Alouarn, in whose honour the St Alouarn Islands were named at a later date by D’Entrecasteaux.
For some years after this there is no record that any navigator visited the western shores. The discoveries of Cook in 1770 and his favourable reports on the fertile nature of the country had turned attention to the eastern side of the continent, and whatever efforts
were made in the way of exploration were directed toward that part. In 1791, however, nearly a century after the visit of Dampier, the English Government sent out Captain George Vancouver (who had previously served as a midshipman under Cook) and Captain Broughton in H M.Ss. “Discovery” and “Chatham” on a voyage to the north-west coast of America by way of the Cape and Australia.
On August 20, 1791, they had their first view ol Australia—that of a conspicuous promontory with high cliffs dropping almost perpendicularly into the sea. This they named Cape Chatham, after the earl of that name, who at that time presided over the Admiralty. Though describing the promontory as a cape, Vancouver
was in some doubf whether it was not really an island, a doubt afterwards proved to be well founded. Passing this and following a n eastward course, while keeping as near the shore as possible in the hope of discovering a safe anchorage, they entered a fine natural harbour on the 28th and bestowed upon it the name of King George III. Sound. Landing on the 29th they noticed that there was a further inner harbour and a second extension toward the north-east The day being the birthday of the Princess Royal they named the inner portion Princess Royal Harbour Vancouver then, in the name of the King, took formal possession of all the country “from the land we saw north-westward of Cape Chatham so far as we might explore its coasts.” On the same day the narrow entrance to the north-eastern extension was discovered and the harbour named Oyster Harbour, on account of the number of oysters found there.
The ships remained at anchor for about a fortnight, during which a close examination of the harbours was made, and the coast for some distance inland was
NEW HOLLAND FROM MAP OF TH6 WORLD IN EMANUEL BOWEN'S
atlas, London, 1747.
explored. The land in places seemed barren or covered with a “deadly green herbage, with here and there a few grovelling shrubs or dwarf trees scattered at a great distance from each other ” This, Vancouver admits, might not have originated from sterility of the soil, but as the lesult of a bushfire which it was evident had recently passed over it, especially as the surrounding country presented a far more fertile and pleasing aspect Fresh water was abundant and kangaroos, ducks, and fish not scarce. The climate was temperate and agreeable. Of shrubs and plants a great variety was found, which “afforded Mr Menzies [the naturalist of the expedition] much entertainment and enjoyment ’’ Natives they did not actually meet, but one or two deserted villages were seen, as well as single habitations, giving them the impression that the aborigines were a wandering people, trusting greatly to the natural products of the soil for food, and not expert either at hunting or fishing Our illustration of the deserted village is taken from the published account of “Vancouver’s Voyage,” and is interesting if only to show the ideal impression that the mind of an artist can receive from even the squalid shelter of an Australian black.
Before leaving the Sound Vancouver deposited on Point Possession a sealed bottle containing a parchment record of his visit, and a second bottle containing a similar record on Seal Island, where he thought the natives would be less likely to get it. This second bottle was probably found by Chr. Dixon, of the “Elligood,” who left a plate recording his calling at Oyster Harbour in August, 1800.
In 1883 a wooden tablet was erected by the Governor, Sir William Robinson, over an old well on the island by the channel connecting Middleton Bay and Oyster Harbour. This it is believed marks the spot where “George Vancouver, an illustrious navigator, watered H M.S. ‘Discovery’ in October, 1791.”
Leaving King George III. Sound Vancouver and Broughton continued their voyage eastward along the coast as far as Termination Island, so named from the fact that from there they set their course for America and lost sight of the Australian coast.
In addition to the places mentioned Point Possession, Cape Howe, Mount Gardner, the Eclipse, Break-sea, Seal, and Michaelmas Island and nearly every prominent headland or island from Cape Leeuwin to 122° east longitude owe their names to this voyage, which from the standpoint of accuracy of observation and attention to detail was one of the most important made to the shores of Western Australia
About this time the French Government began to be anxious about the fate of the expedition under La Perouse, which had not been heard of since leaving Botany Bay in 1788. The general impression was that the expedition had met with disaster, but in order to
have the matter cleared up two ships, the “Recherche” and the “Esperance,” were fitted out for a search and placed under the command of Admiral D’Entrecasteaux. Leaving France in September, 1791, D’Entrecasteaux proceeded by way of the Cape of Good Hope and reached the coast of Tasmania, anchoring in Storm Bay on April 21, 1792 From there they went to the Solomon Islands, the Moluccas, and the East Indian Archipelago, and then turned southward down the coast of Western Australia They did not, however, sight the Australian coast until December, 1792, when they came within hail of a point which they named D’Entrecasteaux Point, lying north-we=t of Chatham Island. Continuing their course to the eastward they skirted the coast as far as Termination Island, where they sheltered from a storm and then turned off to Tasmania again. The account of this voyage was written by Labillardiere, the celebrated botanist, who seems to have possessed especial talent for noticing unimportant things so far as Australia is concerned. Several places on the south coast were charted and named on this voyage, to which the discovery of the Recherche Archipelago is due.
This expedition, so far as finding any trace of La Perouse and his party was concerned, was doomed to failure. The fate of that navigator remained a mystery until 1825, when Captain Dillon, of H M S. “Research,” discovered remnants of the “Astrolabe” and “Boussole” on Vanikoro, the most southerly island of the Santa Cruz Group.
English maritime activity in the Southern Seas was now in full swing and English association with the new South Land definitely established. Perhaps no one did more to bring about an accurate knowledge of, at any rate, the coastal districts of the continent than Matthew Flinders, to whom we owe its present name. Though we are concerned only with his connection with the west, he was responsible for the discovery of practically the whole of the south coast. In many respects Flinders was not unlike Dampier—if we except the latter’s buccaneering proclivities. Bold and intrepid as an explorer, he was at the same time a careful observer, shrewd and painstaking, as well as accurate in detail, so that the information he procured proved of the greatest value in extending the vague knowledge then existing concerning this still practically unknown country.
Flinders left Spithead on July 18, 1801, in the “Investigator,” the old “Xenophon,” a sloop of 344 tons. On November 6 he reached what he termed Cape Leeuwin, as being the south-western and most projecting part of Leeuwin Land, and from there to King George III Sound, where he arrived on December 9, carefully surveyed the intermediate coast, naming various points. He remained at the Sound for some days, which were spent in charting Princess Royal and Oyster Har hours, and in establishing friendly relations with the
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81
aborigines. A short vocabulary of the native language was prepared and information collected as to their habits. Their manners he describes as "quick and vehement and their conversation vociferous, like that of most uncivilized people. They seemed to have no idea of any superiority we possessed over them. On the contrary, they left us, after the first interview, with some appearance of contempt for our pusillanimity, which was probably inferred from the desire we showed to be friendly with them.”
Before leaving the spot a search was made for the record bottles left by Vancouver in 1791. This was unsuccessful; but in a garden on the east side of Oyster Harbour a piece of sheet-copper was found inscribed— "August 27, 1800, Chr. Dixon; ship ‘Elligood,’ ” from which it was surmised that the bottles had been previously dis-covered and removed.
On January 5 Flinders again got under way and directed his course to the east and north, passing the Recherche A r c h i p elago and after-wards discov-ing much of the hitherto unknown south coast.
On board the “Investigator” with him were
Robert Brown, well known as a botanist, and William Westall, the famous painter; while one of his officers was (Sir) John Franklin, afterwards Governor of Tasmania and a famous explorer, who ended his career amid Arctic snows.
For one thing Flinders will always be remembered— that he gave to Australia her present name. Various appellations had been bestowed upon her—Magellanica, Jave la Grande, Terra Australis, and Great South Land. After Tasman’s voyage in 1644 the western portion was called New Holland, the eastern still retaining the name Terra Australis. Subsequent to Cook’s discoveries the eastern part received the name of New South Wales, the remainder being still New Holland. The meridian dividing the two, according to the patent to the first
G
Governor of New South Wales, was 135° eastern longitude, almost identical with the old line of separation laid down after Tasman’s voyage. Flinders readopted the name Terra Australis for the whole continent, including New South Wales, New Holland, and Van Diemen Land, as he had proved the east and west to be parts of one continent. At a later date, in 1814, he suggested—and his suggestion was adopted— the name Australia, “as being more agreeable to the ear, and an assimilation to the names of the other great portions of the earth.”
The fate of La Perouse being still unknown, a further French expedition was dispatched in 1801. This consisted of three vessels—the “Geographe,” under Commodore Nicolas Baudin; the “Natural-iste,” of which Captain Hamelin was the commander ; and a small 30-ton ship, the “Cas.uarina,” under Lieut. Louis de Frey-cinet. After a brief preliminary visit to the western coast they went on to Timor, afterwards returning southward for closer examination of the Western A ustralian shore. In June, 1801, they anchored off the mouth
of the Swan River and devoted some days to its e-xploration, with the intention of tracing its source. They seem to have reached the junction of the Helena with the Swan when the leader, M. Ileirisson, felt compelled to return, as the provisions were running short. The name of a member of the party being Moreau, the title Moreau Inlet was bestowed upon the Canning River, while the islands upon which the present Perth Causeway stands were called the Heirisson Islands. The view from the top of Mount Eliza was described as particularly striking and beautiful and the fertile nature of the soil about Guildford commented upon. At the point where they abandoned their journey up the river, about 60 miles from the mouth, the river was narrow, only about 8 ft. deep, and the water salt. Having made
a specially minute survey of the coast in the vicinity of the Swan River and at Rottnest Island, where they found a species of wallaby, they proceeded to make an examination of the whole Western Australian Coast. From Cape Leveque to North-West Cape names were awarded to the prominent natural features. A new entrance to Shark Bay, to which Baudin gave the name of Geographe Channel, was discovered, and Captain Hamelin found the plate left by Vlaming on Dirk Hartog Island more than a century previously. Evidence of the visit of this expedition to the south-west coast may be found in Leschenault Estuary and Cape Leschenault and Point Peron, named after the botanist and the zoologist attached to the enterprise
Some English authorities are of opinion that, considering the completeness of the scientific equipment earned by these vessels, the results achieved were surprisingly small. This is set down to the fact that Baudin hurried over his work, being satisfied to take credit for discoveries already made by Flinders and others. To some extent it may apply to the south coast, over which a certain amount of friction arose between Baudin and Flinders, who were coincidently in that neighbourhood; but there is no reason to express any dissatisfaction with the work done on the western side of the continent, over which great pains appear to have been taken.
No further record exists of any voyage to Western Australia until the year 1818, when the French Govern ment dispatched Captain Freycinet in the corvette “Uranie” on a voyage of discovery and scientific investigation. In the course of this cruise Freycinet anchored in Shark Bay, of which M Duperron made a minute survey, and upon which the French name “le Baie des Chiens Marins” was bestowed He then proceeded along the north-west coast on his way to the islands m the South Seas, calling at Sydney on his return Judging from the letters of M. Arago, one of the members of the expedition, the Western Australian coast failed to meet with their approval “The coast,” he says, “from the moment we saw it exhibited nothing but a picture of desolation; no rivulet consoled the eye, no tree attracted it; no mountain gave variety to the landscape, no dwelling enlivened it. Everywhere reigned sterility and death . Threatening reefs,
sometimes rising to the height of 40 or 50 ft., seem desirous of opposing the audacity of the mariner and forbidding his approach to this land, abandoned by Nature. Its outline is uniform, without breaks, almost without difference, and always very low. At the first view you take in an immense distance; but beware of looking for any enjoyment. The search would be merely wasting your strength, without finding the least relief.” And in another letter-—“The sun sets-everything is dead. The myriads of flies that devoured
us have disappeared; no insect wings through the air; no voice disturbs the silence of this melancholy solitude; a sharp cold benumbs the limbs. The sun reappears: the air is again peopled; a consuming heat oppresses us; we seek repose and find nothing but fatigue. What a frightful abode 1 ” All of which simply goes to prove M. Arago’s inability to probe beneath the surface appearances.
The number of French expeditions that touched at one part or another of the western coast of Australia began to arouse something like suspicion in the English mind, and consequently the British Government started to take a livelier interest in that part of the continent. In 1817 the Admiralty decided to send an expedition to complete the survey of the whole coastline, and from that date until 1822 Lieutenant Philip Parker King was busily engaged carrying out that work. In pursuance of his instructions King left Sydney in December, 1817, m the cutter ' Mermaid,” of only 84 tons, having with him Mr Allan Cunningham as botanist and as officers Lieutenants Bed well and John Septimus Roe, the latter of whom afterwards became the first Surveyor-General of the colony. The first call was made at King George III. Sound, which was reached on the 20th of the following month. Here King remained ten days, which were spent in procuring wood and water and making various excursions into the surrounding country, giving Mr Roe his first experience of what was afterwards to be his life’s work—the survey of Western Australia. The usual directions laid down by the Admiralty about the planting of seeds were carried out, but without permanent effect, as three years later not a trace of the garden was to be found Leaving the Sound, King was prevented by sickness among the crew from making any further examination until he reached the north-west coast This was then accurately charted and various points named. At the same time excursions to the mainland were made at various places and friendly intercourse, wherever possible, established with the natives On March 4 he anchored in Nickol Bay for the purpose of making researches and then went along the north coast and on to Timor, after leaving which he made all speed back to Sydney to replenish the stores. Two important questions had been set at rest by this voyage—the openings behind Rosemary Island and the nature of Van Diemen Gulf Owing to the loss of the anchors King found it impossible to make a detailed examination of Exmouth Gulf or land upon Depuch Island, so favourably noticed by Peron. Many rivers, bays, and ports had been discovered, and the exploration of the interior had revealed good pastoral country. “Its thickly-wooded shores,” says King, “bore a striking contrast to the sandy, desert-looking tract we had previously seen, and inspired us with
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
33
the hope of finding at some future time a still greater improvement of country between the two extremes.”
The “Mermaid” left Sydney on the second voyage in May, 1819, and in the following September reached Cambridge Gulf, so named after the Duke of Cambridge. Here King thought he had made a great discovery, believing that it must terminate in a river of some kind. Instead of that he found it barren and useless, the surrounding country being devoid of vegetation, the soil sandy and salt, the water undrinkable, and the gulf itself tailing off on all sides into a series of mud flats. Within the gulf he discovered an island, named by him Adolphus Island, of which he was able to give a much more favourable account, as grass was growing luxuriantly over it and the water was fresh and abundant. Leaving there he sailed westward along the north coast, examin i n g and naming as he passed Sir Graham Moore I s-lands, Eclipse Islands (from an eclipse of the moon tak-i n g place while there),
Vansittart Bay, Admiralty Gulf, and Port Warren -der. At this point King decided to
leave the coast for the time, the scarcity of water and the absence of provisions having caused sickness among the crew. He therefore set sail for Timor, and thence returned to Sydney, having examined on his trip a further 540 miles of the northern coastline. In the following year a third voyage was undertaken for the purpose of extending the survey to Warrender, and in the course of this York Sound (after the Duke of York), Careening Bay (where the ship was repaired), Prince Regent River, and many other places were named and examined. A serious leak in the cutter compelled King to abandon the work, and he again returned to Sydney, arriving there at the end of the year, having narrowly escaped shipwreck at the entrance to the Heads. Unfortunately, owing to the unseaworthiness of the cutter, the amount of work done on
g2
this survey was but small. King’s desire to complete his labour was, however, unabated, and in 1821 he again left Sydney for the north-west coast, this time in the brig “Bathurst,” purchased for the purpose by the Government. With a larger vessel and an increased crew the expedition was much better equipped, and the commander was able to spend a longer time at the scene of his operations. The coast, as far down as Cape Latoucbe Treville, was examined and surveyed, after which King sailed across to the Mauritius to refit, returning at the end of 1821 to King George Sound. From there he sailed along the -west coast, checking many points of previous surveys until he arrived at the Swan River, where he anchored for a while. Resuming his voyage he examined, with a good deal of accuracy, the intervening shore until
lie reached the Abrolhos and finally Dirk Hartog Island. Here he landed and searched without success forVlam-ing’s plate, and then proceeded northward to Cape Leveque, thus practically completing the survey of the whole Western Australian coast from King George Sound to Wyndham,
with the exception of that part lying between Depuch Island and Cape Villaret. What Cook, Bass, and Flinders had done for the eastern and southern coasts King, following upon the earlier Dutch, French, and English navigators, had done for the western and northern, so that the Admiralty was in possession of fairly comprehensive charts of the whole Australian coastline.
With Lieutenant King the long line of discoverers may be said to have ended. Practically everything in the way of interior exploration had yet to be undertaken, but the few voyages that afterwards took place to these shores were in the nature of looking for satisfactory places of settlement rather than of discovering new territory, or else were for the purpose of checking and correcting existing surveys.
Aboriginal Huts, West Coast (from "freycinet-s voyage")
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
CHAPTER III.
ANNEXATION OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
Although the existence of the western side of the continent had been known for certainly two, and very probably three, centuries it was not until the third decade of the nineteenth century—some forty years after the foundation of the colony of New South Wales—that the British Government decided to take steps to found a settlement there. That the matter had not previously engaged the attention of the Home authorities was in all likelihood due to the unsatisfactory reports of the new territory brought back by navigators, who, confining themselves to the uninviting coastline, seemed to have neither the time nor the inclination to make any examination of the interior, and so missed the fertile inland districts. Neither was there at that period that congestion of population in the Old Country which made colonies necessary as outlets for her surplus people. The only inducement in those days to leave the comforts of civilization was the almost certain knowledge that fortune, rapid and large, was to be secured by a few years’ exile. When, however, a strong suspicion began to gain ground that other nations were casting their eyes toward the southern seas the English people, with that profound belief that the Beatitude “Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth" was part of theii country’s constitution, began to realize that a few settlements on the eastern coasts were scarcely sufficient, in the opinion of others, to establish a claim to the whole of this vast continent as British territory. There is very little doubt that the settlements at King George Sound and the Swan River were in the first place due to the activity being displayed by the French in Australian waters.
It was rumoured that Admiral Baudin had contem plated a settlement at Western Port in Victoria in 1802, and an exhaustive examination of the north-west coast had, it will be remembered, been made by Freycinet in 1818. In 1825 we find that another expedition consisting of the “Thetis” and “Esperance,” commanded respectively by De Bougainville and Du Camper, was cruising about the southern coast These voyages gave rise to the strong suspicion that France, recognizing that maritime power depended greatly on the possession of suitable colonies, was looking for the opportunity to establish a settlement in Australia. The suspicion may have been further strengthened by a belief that in the minds of Frenchmen the Napoleonic dream of an Indian conquest had not, perhaps, altogether vanished. In that case a colony on the west coast of Australia would, in conjunction with the Mauritius, have formed a strategic base of some value. Such a colony would also have
been the means of introducing a formidable competitor into the trade relations then being fostered between India and the newly-established penal colony in New South Wales. Whatever the reasons may have been, there is no doubt that they were sufficient to move the English authorities to take action The movements of the French were closely watched, and at the same time settlement both in Australia and New Zealand was pushed on, so as to deprive France of the chance of gaining any foothold on Australasian soil.
The fear of French annexation of the western and southern coasts caused General Darling, then Governor of New South Wales, to draw the attention of the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the possibility, and ask that steps be taken to avert it “It will not be easy,’’ he wrote, “to satisfy the French, if they are desirous of establishing themselves here, that there is any valid objection to their doing so on the west coast, and I therefore beg to suggest that the difficulty would be removed by a commission,” proclaiming “the whole territory a3 within the Government” On March 1, 1826, Lord Bathurst addressed two despatches to Darling, informing him that two French vessels were reported to have sailed on a voyage of discovery, and suggesting that for fear the Frenchmen should attempt to take possession of or establish a claim to any part of the western coast of the continent, it would be advisable for the Governor to send an exploring party to Shark Bay. In one of these despatches— a private one—the Secretary of State was particularly careful to draw General Darling’s attention to the fact that he had avoided any expressions which might, at some future time, be construed into an admission of there not having been a preoccupancy by Great Britain, and the Governor was pointedly warned to regulate his language accordingly This probably explains the absence of any public proclamation as to the intention of the Government to found a settlement On March 11 Lord Bathurst again addressed Governor Darling upon the subject (and it is more than likely that the three despatches came from England by the same ship), instructing him to have an examination made of King George Sound in preference to Shark Bay The reasons given were that the soil at the Sound was reputed to be richer, and that, situated as it was on the track of vessels passing between Sydney and London, communication could more easily be kept up with a settlement in that locality In October, 1826, Governor Darling replied to these despatches. He stated that in his opinion King George Sound was unsuited “even for a penal settlement,” but promised to make early arrange-
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85
merits for having it examined and taken possession of. The country round Shark Bay he considered even worse; in fact, he had been given to understand that the adjacent coastlands were frequently under water. “The French,” he added, “would therefore find it difficult to maintain themselves at either of those places.”
However, without loss of time directions were given to fit out expeditions for the purpose of carrying into effect the instructions of the Home Government. Three sites for occupancy were determined upon — at Raffles Bay, Western Port, and King George Sound—and on November 9 IT.M.S. “Fly,” accompanied by the brigs “Amity” and “Dragon,” sailed from Sydney to establish the settlements at Western Port and King George Sound.
The contingent for the Sound was on the “Amity,” and was under the command of Major Lockyer, of the 59th Regiment, who had with him Captain Wakefield and a detachment of the 39th Regiment, as well as twenty-four convicts.
In the instructions given to Lockyer he was told “to avoid any expression of doubt as to the whole of New Holland being within this Government, any division of it which may be supposed to exist under the designation of New South Wales being merely ideal, and intended only with a view of distinguishing the more settled part of the country. Should this explanation not prove satisfactory it will be proper in that case to refer them to this Government for any further information they may require.” If it should so happen that a landing had already been effected by the French “you will, notwithstanding, land the troops agreeably to your instructions, and signify that their continuance with any view to establishing tnemselves, or colonization, would be considered an unjustifiable intrusion on His Britannic
Majesty's possession.” The departure of this expedition was notified to Lord Bathurst on November 24. The party arrived at King George Sound on Christmas Day, 1826, and on the morning of the 26th they landed and Lockyer proceeded to select a position for the settlement. Various situations were examined and discussed, but it was not until the 29th that a site was fixed, which is now occupied by the town of Albany. The exact spot where the British flag was hoisted, from which the
whole of Western Australia was claimed as belonging to the Crown, is unfortunately not precisely known. It was somewhere at the base of either Mount Clarence or Mount Melville, near both of which there still exist some indications of the early settlement. Very meagre information concerning the little colony is available beyond the diary kept by Major Lockyer during the first four months of its existence. From this we learn that the Sound was used largely by American and other sealers and whalers who plied their vocation among the islands along the south coast and as far up the western coast as Rottnest Island. With these Lockyer from time to time had a good deal of trouble owing to their ill-treatment of the natives. From the condition of the settlement in 1831, when the convicts were withdrawn and the establishment placed under the Swan River Government, we may ascertain that very little progress was made during the four years of its existence. This was probably due to the fact that it was far removed from civilization and was wholly dependent for supplies and information upon occasional visits of ships from Sydney. The soil does not appear to have lent itself to such desultory attempts at cultivation as were carried on. The poor results from tillage may be gauged from the fact that on more than one occasion the colonists were
H.M.S. “SUCCESS."
reduced to privation owing to the delayed arrival of vessels with food supplies. Lockyer returned to Sydney in April, 1827, leaving Captain Wakefield in command This officer was succeeded in turn by Captain Barker, who retained control until the convicts were withdrawn and the idea of a penal settlement abandoned This took place by proclamation dated March 7, 1831. The withdrawal of the troops and convicts was due to various causes. One of the conditions laid down by the Government in 1828 regarding the then proposed settle ment at Swan Rivei was that no convicts were to be sent there. Those who entered upon the scheme did not consequently relish the presence of a convict establishment within the borders of the territory. Then the commission issued to Captain Stirling as Governor, and which was dated March 5, 1831, described the colony as that portion of Australia lying west of the 129th meridian of eastern longitude, and therefoie a settlement under other control could scarcely continue to exist Further, Governor Stirling wished to settle colonists m the southern portions of the State (as may be seen from part of a despatch to the Secretary ol State dated January 30, 1830) In this he says — ‘In obedience
to instructions directed to me under date of December 30 I am desirous of attracting settlers to occupy the country m the southern districts of this territory, and I intend shortly to submit for public selection and occupation lands situated in the dnection of King George Sound. At present a military post is maintained there, and which is under the command of General Darling. I therefore take the liberty to suggest that the present Commandant and his party should be removed, and the duties of that station be committed to an officer and a small party of soldiers from the detachment serving under the Officer Commanding the troops m this settlement ’’ This course was approved by the Home authorities, and Stirling was informed m a despatch dated July 20, 1830, that General Darling had been so instructed. These instructions were carried out early m the following March, and on the 7th of that month, as stated above, the settlement at the Sound was brought under the control of the Western Australian Government. Meanwhile the French scare had become more pronounced m New South Wales by the arrival at Sydney m December, 1826, of the corvette “L’Astrolabe,” which had spent almost the whole of the month of October at King George Sound Just about that time, too, information arrived from London that the French Government had asked Lord John Russell what portion of Australia England considered to be included within the boundaries of her territory—a question to which Lord John gave the historic reply, "The whole ” Tn Governor Darling’s opinion these facts made the necessity for some definite British settlement on the west coast more insistent
Fortunately the means of carrying his conviction into operation were available.
Reports had been received by the Secretary of State in England to the effect that the settlement founded at Melville Island on the northern coast in 1824 was unlikely to realize expectations. In consequence Lord Bathurst directed the Governor of New South Wales to send a man-of-war to the spot, with orders to the captain to remove the settlement, if necessary, to a more suitable site, preferably one further eastward. The man-of-war at Sydney when the despatch arrived was H M S “Success,” commanded by Captain (afterwards Sir James) Stirling. Governor Darling, so far as the records show, appears to have communicated Lord Bathurst’s wishes to Captain Stirling in an informal, unofficial way, for the first intimation we have of theii receipt is in the form of two letters from Stirling to the Governor, m the first of which—dated December 8, 1826 —it was pointed out that the north-west monsoonal rains would interfere with the removal of the Melville Island settlement until after April; in the other—dated December 14—Stirling suggested that he should employ the ship during the interval m making an examination of the Swan River, which had been surveyed by the French m 1803-4 On December 18 the Governor informed Lord Bathurst that he had “acquiesced” in Stirling’s proposal, “as it is of great importance that so advantageous a position should not be taken possession of by the French.”
On January 17, therefore, the “Success,” under command of Captain Stirling, and having on board Mr Charles Fraser, the Colonial Botanist, left Sydney with a view of making up the French survey deficiences and of examining thoroughly the country in the vicinity of Swan River During the early part of the voyage she was accompanied by a cutter, whose sailing qualities, however, turned out to be inferior, consequently the vessels parted company, the smaller craft being instructed to make for King George Sound, for the settlement at which she was carrying provisions On March 4 Stirling sighted land and rounded Cape Leeuwin “The first appearance of the coast we were now to explore,” he says, “presented nothing attractive; the monotony of its outline and the dusky hue of the meagre vegetation it supported at once accounted for the sterile and hopeless character attributed by early navigators to this region.” On the following day Rottnest Island was reached and explored, and on March 6, 1827, the “Success” anchored off the South Head of Swan River Early on the morning of the 8th Stirling started to carry out the real objects of the expedition, which were “to proceed, if possible, to the source of the river—to examine the banks and the depth of water, to fix on an eligible spot for a settlement, to ascertain the productions of the country,
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
87
the nature of the soil, and the practicability of forming a harbour for shipping.”
For the purpose of fulfilling these instructions the ship’s gig and cutter were provisioned for a fortnight and well armed, after which, under the command of Captain Stirling, they proceeded up the river. Mr. Fraser formed one of the party. No difficulties were met with until they reached the flats above Heirisson Islands (the site of the present Perth Causeway), where the water was too shallow to float the boats, which had to be unloaded and drawn across. After that the way was tolerably easy, and on the 13th they arrived at what they deemed to be the source of the river.
“At daylight on the 13th,” says Captain Stirling, “we were as usual in motion, and observed little variation in the appearance of the land as we ascended, except that the hills on the banks were higher and more frequent, and the soil upon them of a coarser description. They are here composed of a red sandstone, red clay, and an ochry loam, varying in colou r between red, brown, blue, and yellow. The soil on the lowlands continued as good as ever. About an hour after starting we had the misfortune to stave the cutter on a sunken tree; lead and fearnought, however, speedily effected a cure, and we continued to pursue our course amid increasing difficulties from similar obstructions and from the decreasing width of the stream.
The hills round us were high, and we ascended them with ease; but it was in vain that we sought a view of the country; we were the more disappointed because its character was evidently changing. At length, after several halts, we reached, about 11 o’clock, a spot where the river takes an eastern direction, just above a considerable creek on the left hand. We there found insurmountable obstructions to our further progress—in fact, we had reached the termination. Far beyond this there was the bed of a torrent, but no longer a river, nor even a continuation of water except in a succession of distant parts. Here, then, on a high bank we pitched our tent. The richness of the soil, the bright foliage of the shrubs, the majesty of the surrounding trees, the abrupt and red-coloured banks of the river occasionally seen, and the view of the blue summits of the mountains from which we were not far distant made the scenery round this spot as beautiful as anything of the kind I had ever witnessed.”
During the course of the trip two gardens were planted about 15 miles up the river, and after some
trouble friendly intercourse was established with the natives. The soil along the banks was examined and an abundance of fresh water found. An ascent of the hills, to which the name General Darling Range was given, was made by Mr. Fraser. The cutter then returned to the ship, leaving the gig, with Lieutenant Belches in charge, to make a hurried examination of a tributary river (the Canning), to which the French had given the name of Moreau Inlet. After her return the crew of the frigate was employed surveying the islands of Rottnest, Berthollet (now Carnac), and Buache, as well as the adjacent rocks. On Buache a garden was planted (from which probably the present name Garden Island was derived) and some cattle and sheep left there. The “Success” sailed for
Geographe Bay on March 21. Here Stirling remained until the 25th, when he set his course for King George
Sound, which was reached on April 2. He remained at the settlement, which did not come up to his expectations, until two days later, when he left for Sydney, arriving in Port Jackson on the 15th of the same month, having been absent about three months.
So far as their reports go, both Captain Stirling and Mr. Fraser seem to have been greatly impressed with the possibilities of the newly-examined country. The latter, who had certainly greater experience in judging, was if possible the more pronounced in his good opinion, and there is no doubt that his opinion was largely relied upon when the question of colonization was under discussion. In concluding his report upon the natural history, soil, etc., of the Swan River district he says : —
In delivering my opinion on the whole of the lands seen on the banks of the Swan, I hesitate not in pronouncing
it superior to any I have seen in New South Wales east-
ward of the Blue Mountains, not only in its local situation, but in the many existing advantages which it holds out to settlers, viz.:—
1st. The evident superiority of the soil.
2nd. The facility with which settlers can bring their farms into a state of culture from the open state of the country, the trees not averaging more than ten to the acre.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
38
3rd. The great advantage of fresh-water springs of the best quality, and consequent permanent humidity of the soil—two advantages not existing eastward of the Blue Mountains.
4th. The advantage of water carriage to their own doors and the non-existence of impediments to land carriage.
These favourable reports so impressed General Dailing that he forwarded, on April 21, 1827, a despatch in which he strongly advised the Home Government to establish a settlement at Swan River as quickly as possible. In this despatch he points out: — Assuming that the calculations of the periods necessary to make the respective voyages to and from India and othei parts are correctly stated, Swan River would appear to hold out advantages highly deserving attention A convalescent station might be established there, as proposed by Captain Stirling, for the sick and invalids from India, instead of sending them at once to England A passage of thirty days, the period stated in the report as necessary for vessels to go from India to Swan River, is inconsiderable in comparison with the length of time required to make the voyage to Europe, and at Swan River the advantages to an invalid in point of climate would, I have no doubt, be greater than in England The establishment, however, if to any extent, must be effected directly from England oi India, totally independent of this colony, Swan River being too remote and the voyage too uncertain to admit of its depending on this place for its supplies. It will be seen by the report that Captain Stilling considers that Swan River possesses all the advantages w'lth references to the trade with the Eastern Islands, which attach to Melville Island, or any part of the north-west coast of this territory. Among the natural advantages of the Swan River, it will be observed that good water is abundant. The country is, besides, favourable foi cultivation, the soil m general being excellent, some specimens of which, and of the natural productions of the country, I do myself the honour to forward to Your Loidship by this opportunity. And the scenery is represented as at once grand and picturesque It is much to be regretted that the vrater at the entrance of Swan River is not of a gieater depth, there being only about 6 ft for a mile above its mouth. More particulaily as Melville Water, through which it flows, appears to be a commodious and magnificent basin. Nautical men can, however, best determine whether the advantages of the external anchorages of Gage Roads and Cockburn Sound are likely to compensate for the inconvenient natuie of the river. As Captain Stilling’s visit to Swan River
may attract attention and the report find its way into the French papers it appears desirable, should His Majesty’s Government entertain any intention of forming a settlement at that place, that no time should be lost in taking the necessary steps.
This recommendation appears to have been conveyed to England by Captain Stirling in person. After consideration the Government decided to give effect to it, and to Stirling was entrusted the charge of organizing the expedition.
In the meantime, while preparations were being made in England for the establishment of the colony, instructions were sent to Commodore Schomberg, of the Indian Squadron, to take possession of the territory. In pursuance of these orders Captain Charles Fremantle, of H M.S. “Challenger,” was detailed for the purpose, and on May 2, 1829, he anchored off the mouth of the Swan, and hoisting the British flag on the South Head took formal possession, in the name of H M. George IV., of “all that part of New Holland which is not included within the territory of New South Wales.”
Thus the principal reason for the establishment of Western Australia was the fear entertained both in England and New South Wales that France had formed the intention of occupying a portion of the continent. A few years later it was admitted that such fears were groun lless. The French expeditions had all one of two objects in view—the advancement of science or the discovery of the fate of La Perouse. The Earl of Ripon in 1833, writing in reference to the matter, said.—“The present settlement at Swan River owes its origin, you may perhaps be aware, to certain false rumours which had reached the Government of the intentions of a foreign power to establish a colony on the west coast of Australia. The design was for a time given up entirely
on the ground of public economy, and would not have been resumed but for the offer of a party of gentlemen to embark in an undertaking of this nature, at their own risk, upon receiving extensive grants of land, and on a certain degree of protection and assistance for a limited period being secured to them by this Government ”
CHAPTER IV.
COLONIZATION AND EARLY SETTLEMENT
The English Government having decided, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, to proceed with the settlement at Swan River it became necessary to draw up the conditions under which the new colony was to enter upon its existence It is more than probable— in fact, according to Lord Derby’s statement it is certain —that the framing of these conditions was both in-
fluenced and expedited by a proposal made by a syndicate consisting of Mr. Thomas Peel (a relative of Sir Robert Peel, the then Home Secretary), Sir Francis Vincent, Mr. E. W. H. Schenley, and Colonel T. Potter Macqueen. These gentlemen appear to have been led to formulate their scheme through the favourable reports of the country given by Captain Stirling. By a
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE
WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
memorial dated November 4, 1828, they offered to send out and settle in the neighbourhood of the Swan River
10,000 persons chosen from England, Scotland, and Ireland, and to find them in provisions and other necessaries usually allowed to emigrants; also to bring to the settlement 1,000 head of horned stock, and to arrange for three small vessels to run subsequently between Sydney and Swan River as occasion might require, the undertaking to be completed within four years. In payment of their expenses, which they estimated at £30 per head of the people taken out, they expressed themselves willing to take grants of land at a valuation of Is. 6d. per acre, and they further promised to provide proper surveyors for the purpose of allocating to every male not less than 200 acres of land from the quantity they were to receive. The objects of the proposed scheme were stated in the memorial in the following terms: —
“It is well known that the soil of Swan River, from its moist state, is better adapted to the cultivation of tobacco and cotton than any other part of Australia. Both of these articles are intended to be cultivated upon a large scale; as also sugar and flax, with various important articles of drugs that the climate is peculiarly adapted to the growth of.
“The undersigned [the members of the syndicate] are satisfied that should they succeed in sending home to the Mother Country that produce which at this moment the Government are indebted to powers which it would be their policy to suppress, were they in a condition so to do, they will have forwarded not alone the views of His Majesty’s Government, but effected a national good which neither time nor circumstances can erase from the annals of British history.
“Their grazing operations will go very extensively into the rearing of horses for the East India trade, with the most important establishment of large herds of cattle and swine, for the purpose of supplying His Majesty’s or other shipping with salt provisions, as the proximity of salt mines, of the best description, holds out a great inducement towards its success.”
The English Government looked favourably upon
the proposals, but was not inclined to accede to the whole of the requests made by the syndicate. After some delay through further correspondence the following reply to the memorial was sent by the Colonial Office to Mr. Peel on December 6, 1828: —
“I am directed by Secretary Sir George Murray to acquaint you, in answer to your memorial dated the 14th of last month, that the terms upon which the free grants of land will be made in the proposed settlement of Western Australia are those contained in the paper, a copy of which I enclose. His Majesty’s Government, however, are desirous that the experiment should not be made, in the first instance, upon a very large scale, on account of the extensive distress which would be occasioned by a failure in any of the objects expected from the undertaking; and they therefore consider it their duty to limit the grant which you request to a maximum of 1,000,000 acres. Half a million of these will be allotted to you as soon as possible after the
arrival of the first vessel taken out by you, which may contain not less than 400 persons of both sexes, in the proportions of not less than five female to six male settlers; and if you shall have covered this grant by investments, in accordance with the enclosed terms, before the expiration of the year 1840 the remaining 500,000 will be allotted to you by degrees, as fresh importations of settlers and capital shall be made, in accordance with the terms already mentioned. But in order that you may suffer no ultimate loss by any reasonable retardation of your investments, His Majesty’s Government intend that the allowance of 40 acres for every £3 invested shall not be reduced on your second 500,000 acres, although your claim to such second 500,000 may not arise before the expiration of next year, which is the period limited to other settlers applying for free grants. But they will reserve your claim at the original rate of Is. 6d. per acre until the expiration of the year 1840, after which time no part of your grant will be held binding upon which the whole required sum of Is. 6d. per every acre shall not have been actually invested. A convenient allotment of land will be reserved for the town and harbour, for public buildings, and
The Settlement, King George Sound, 1828.
90 THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
for the accommodation of future settlers; and a priority of choice to the extent of 100,000 acres will be allowed to Captain Stirling, whose surveys and reports of the coast have led to the formation of the settlement. The remaining land will be chosen by the settlers in the order of their arrival, those who arrive together drawing lots for the priority of choice ”
The enclosure referred to was a circular dated December 5, setting forth the terms upon which the Government was prepared to assist colonists. This circular was worded as follows: —
“Although it is the intention of His Majesty’s Government to form a settlement on the western coast of Australia the Government do not intend to incur any expense in conveying settlers or in supplying them with necessaries after their arrival.
“Such persons, however, as may be prepared to proceed to that country, at their own cost, before the end of the year 1829, in parties comprehending a proportion of not less than five female to six male settlers, will receive grants of land in fee simple (free of quit rent) proportioned to the capital which they may invest upon public or private objects in the colony to the satisfaction of His Majesty’s Government at home, certified by the Superintendent or officer administering the Colonial Government, at the rate of 40 acres for every sum of £3 so invested, provided they give previous security; first, that all supplies sent to the colony, whether of provisions, stores, or other articles which may be purchased by the capitalists there, or which shall have been sent out for the use of them or their parties on the requisition of the Secretary of State, if not paid for on delivery in the colony, shall be paid for at home, each capitalist being held liable m his proportion, and, secondly, that in the event of the establishment being broken up by the Governor or Superintendent, all persons desirous of returning to the British Islands shall be conveyed to their own home at the expense of the capitalists by whom they may have been taken out. The passages of labouring persons, whether paid for by themselves or others, and whether they be male or female, provided the proportion of the sexes before mentioned be preserved, will be considered as an investment of capital, entitling the party by whom any such payment may have been made to an allowance of land at the rate of £15—that is, of 200 acres of land for the passage of every such labouring person over and above any other investment of capital.
“Any land thus granted which shall not have been brought into cultivation or otherwise improved or reclaimed from its wild state, to the satisfaction of Government, within twenty-one years from the date of the grant shall, at the end of the twenty-one years, revert absolutely to the Crown.
WESTERN AUSTRALIA
“All these conditions with respect to free grants of land, and all contracts of labouring persons and others who shall have bound themselves for a stipulated term of service, will be strictly maintained
“It is not intended that any convicts or other description of prisoners be sent to this new settlement.
“The government will be administered by Captain Stirling, of the Royal Navy, as Civil Superintendent of the settlement; and a Bill, in the nature of a civil charter, will be submitted to Parliament in the commencement of its next session ’’ (Dated, December 5, 1828.)
The letter of December 6 and the enclosed conditions, which were those offered to the public at large, failed to meet with the approval of the members of the syndicate. Their original request, it will be noted, of
4.000. 000 acres was cut down to a maximum of
1.000. 000, and even that was subject to conditions. The priority of choice of land over all other settlers, Captain Stirling alone excepted, was not approved. The situation therefore differed from that which held good at the time they agreed to undertake the scheme, and ultimately all the members drew out with the sole exception of Mr. Peel, whose faith in the matter was so great that on January 28 he informed the Government that he was desirous of carrying on and completing the project by himself, on the terms approved by the Colonial Office for the syndicate To this the Secretary of State consented.
In the meantime new regulations, not quite so favourable, had been issued on January 13, 1829, allowing only ten years, instead of twenty-one as originally set forth, for bringing the land under cultivation By a special concession, however, this part of the regulations was held not to apply to Mr. Peel
Under these new regulations invested capital was to comprise stock of every description, all implements of husbandry and other articles applicable to the purposes of the productive industry or necessary for the establishment of the settler on the land where he was to be located, and the amount of any half-pay or pension received from the Government Under the word “person” no child under ten years of age was to be included, but 40 acres were allowed for every child under three years of age, 80 for every child under six, and 120 for every child exceeding that but under ten. The fee simple of the land was not to be granted in any case until Is 6d per acre had been expended in cultivation or permanent improvement. At least one-fourth of the land was to be reclaimed from its wild state within three years or a fine of 6d per acre incurred ; and if nothing had been done at the end of ten years in all the whole was to revert to the Crown These conditions were to hold only until the end of 1830
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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The Government agreed to bear the cost of the civil and military officers necessary, but allowed them to take land in lieu of pay.
These conditions seem to be liberal enough to have ensured success to any capably-managed expedition. Yet that was not the result of Mr. Peel’s project. Although anticipating somewhat, it may be advisable to complete the story. The first shipment of immigrants and stock, under the charge of Mr. Peel, arrived in the colony toward the end of 1829. Owing to lack of management on the part of the promoter, and to his failure to provide those whom he had brought with food and clothing according to his contract with them, most of them deserted and struck out for themselves. In fact, almost from the date of their landing it was evident that the project was doomed to failure. Beyond merely bringing the people out Peel failed to fulfil any of the conditions of his agreement with the Government, and in consequence endless litigation ensued.
Finally, on September 25, 1834, he made formal application to the Governor for a grant of 250,000 acres of land on conditions of general improvement.
In compliance with this request he was granted on November 25 following the fee simple of the land no w known as Cockburn Sound Location 16,
"in consideration of certain location duties performed to the satisfaction of Governor Stirling.” Here he settled down in solitary grandeur, an embittered and disap-jrointed man, doing little or nothing to improve his vast estate, and died at Mandurah some thirty years later in comparatively indigent circumstances.
Apparently a second proposal to establish a settlement in Western Australia was made about the same time, with abortive results, by Mr. Nathaniel Ogle. In his work “The Colony of Western Australia,” published in 1839, he says:—“The writer in 1828-9 was desirous, from private information he had received, to emigrate, with nearly 1,000 well-selected companions, to Lesche-nault and La Vasse. A frigate of nearly 1,700 tons, built at Archangel for the Greeks, was selected. The capital ready was ample. It was deemed
necessary to require the use of the ship on the
coast for three years to supply the colony with labourers, cattle, and provision. The Government, after much correspondence, refused them permission to use their ship for that period because she was foreign built; which caused the expedition to be abandoned—-to his great and lasting regret.”
Concurrently with the negotiations with private parties the Government pushed on the official arrangements for the inception of the new colony. Owing to the personal knowledge of the country which he possessed and the enthusiasm he showed in advocating its claims it was felt that the administration could not be entrusted to any other than Captain Stirling. A Scotchman by birth and a naval officer of many years’ standing, he had gained a good deal of colonial experience in the colony of New South Wales, and had been instrumental
in forming the settlements in the north and south of that territory. He was therefore peculiarly fitted to undertake the duties attendant upon the control of the new venture. At first it was a matter of consideration whether he should be merely a Civil Superintendent or should have the larger powers of a Lieutenant-Governor. By the time the conditions of settlement were laid down the latter title was decided upon as being the more suitable, and it was also decided to award him a priority of choice of 100,000 acres as some recompense for the services he had already rendered. This consisted of the whole of Garden Island, with the exception of such portions as might be required for Crown purposes, together with sufficient land in the neighbourhood of Cape Naturaliste necessary to make up the full grant.
At the time he received no definite commission as Lieutenant-Governor. In place of that he received a letter of appointment and instruction which was dated December 30, 1828, and which held good for something over two years, until, in fact, March 5, 1831, when the first commission was issued appointing him Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Western Australia. The reason for the adoption of this course was explained in a despatch forwarded to Stirling by the Secretary of
House of Colonial Chaplain, Rev. J. B. Wittenoom, Perth, 1832. (from original sketch by himself.)
92
State for the Colonies at the same time as the letter of appointment. This document clearly laid down the course to be followed in establishing the new settlement, and has such an important bearing upon the genesis of the State that we reprint the full text of it: —
It having been determined by His Majesty’s Government to occupy the post on the western coast of New Holland, at the mouth of the river called “Swan River,” with the adjacent territory, for the purpose of forming a settlement there, His Majesty has been pleased to approve the selection of yourself to have the command of the expedition appointed for that service, and the superintendence of the proposed settlement.
You will accordingly repair, with all practicable dispatch, to the place of your destination, on board the vessel which has been provided for that purpose.
As Swan River and the adjacent territory are not within the limits of any existing colony, difficulties may easily be anticipated m the course of your proceedings, from the absence of all civil institutions, legislative, judicial, or financial.
Until provision can be made in due form of law for the Government of the projected colony the difficulties to which I refer must be combated, and will, I trust, be overcome by your own firmness and discretion.
You wall assume the title of Lieutenant-Governor, and in that character will correspond with this department respecting your proceedings and the wants and prospects of the settlement you are to form.
Amongst your earliest duties w'lll be that of determining the most convenient site for a town to be erected as the future seat of government.
You will be called upon to weigh maturely the advantages which may arise from placing it on so secure a situation as may be afforded on various points of the Swan River, against those which may follow from establishing it on so fine a port for the reception of shipping as Cock-burn Sound is represented to be; and more effectually to guard against the evils to be apprehended from an improvident disposal of the land in the immediate vicinity of the town, you will take care that a square of three miles (or one thousand nine hundred and twenty acres) is reserved for its future extensions; and that the land within this space is not granted away (as in ordinary cases), but shall be held upon leases from the Crown, for a term not exceeding twenty-one years. You will, from the commencement of the undertaking, be observant of the necessity of making out and leservmg, for public purposes, all those peculiar positions within or in the vicinity of the projected town w'hich, from natural advantages or otherwise, will piobably be essential to the future welfare of the settlement. In laying the foundations of any such town care must be taken to proceed upon a regular plan, leaving all vacant places which will in future times be required for thoroughfares and as the sites of churches, cemeteries, and other public works of utility and general convenience.
You will cause it to be understood that His Majesty has granted to you the power of making all necessary locations of land. For your guidance m this respect ample instructions will, at a future period, be prepared. In the meantime I enclose a copy of the instructions of the Governor of New South AVales on this subject, to which you will adhere as closely as circumstances will admit.
You will bear in mind that in all locations of territory a due proportion must be reserved for the Crown, as well as for the maintenance of the clergy, support of establishments for the purposes of religion, and the education of
youth; concerning which objects more particulars will be transmitted to you hereafter.
I think it necessary also to caution you thus early (as land on the sea or river side will naturally be the first to be located) that you must be careful not to grant more than a due proportion of sea or river frontage to any settler. The great advantages to be derived from an easy water communication will, of course, not escape your consideration, and this advantage should be divided amongst as many settlers as can conveniently benefit by their position in the vicinity.
In regard to the surveys and explorations of the coun-tiy, which you may think it right to set on foot, it is perhaps premature to give you any instructions upon a point when so much must be left to your own discretion and intelligence as to the nature of the soil and of the country which you may obtain on the spot, looking, however, to the future prospects of the settlement and the advantages of its local position 1 should be inclined to think that it will be expedient to make the country south of Swan River the scene of your labours, rather than the tract of country north of that stream, and that you will do well to invite the settlers to locate themselves according to this suggestion.
You will endeavour to settle, with the consent of the parties concerned, a court of arbitration for the decision of such questions of civil lights as may arise between the early settlers, and until a more regular form of admmistei-mg justice can be organized.
You will recommend, by your counsels and example, the habitual observance of Sunday as a day of rest and public worship, as far as may be compatible with the circumstances in which you may be placed.
With these few and general instructions for your guidance, assisted by the oral and written communications which have taken place between yourself and this department, you will, I trust, be able to surmount the difficulties to which you may be exposed at the outset, enhanced as they will be by the want of any legular commission for administering the Government.
An instrument of that nature, accompanied with all the requisite instiuctions, will be transmitted to you as soon as the indispensable form of proceeding in such cases will allow.
Upon receipt of these instructions Captain Stirling at once set about the preparations for inaugurating the settlement. Stores and other requirements of value in the undertaking were lapidly got together and the civil officers necessary for the control and government weie chosen and appointed. These on the whole were admirably suited for the task of colonization. The Colonial Secretary, Mr. Peter Brown, was a man who already possessed administrative experience; the duties of harbourmaster were entrusted to Commander M J Currie, a naval officer of long standing; Dr. Charles Simmons was the medical officer, Mr. James Drummond the botanist and naturalist, and Mr. James Morgan the storekeeper, a position of no little moment in the new settlement. The most important office after that of Lieutenant-Governor was unquestionably that of Surveyor-General. This was conferred upon Lieutenant (afterwards Captain) John Septimus Roe, who had previously gained an intimate knowledge of the Western Australian coastline dunng the expeditions of
93
Lieutenant King in 1818-22. The offioers and artificers were engaged at rates of salary and wages approved by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir George Murray. In the matter of securing artificers some difficulty was encountered, and only three were obtained in time to leave by the first ship.
The “Parmelia,” a vessel of 449 tons register. Captain J. H. Luscombe, was chartered to convey the officials and their families, with the necessary supplies, to the Swan River, and H.M S. ‘‘Sulphur” was commissioned for the purpose of transporting thither a detachment of the 63rd Regiment, which, under the command of Captain F. C. Irwin, had been detailed for the security and protection of the new settlement.
The necessary preparations being completed, the “Parmelia” sailed from Spithead on February 6 with the following list of passengers —■ the first band of colonists to make a home in the new settlement of
Western Australia: —
Names. Designations. Ages of Children.
Capt. Stirling, R N. Lieut -Governor
Mrs. Ellen Stirling —
Andrew Stirling 3 years
Win. Stirling His nephew —
Geo. Mangles — —
Geo. Eliot — 11 years
Thos. Blakey — —
Sarah Blakey — —
John Kelly — —
Elizabeth Kelly — —
James Morgan — 11 years
Mr. P. Brown Col. Secretary —
Mrs. Caroline Brown —
MacBride Brow n — 2 years
Ann Brown — 6 months
Richard Evans — —
Margaret McLeod — —
Mary Ann Smith — —
Mr. James Morgan Storekeeper —
Mrs. Rebecca Morgan — —
Rebecca Morgan Ann Shipsey 12 years
Patrick Murphy Commander M J, Currie, —
R.N Harbourmaster —
Mrs. Jane Currie — —
Frederick Ludlow — —
Mildred Kitts Ludlow — —
Jane Fruin — —
Mr. Jno. S. Rowe Surveyor —
Mrs. Matilda Rowe — —
Chas. D. Wright — —
Mr. Hy. C. Sutherland Assistant Surveyor -
Mrs. Ann Sutherland — —
Mr. W. Shilton Clerk to Col. Sec. —
Mr. Jas. Drummond Agriculturist
Mrs. Sarah Drummond — —
Thomas Drummond — 18 years
Jane Drummond — 16 years
James Drummond — 15 years
John Drummond — 13 years
Johnson Drummond — 9 years
Euphemia Drummond — 3 years
Elizabeth Gamble — —
Mr. Chas. Simmons Surgeon —
Air. Tully Daly Assistant Surgeon —
Names. Designations. Ages of Children.
Mrs. Jane Daly
Jessie Jane Daly . — 8 years
Joseph T. Daly — 6 years
Hy. Jno. Daly — 4 years
Edwd. N. Daly — 2 years
Eliza Rose Daly — 2 months
Jas. Elliott —
Alex. Fandam Cooper
Mary Fandam —
Wm. Hoking . Artificer —
Mary Hoking — —
Jno. Hoking — 11 y»ars
Wm. Hoking — 12 years
Mary Hoking — 10 years
Thos. Hoking — 8 years
David Hoking . — 6 years
Chas. Hoking — 2 years
Thos. Davis Smith —
Catherine Davis . . .. —
Jno. Davis 3 years
Charlotte Davis 2 years
John Davis His nephew 13 years
James C. Smith . Boatbuilder —
Sarah Smith . — —
On the 9th she was joined by H.M.S. “Sulphur” from Plymouth with the detachment of soldiers on board, and the two vessels sailed in company for their destination, with hope strong in the hearts of all that the mission would result in a further successful expansion of the Empire of Great Britain.
Shortly after the departure of the expedition a Bill was presented to the English Parliament “relative to the government of His Majesty’s settlements in Western Australia on the western coast of New Holland.” This was passed on May 14 by 10 Geo. IV., c 22, and provided that the King, with the advice of the Privy Council, might make, or might authorize any person or persons resident in the colony to make, such laws and ordinances as might be necessary for the peace, order, and good government of His Majesty’s subjects within the settlement; that such laws, orders, etc , be laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as practicable thereafter; that no part of the colonies of New South Wales and Van Diemen Land was to be included in the new colony or settlements; and that the Act was to continue in foree until the end of 1834 This period of continuance was extended by various Acts from time to time until it was formally repealed by the passage of 13-14 Viet., c 59 (to which reference will be made in due course), which dealt with the government of the whole of the Australian colonies.
Meanwhile the two vessels were proceeding on their way. Nothing of any moment occurred until they reached Cape Town. There, through an unfortunate accident, Dr. Daly (the Assistant-Surgeon for the colony) and his eldest daughter were drowned while returning to the ship from the shore. After remaining in Table Bay for about a fortnight, during which some
necessary repairs to the "Sulphur” were effected, the e -cpedition left that port on April 30 for the Swan River The warship, possessing poorer sailing qualities, was unable to keep up with the ‘ Parmelia,” which proceeded on her course as rapidly as circumstances allowed in order to reach her destination before the wet season was too far advanced During this latter part of the voyage the Lieutenant-Governor made all necessary arrangements for the administration and control of the settlement, so that as little time as possible might be lost after arrival in the organization of the Government Instructions were issued to the Civil officers, giving m detail the necessary directions for the management of their departments On May 16 a document was issued constituting, without salary, a “Board of Counsel and Audit in the management of the property of the Crown, and of public property within the settlement ” The members of the Board were Commander Currie, Lieutenant Roe, and Mr. William Stirling Among the other duties assigned to this Board was that of valuing the stock and other property brought by colonists, so that the proper amount of land might be allotted to them. On the same date Mr James Drummond was appointed as Superintendent (honorary) of Government farms and gardens, Mr G. W. Mangles as Superintendent of Government Stock, Mr H W Reveley as Civil Engineer, Mr William Stirling as Registrar, and Mr H C Sutherland as Assistant Surveyor In most cases no salary was attached to the appointment; a lack that was afterwards remedied On the first of June land was sighted, and on the following day the “Parmelia” moved toward an anchorage m Cockburn Sound In doing so she grounded on a bank between Carnac Island and the mainland, and was extricated only after considerable difficulty and no little damage by the exertions of the crew of H M S Challenger,” which had remained at Swan River bo protect the flag until the settlers arrived The winter season having commenced, and the weather being boisterous and stormy, Captain Stirling decided to land on Garden Island and there erect necessary buildings to protect the stores On June 8 H.M S “Sulphur” put m an appearance, but it was not until the 17th that the detachment could disembark on the mainland and relieve the crew of the Challenger.” This ship then determined to sail for India, but was prevented from doing so through the services of her artificers being required for the purpose of repairing the “Parmelia,” which had been rendered unseaworthy through grounding on Parmelia Bank It was not until August 28 that H.M S “Challenger” finally departed, leaving H M.S. “Sulphur” as protection for the settlement On June 18 Captain Stirling and party landed on the mainland at Rous Head and issued the following
proclamation, thus effecting the actual settlement of Western Australia —
PROCLAMATION By His Excellency James Stirling, Esquire, Captain in the Royal Navy and Lieutenant-Governor of His Majesty’s Settlement m Western Australia.
Whereas His Majesty having been pleased to Command that a Settlement should forthwith be formed within the Temtory of “Western Australia,” and whereas with a view of effecting that Object an Expedition having been prepared and sent forth, and in Accordance w ith His Majesty's Pleasure the Direction of the Expedition and the Government of the proposed Settlement having been confided to me, and whereas m Pursuance of the Premises Possession of the Temtory having been taken, and the Settlement therein being now actually effected, I do hereby make the same know n to all Persons w hom it may concern, willing, and requesting them duly to regulate their conduct with leference to His Majesty’s Authority, lepre-sented m me, as good and loyal subjects ought to do, and to obey all such Legal Commands and Regulations, as 1 may from time to time see fit to enact, as they shall answer the contrary to their Peril
And whereas by the Establishment of His Majesty’s Authority in the Territory aforesaid, the Laws of the United Kingdom as far as they are applicable to the Cn-eumstances of the Case, do therein immediately prevail and become security for the Rights, Privileges, and Immunities of all His Majesty’s Subjects found or residing in such Territory, I do hereby caution all to abstain from the commission of Offences against the King’s Peace or the Law's of the Realm upon pain of being arrested, prosecuted, convicted, and punished in the same manner and to all Intents and Purposes as is usual in similar offences committed in any othei Part or Parts of His Majesty’s Dominions subject to British Law
And whereas for the aids of Justice and the preservation of Peace I may hereaftei see Occasion to nominate and appoint a propeily qualified Person to execute the Office of Sheriff of the Territoiy, having under his direction responsible individuals filling the Offices of High Constable, Constables, Bailiffs, and Suiveyors of High Ways And whereas I may hereafter see occasion to issue a Commission to ceitam disci eet Peisons to proceed to the Cognizance of Offences against the Law's, to hear and determine Complaints of Injury, to commit Offenders for further trial to the Custody of the Sheriff, and to conduct themselves in the execution of their Office according to such mode of pioceedmg as Justices of the Peace may lawfully adopt, I heie command and lequire that due obedience and respect be shewn to all such Persons in their several Places and Jurisdictions
And w'liereas the Protection of Law doth of Right belong to all people whatsoevei w'ho may come or be found within the Territory afoiesaid, I do hereby give Notice that if any Person or Persons shall be convicted of behaving m a fraudulent, cruel, oi felonious Manner towards the Aboiigmes of the Countiy, such Person or Persons will be liable to be pioseciuted and tried for the Offence, as if the same had been committed against any other of His Majesty’s subjects.
And w'hereas the safety of the territory from invasion and from the attack of hostile native tribes may require the establishment of a Militia Force wdnch. on emergency may be depended on to assist His Majesty’s regular troops in the defence of the law's and property of the inhabitants of the Territoiy, and moreover the Efficiency of such an armed body, depending wholly on its Organization, Discipline, and Pieparation for service, all male persons whatsoever, be-tw een the ages of 15 and 50, are hereby required to enrol themselves in the Muster roll of the Militia of the Country m which they may reside, and to observe that the days foi Mustei and Exercise, and the Names of the Officers whom
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
95
I may see fit to appoint to command them will be duly notified, and that on pi oof of their Disobedience to such officers or of negligent performance of the Duties required of them, they will be subject, in the Absence of Martial Law, to a pecuniary fine and to Imprisonment until the same shall be liquidated.
And whereas His Majesty having been graciously pleased (o confide to me the Power to make all necessary Locations, and to grant unoccupied Lands within the aforesaid Territoiy under such Restrictions as are or may be contained in the several Instructions issued or to be issued to me by Authority of His Majesty’s Government, I do hereby give Notice that the Conditions and existing Regulations under which Crown Lands will be granted will be exhibited to Public Inspection at the Offices of the Secretary to Government, and of the Surveyor of the Teintory, subject to such alterations and amendments as may from time to time be ordered, and all Peisons desirous of obtaining Lands or of becoming settlers for any other purposes m this Territory, are, as soon as may be practicable after theii arrival in this Settlement, to appear at the Office of the Secretaiy to Government, and there to make application for Permission to reside in the Settlement, and all Persons found at large without having obtained such Permission will render themselves liable to be committed to Custody, and all Persons in like Manner who may intend to quit the Colony are to give a week’s Notice of their Intentions to depart, upon pain of being liable to be apprehended and detained and of rendering the Master of the Ship in which they may be about to depait subject to a Fine as set forth by the Port Regulations
God save the King'
Given under my hand and seal at Peith this 18th day of June, 1829 S'
! L.S. ! James Stirling,
V___y Lieutenant-Governor
By His Excellency's Command,
Peter Brown,
Secretary to Government.
The proclamation was published both on the mainland (by Captain Irwin) and on Garden Island, and on the same day orders were issued confirming the appointments (all of them without salary) which had been made in the course of the voyage.
The strong winds and rough seas consequent upon the season of the year made regular and continual communication with the mainland both difficult and
dangerous It was therefore deemed wise to postpone the work of erecting the permanent settlement, and in the interval temporary buildings bo house the colonists and stores were erected on Garden Island, some of which continued in occupation even after the removal of the settlement, as it was thought safer to house the bulk of the stores on the island, bringing them across from time to time as necessity required. A portion of the scrub was also cleared, and the seeds brought from England and the Cape were planted, so that, though late, they might have the advantage of the portion of the season still remaining.
During the month of July two exploring parties were sent out in order to secure all the information possible concerning the districts within easy reach of the Swan River The first of these, under the control of Lieutenant Henry, of the “Challenger,” proceeded to discover the source of the Canning River and to
examine the country lying between the mountains and the sea. The party followed the river for a distance of 100 miles and found that, with trifling exceptions, the soil was well adapted to agriculture. The second expedition, under Commander Currie, explored the country south and south-east of the Swan for a distance of about ten miles, finding a river and several fresh water lakes, and further extending the area of possible cultivation.
Meanwhile Captain Stirling and his officers, having decided to found two towns, one at the mouth of the river to serve the purposes of a seaport and one farther inland as the seat of government, landed on the mainland to select suitable sites. That for the port was quickly chosen on the south bank of the Swan at its mouth, and was named Fremantle in honour of the captain of the “Challenger.” The other selection proved more difficult, but after closely following the course of the Swan for some miles they finally fixed upon a spot just above the junction of the Swan and the Canning, as the best position for the seat of government, to which they gave the name of Perth, possibly out of compliment to the Secretary of State for the Colonies and to the Lieutenant-Governor, both of whom were sons of Caledonia, and possibly because the contour of the country just at that point was not unlike that of the ancient capital of Scotland.
That the site chosen was admirable in every way must be admitted, even though for the time being it was difficult of access from Fremantle, which was on the south side of the river. Overshadowed by Mount Eliza, with a broad expanse of water before it, and the river flats where Stirling had experienced difficulties in 1827 stretching out beyond it, it made an ideal spot for what was to become the capital city of a great State No doubt the existence of these flats, which seemed to promise well for agricultural development, in part at any rate, led to the selection of that particular place. The site having been settled, notice was given that the first stone of the new town of Perth would be laid on August 12, the date of King George IV’s birthday. The ceremony was performed by cutting down a tree on the allotment set apart for the military barracks.
During this month (August) the other vessels—the “Calista,” “St Leonard,” and “Marquis of Anglesey”— arrived with settlers and stock These as well as the first arrivals were all anxious to receive locations of land as quickly as possible, for though there was little or no opportunity of doing anything in the way of cultivation at the time they were desirous of making preparation for the following season. The Surveyor-General and his assistants were kept busy making rough but fairly accurate surveys of locations applied for. All these applications made the issue of land regulations imperative, and on August 28 the first Land
96
Regulations for the colony were proclaimed. These provided that the territory should be divided into counties, hundreds, townships, and sections; each section to be 640 acres in extent, each township 25 sections, each hundred 4 townships, and each county 16 hundreds. In each county 600 sections were reserved by the Government for public expenses, educational support and endowment, cost of public works, and the administration of justice. Land was not to be open to location until surveyed, and was then to be granted only in complete sections. No allotment was to have river frontage of more than one-fourth its exterior boundary. No second location was to be granted to any person who had not fulfilled the conditions of improvement with regard to the first, and no grant was to be made to indentured servants or to persons coming to the colony at the expense of others. Three square miles were reserved as the site of the town of Perth: these were to be split up into allotments of nine to ten acres each, to be held, according to instructions from the Colonial Office, on a twenty-one years’ lease, with the right of the Government to resume if necessary for public purposes upon paying compensation, these leases to become freehold if not resumed within the period stated, and to carry at all times the right of sale or assignment They were also to be subject to such rates as the Government might deem neoessary to impose The same conditions were to prevail with regard to Fremantle Persons possessing land in the settlement at large were to have the right to a free grant in the vicinity of a township in the ratio of one acre for every
1,000 acres held by them. The general conditions as to the assessment of property upon which land would be granted and the quantity to be so granted, as laid down in the Colonial Office circular of January, 1829, were incorporated, and the following mode of procedure for taking up grants was laid down • —
"All persons who may be desirous bo receive allotments of land are to make application to the Lieutenant-Governor according to a form which will be furnished to them at the office of the Colonial Secretary If the application be admissible, it will be referred to the Board of Commissioners for the management of Crown property, who will report to the Lieutenant-Governor the extent of land to which the applicant may appear to be entitled, upon a strict examination into the value and description of property imported by him.
“The kinds of property on which claims may be founded are only such as are applicable to the improvement and cultivation of land, or necessary in placing the settler on his location; and the value thereof will be estimated by the Commissioners according to such fair standard of reference as they may see fit to adopt
“On receiving the report of the Board the Lieutenant-Governor will accord permission to the
applicant to proceed to select such land, to the extent recommended, as may suit his particular views, and having selected, the applicant is to make his selection known to the Surveyor-General by filling up the form which may be attached to the permission to select. This report of selection will be examined by the Surveyoi-General and transmitted by him to the Lieutenant-Governor, with such remarks as may be necessary to enable the Lieutenant-Governor to decide on the propriety of the allotment being made, and if no prior claim to the land in question or other objection exist the applicant will receive a grant thereof, in the usual form of a primary conveyance.
“Land thus granted will belong in perpetuity to the grantee, his heirs, and assigns, to be held in free and common sociage, subject, however, to such reservations and conditions as may be stated in the conveyance.”
Then follows the description of the liabilities in the way of rates and taxes to which the land is to be subject, and the provision that no settler could, without special permission, sell his land until he had improved it to the extent of Is 6d. per acre.
With regard to the kinds of property on which land could be granted it may be mentioned that one settler claimed an allotment on the ground that he possessed a half-share in a pair of rabbits1
The surveys of the town sites of Perth and Fremantle were quickly completed and on September 5 the first allotments were taken up In Perth the purchasers, either on leasehold or in fee simple, were F C Irwin (the officer commanding the troops), Rev. J. B Wittenoom (the Colonial Chaplain), May Hodges, George Leake, and P. P Smith; m Fremantle the first allotments fell to William Lamb, John Hobbs, Lionel Samson, and Thomas Bannister There was only one other lot sold in Fremantle m 1829, the purchaser being John Bateman, but m Perth there was more demand There we find that during the remaining months of the year land was either leased or sold to John Septimus Roe (the Surveyor-General), Dr. Simmons, Wm Shaw, John Morrell, John Tichbon, Thomas Davis, William Hokmg, Thomas Bannister, James Henty, James McDermott, Samuel Cox, Richard Jones, Hugh Macdonald, David Paterson, George Ernbleton, William Leeder, Henry Trigg, William Nairne, Robert M. Lyon, and C Browne.
In addition to making the necessary surveys in Perth and Fremantle Lieutenant Roe was able, during the first three months after his arrival, to make surveys of the surrounding country sufficiently accurate for the purpose of making grants in accordance with the regulations The first of these, as shown by the records, were made on September 29 to the following grantees • — R H. Bland, 8,000 acres; Peter Brown (Colonial Secretary), 5,000 acres; Charles Boyd, 640 acres; W
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
97
X. Dance (captain of the “Sulphur”), 5,000 acres; William Dixon, 2,268 acres; Sir James Hume, 2,666 acres; George Leake, 14,887 acres; Colonel Peter A. Lautour, 10,000 acres; Dr. John Whattley, 1,500 acres; John Septimus Roe, 3,100 acres; Lieutenant-Governor Stirling, 4,000 acres; William Shaw, 1,000 acres; Lionel Samson, 4,696 acres; and Charles Ridley, 1,750 acres. All these grants were close to the Swan River, many of them with river frontage. The reasons for this were that the soil seemed more promising and the river afforded an easy method of transit. Other assignments on account of capital invested that were made during 1829 were C. H. Fremantle (captain of the “Challenger”), 5,000 acres in the interior; Thomas Bannister, 2,000 on Canning River; Henry Camfield, 1,000 on Swan River; M. C. Carew, 100 on the Helena; John A. Dutton, 3,600 on the Canning; P. H. Dod, 2,000 on the Swan; John O. Davis, 7,026 on the Canning; R. Dawson, 1,280 on the Canning; James Drummond (the botanist), 1,000 on the Swan and 100 on the Helena; Joshua Gregory, 1,000 on the Swan; John Hobbs,
4.000 on the Canning ; William Lamb,
8,119 on the Swan;
Colonel Lautour, 100 on the Helena; R.
Wardell, 1,000 on the Swan; Daniel Scott, 4,000 on the Swan; William K.
Shenton, 100 acres on the Helena; W.
H. Mackie and F. and F. C. Irwin, 200 on the Swan; and P. Pogers,
4.000 acres on Canning River. According to the official statistics 525,000 acres were granted by the end of the year, including the original grant of 100,000 acres to Captain Stirling and the 250,000 conditionally granted to Mr. Peel, who arrived with his immigrants about the middle of December.
But all these vast areas of land were at that time virgin forest, and though the possessors were potentially rich, they were actually suffering all the privations and discomforts incident to settlement in a new country. They were even without homes, with the exception of such rude shelters as they could make for themselves, and they had practically no means of subsistence beyond the supplies they had brought, and such further provisions as ships expected to arrive from time to time might bring. Their condition was certainly not one to
H
be envied. Though many of them were of first-class family and descended from the best English stock they were in great measure unprepared for the trials they had to face, and were not inured to the privations that must necessarily befall those who hope to wrest a livelihood from the wilds of Nature. Their difficulties were greatly increased by the fact that they arrived at the height of the winter season, and were prevented by the cold and rain from making much headway for some considerable time. But all their trials were borne with stout hearts, and they struggled manfully forward, strong in their determination to succeed. The state of the settlement during the first few weeks of its existence may be fairly well estimated from the despatch forwarded by the Lieutenant-Governor to the Secretary of State on September 9, 1829. “Exposure to the winds and rain of a boisterous winter,” he “has been the most serious evil we have encountered, but that and other privations incident to such an undertaking have been borne with cheerfulness and overcome with proper spirit by all the individuals forming the civil and military establishment. Among the settlers since arrived some disappointment has arisen in consequence of their being in general but little accustomed to encounter hardships, and in all cases too sanguine in the expectations they have entertained respecting the country. But as the weather has improved they have been enabled to extend their explorations and attain more comfort, and I believe there is now existing among them a cheerful confidence in the qualities of the country and a general belief in its future prosperity. . . . Up to the present period
no event of a nature wholly unexpected or very important has occurred in the prosecution of the service, except that the western coast of New Holland was taken possession of in His Majesty’s name by Captain Fremantle, and that the settlement has subsequently been commenced and proceeded in. The progress made in the erection of storehouses and temporary buildings for the civil establishment, in landing the stores and provisions, and in exploring the country has been very considerable when viewed with reference to the season
says,
Fremantle, 1832 (from original sketch by r. Morrell).
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
of the year and to the means at the disposal of the local government. The weather at the period of my arrival being extremely boisterous, I was forced to disembark the people and stores on Garden Island, the communication between the ships and the mainland being too unsafe and uncertain during the winter season to admit of their being placed at any other point. Since then as the weather has improved I have removed such persons and stores as have been necessary to the sites of the towns of Perth and Premantle, but I intend to keep the principal depot of provisions and stores still at Garden Island, carrying over as they are wanted the articles therein deposited. The arrival of two other ships with settlers making it necessary to have locations prepared for them I have been under the necessity of interrupting the general survey of the surrounding coast and country for the purpose of laying out the town of Fremantle at the entrance of Melville Water as a landing port, and also the town of Perth near the island on the Swan River, with a view to its being in the neighbourhood of those who may wish to cultivate the rich lands immediately above it on the river. . . The settlers have already made selection of town lots in each place and are proceeding with alacrity in the preparation of buildings.”
During September the civil establishment was removed to Perth and the settlement began to acquire something of a permanent appearance. A cottage for the Lieutenant-Governor was erected not far from the present site of Government House, and the various departmental offioes were built in close proximity to it, so that the work of administration could be carried on more easily. Houses of more or less permanent character began to arise and the first place of worship — for the Church of England — was erected through the earnest solicitation, as well as by the actual assistance, of the Colonial Chaplain, the Rev. John B. Wittenoom.
Between then and the end of the year several ships arrived with settlers, stock, and provisions. Among these was the “Gilmore,” with Thomas Peel and his party of immigrants and servants on board. As this vessel did not arrive at Swan River within the time stipulated in the agreement the land originally reserved for Mr. Peel had been granted to other applicants, but he secured a location to the south of Fremantle, as before mentioned, extending from the sea to the present south-western railway line, and containing an area of 250,000 acres.
In order to increase the knowledge of the country lying outside the area of settlement, and so as to have land ready for the requirements of the new settlers continually arriving, further expeditions were sent out in the latter months of the year. Lieutenant Preston (of H.M.S. “Sulphur”) and Dr. Collie examined during November the coastline and adjacent country between
Cockburn Sound and Geographe Bay, paying particular attention to the rivers and to the suitability of the soil for cultivation. In December Ensign Dale, of the 63rd Regiment, who had previously endeavoured to trace the source of the Helena River, made a further attempt. He followed the stream until it became a mere chain of ponds, and then returned bringing back the information that the country toward the coast did not give much promise in the way of agriculture, though it offered fairly good pasture for sheep. In the same month Dr. Wilson, R.N., left the settlement at King George Sound with a small party, intending to proceed toward the Swan River. Though he did not go far in the direction aimed at, he passed through some of the best country from a scenic point of view in Western Australia, and in the course of his wanderings discovered the Denmark River. Dr. Wilson’s report of the trip spoke highly of the character of the soil in general, though some of it he admitted was “as miserable and useless as any to be found in New South Wales.” For extended accounts of these and succeeding exploring expeditions we would refer the reader to the section of this publication dealing with the “Explorations in Western Australia.”
It is worth recording as an event of importance that on Christmas Day, 1829, the first white child— daughter of the Surveyor-General — was born in Western Australia.
The total population of the colony at the end of the year was 1,290, of whom 850 were permanent residents, the greater part of the remainder forming the complement of the ships then at anchor, one of these being
H.M.S. “Success,” which grounded on entering Challenger Passage and received injuries that took twelve months to repair. To carry out these repairs she was beached at that portion of the Sound since known as Careening Bay. The value of the property brought by the settlers up to this time was about £45,000, the proportion of which that was applicable to the improvement of land, and upon which land was granted according to the regulations, being £42,000.
On January 20, 1830, Captain Stirling addressed a despatch to the Colonial Office embracing a report of the various matters we have already referred to and giving some important information as to the class of people arriving in the colony. Those who came as settlers, having a certain amount of capital, were on the whole highly respectable and independent persons, but the same could not be said of their workmen and servants. In many cases these seemed to have been recruited from parish outcasts, or engaged without any reference to character, and had consequently caused great inconvenience by their drunken and disorderly habits. So troublesome had these people become, the Governor reported, that he had found it necessary to
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99
appoint a magistracy, whose chairman (Mr. W. H. Mackie) was “a gentleman bred to the law,” and to engage a number of constables, for the purpose of preserving order in the settlement. We also gather from the document that even at this early stage depression had made itself felt in the affairs of the young colony. “Among so many settlers there could not be a great number with minds and bodies suited to encounter the struggles and distresses of a new settlement. Many, if not all, have accordingly been more or less disappointed on arrival either with the state of things here or their own want of power to surmount the difficulties pressing around them. . . . Prom this depression,
however, the active and stouthearted have now recovered, and ten or twelve of the leading men of the settlement having occupied their grounds, and having declared themselves fully satisfied with the quality of the soil and the condition of their cattle, I consider the undertaking is now safe from the effects of a
general despondency, which at one time
threatened to defeat the views of His Majesty’s Government in this
quarter.”
The despatch then
goes on to discuss the climate and the general prospects of the settlement. The climate, of which the Lieutenant-Governor had had practically a year’s experience, he found “favourable to health in an uncommon degree,” though owing to the heat of December and January “the workmen have not been able to work in the sun from 10 to 3 o’clock” ! In regard to the general prospects the opinion was expressed that the land suitable for tillage was somewhat limited in area, but that there ought to be a good future both for pastoral pursuits and fruit culture, more particularly of temperate and sub-tropical fruits. The position of the settlement, he considered, was an excellent one for developing an Eastern trade in British manufactures. But though on the whole the prospect was a favourable one. Captain Stirling was careful to point out that practically everything depended on the right class of immigrant being secured. “The greater part,” he says, “incapable of succeeding in England are not likely to prosper here to the extent of their groundless and inconsiderate expectations. Many of the settlers who have come should never have left a safe and tranquil state of h2
life; and if it be possible to discourage one set of people and to encourage another I would earnestly request that for a few years the helpless and inefficient may be kept from the settlement, while to the active, industrious, and intelligent there may be assured with confidence a fair reward for their labours. This country may at no distant period absorb, with advantage to Great Britain and herself, an immense migration of persons, any great portions of which if sent forward too soon will ruin her prospects and their own.”
In a semi-private letter to Mr. Twiss, the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies, which was forwarded by the same vessel as the preceding despatch, the Lieutenant-Governor ventured the opinion that the rush of settlers had been due bo the exceedingly liberal land laws, and also to the fact that no convicts were to be sent to the colony. As to the class of people arriving, he is still more emphatic than in his official utterance
upon the point that there are “many who will be ruined by their own groundless expectations and helpless inefficiency.” Discussing in this letter the future prospects of the colony, Captain Stirling urged that his experience during the first six months of his administration had convinced him that the English Government must either decide to give up the settlement altogether or else must establish it definitely as a Crown Colony, with a regular commission to the Governor, proper machinery for enacting ordinances, and a system of finance with provision for raising revenue and expending money, subject, of course, to revision by the Home authorities. The arguments used in this communication appear to have had considerable weight, as on July 20, 1830, the Secretary of State informed Captain Stirling that a commission was in course of preparation which would contain the authority in matters of administration that had been sought.
The history of the colony up to the end of 1830 is practically confined to a record of the early struggles of the pioneers, of the alienation of land under the system of grants, and of exploration of the country. Even though, at the beginning of the year, the reports of the inefficient section of the community were beginning to reach England there was no diminution in the stream of immigration. In fact, so great was the influx
that the local government found it necessary to import provisions and stock from the Cape, the East Indies, and the other Australian colonies in order to prevent the possibility of famine occurring before the colonial lands and stock commenced to make some return. The results of this importation were not, however, altogether satisfactory. In the absence of proper storehouses much of the grain was spoilt by exposure to the weather or ruined by white ants and other vermin, while a fair number of the cattle wandered away into the bush and either died or became wild.
While those who arrived later missed many of the hardships which the first arrivals had to undergo they had the same strenuous battle to fight when their grants were apportioned. Among them, however, were practical farmers from the agricultural counties of England, all possessed of at least moderate capital, and these soon began to show actual results for their labour. In fact, a more hopeful air began to pervade the whole community. Many were engaged in clearing their grants and sowing crops, employing their spare time in attempts at brickmaking, so as to improve their general condition by the erection of more comfortable houses. Their want of knowledge of the climate, however, caused a good deal of suffering during the wet season The winter rains of 1830 were particularly heavy, so much so that the river overflowed its banks and brought considerable loss and damage to those who were temporarily residing on the flats waiting for their grants, or who had elected to build permanent homes on the lower levels. The shipping at Fremantle also suffered in no small degree. Four vessels broke loose from their moorings and were driven ashore, one of them, the “Rockingham,” becoming a total wreck on that part of the coast which has since borne the name
Much trouble was also experienced with the cattle and sheep during the year. Many of the cattle got away into the bush, and the scab disease, introduced by some flocks brought from Tasmania, greatly lessened the small number of sheep in the colony
Meanwhile the alienation of land was proceeding apace, and among those recorded as having received grants during the year we find many—J and J. W. Hardey, J. S Roe, Stephen and James Hentv, W. L Brockman, E. Barrett Lennard, J II Monger, A H. Stone, J. S. Clarkson, Robert Dale, W. K Shenton, and others—whose names have been graven deep in the annals of their adopted country There being very little available land remaining on the banks of the Swan or within reasonable reach of Perth or Fremantle it became necessary, in order to accommodate many of these applicants, to extend the boundaries of the settlement. With that end in view a further examination of the country southward along the coast was made by the Lieutenant-Governor. This resulted in the establishment of a mili-
tary station at Port Leschenault, where the present town of Bunbury stands. A new county was thus added to the colony, and by Government notice every endeavour was made to induce those applying for land to select it in that district. Unfortunately for its progress enormous areas were taken up by Colonel Lautour, the Henty Brothers, and others, but no immediate use made of the land, so that for many years the district made no headway at all. The settlement became little more than a name; even Captain Stirling seems to have been disheartened, as the military detachment stationed there was withdrawn before the end of the year. It is worthy of note that the grant—-103,000 acres—made to Colonel Lautour formed the location upon which an attempt was made at a later period to establish the town of Australind.
About the same time (March, 1830) the country near King George Sound was thrown open under the name of Plantagenet County Here grants were made to Dr. Collie, Captain Bannister, Lieutenant Preston, and J. L. Morley, but, as in the case of Port Leschenault, no attempt at immediate cultivation was made.
Partly in order to do something in the way of assisting discharged servants, who had completed their terms of service, to become good settlers, the town of Guildford was opened in the following month, and blocks of four and five acres each were granted to these people, with the intention that they should assist one another and eventually form a co-operative settlement.
From the fact that Captain Stirling desired 90,000 acres of his original grant to be at Cape Naturaliste it is more than probable he was convinced that the neighbourhood offered great promise The pressure of his administrative duties had prevented him from paying any attention to the matter up to that time, but in May, 1830, accompanied by a band of settlers, he set out to examine the locality with a view of establishing a new township The party landed at the mouth of the Blackwood in Flinders Bay, and marked off the site for a township to be named Augusta The- settlers, under the leadership of Captain Molloy and Messrs. Bussell and Turner, selected grants and set about the cultivation of them. Though the soil was good, the labour of clearing was very great, and consequently but little progress was made The heavy forest baffled all their attempts to pasture stock, and to add to their difficulties supplies ran short time after time owing to their isolated position. For four years they struggled along with indifferent success, finally removing in 1834 to the less heavily-timbered plains of the Vasse, which seemed to offer greater opportunities. One result of the settlement at Augusta that was of permanent value was the opening up in 1831, by Mr. Bussell, of an overland route from Perth to Cape Leeuwin.
While these attempts, not on the whole successful,
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
loi
were being made to establish settled communities along the south-west coast attention was also being paid to the portions of the interior eastward of Perth. Ensign Dale, who had previously penetrated some distance in that direction, pursued his investigations farther inland and brought back such glowing accounts of the new country that Lieutenant Erskine was dispatched to obtain still more definite information. So completely did his opinion agree with that formed by Dale that the Lieutenant-Governor decided to make a personal tour of inspection. So impressed was he with what he saw that arrangements were at once made to throw the land open for selection, and before the end of the year many large tracts were taken up. Sites for the towns of York, Northam, and Beverley were also marked out at this time, but no allotments were apportioned in any of them, the first town lots—at York—being sold in 1835.
Thus by the end of 1830 the colony had extended its boundaries to include (apart from the military station at King George Sound, which still remained under the Government of New South Wales) settlements at Swan River,
Port Lesche-nault, Guildford, and Augusta, in addition to which areas of land had been assigned in Plantage n e t County and in the York-Beverley district. In most of these places little work had been done, but marked progress had been made in Perth and on the holdings along the Swan, Helena, and Canning Rivers, though as yet the returns were insufficient to provide for the sustenance of the community without importing provisions. Fremantle had made but little advance. At the end of the year it was still practically a camp, and though there were many good citizens who were straining every nerve to develop their properties and improve the condition of things generally, a great part of the inhabitants were of the class that is always afraid of work, and particularly loud in expressing disappointment and dissatisfaction. A number of these, most of whom were utterly incompetent as settlers, and some of whom held grants of land, left the colony during the latter half of the year, either abandoning their holdings
or arranging for incoming settlers to take them up. As may readily be understood, they did not fail on their arrival in England or the other colonies to express in unmeasured terms their disapproval of Western Australia, and there is no doubt that for many years the colony suffered from the effect of these reports.
The relations between the natives and the white settlers seem to have been of a distinctly friendly nature at the beginning, but by the middle of the year several incidents occurred that gave cause for alarm. The kindness of the white settlers in the way of distributing food and clothing, though greatly appreciated, seems to have turned the aborigines into persistent beggars and, when it became impossible to continue the gifts, into equally persistent thieves. Their acts of depredation culminated in an attack in open daylight on the house of a settler named Paton, situated at the west end of the township not far from the present Leederville Railway
Station. At the time of the occurrence Captain Stirling w'as absent at Port L e s c h e-nault, and the duty of coping with it rested upon the Commandant, Captain F. C. Irwin. His report upon the subject, given below, is particularly valuable not only as an interesting account of the first brush with the natives, but as an outline of the methods observed by the Government and white settlers in dealing with the aboriginal inhabitants of the territory. “On the 3rd instant” (May), he says, “at 3 p.m. a message was brought to the Cantonment soliciting aid against the natives on the part of the inhabitants in the west end of the town. In my absence Ensign Dale proceeded to that quarter with a few of the Guard; I followed with more men soon after on hearing the report. On arrival at the quarter I learned from Mr. Reveley and other credible testimony that the natives were decidedly the aggressors; they had been very troublesome in the forenoon—in one place throwing spears at poultry, at another stealing pieces of board from workshops; and at last they broke into and plundered the house of a man named Paton, which brought on the encounter.
Town Hall, Perth, 1870,
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
“Three or four neighbours endeavoured to drive the natives from the house, which they had collected round; they, however, threw their spears at them and drove them back to the next house, following till they recovered their spears. More people coming up with two or three musquets, they advanced to dislodge the natives from Paton’s; several were drawn up with spears poised in their throwing sticks, and a tall savage, who appeared the chief, showed unequivocal gestures of defiance and contempt on the musquets being presented. The people now fired, and this man was seen to fall wounded, falling a second time after rising; the natives now made a rapid retreat, leading him off.
“This daring and hostile conduct of the natives induced me to seize the opportunity to make them sensible of our superiority by showing how severely we could retaliate their aggression, but that we had no wish to injure them. With this view I continued the pursuit, directing that a shot should not be fired but in self-defence. After proceeding one and a half miles in a N -W. direction we overtook Mr. Dale near a lagoon, with a few soldiers and settlers I was concerned to find that he had received two wounds from the thrust of a spear by a native while endeavouring to secure him m a swamp; the savage succeeded in escaping, though severely wounded by a shot in the face, his jaw being seen to hang; he had previously slightly wounded Sergeant Smallman in an ineffectual attempt to secure him after knocking him down with his fusee. I now divided the party, taking half with me round the lagoon and directing Mr Dale with the remainder to go the opposite way to get the natives between us, should they be m the lagoon. We discovered them by their talking at the upper end, where the breadth was from 40 to 50 yards, but none could be seen, so thick was the cover of the tea-trees and reeds 7 or 8 ft. long.
“While observing the natives here several shots were fired towards us from the opposite bank by Mr. Dale's party. On calling out for an explanation and ordering the firing to cease I learned that a volley of spears had been thrown at them while penetrating the swamp to where the natives were; three spears had pierced the arm of the Acting Sergeant-Major, and the party fired in return.
“One of the natives now called out from a tree he had ascended and gave us to understand that their women and children were with them, and seemed earnest in his entreaties that we would leave them
“I now told the party to leave the swamp, and for about twenty minutes we held a parley, the natives pressing us to leave them, and we in vain trying to encourage them to come out to us At this period, hearing a trampling in the lagoon, I proceeded alone down the bank and distinctly heard the groans of the wounded, whom they were carrying past, but the height
of the reeds concealed them all but the tops of their spears. Considering the object I had in view as now fully accomplished of impressing a salutary dread of our superiority and arms, while we showed them that we did not wish to injure them, after getting them and their families completely in our power, we left them at sunset on apparently friendly terms as usual. I was now anxious to re-establish a good feeling from a dread that they might think of revenging themselves on settlers m the interior before they could have intelligence of this affair.
“During the night nothing was heard of them, but next morning they were seen to cross the river at the islands with their families m considerable numbers. A patrol I sent out for the purpose brought in three natives they had surprised. These men had been often in the Cantonment, and willingly accompanied the sol-dieis. They intimated by signs that some of their people were dead or wounded m the lagoon after yesterday’s fire. When this was told me I took them off to the lagoon, but they could show none, and I concluded they meant to signify that some of their people had fallen there. On our return we observed a body of about forty, including women and children, moving westerly. Some came towards us on being called, and with these and our guides to the swamp we parted on very good terms. At the Cantonment I learned that several natives had come in, being anxious about the fate of those who had been surprised in the morning. Some days after several natives came into the Cantonment and pointed out their women and children playing about the outskirts, evidently to make a show of their confidence in us I desired that they should be received in the usual friendly way, but ordered a sergeant with a file of the Guard with their musquets to watch their motions. At seeing the arms they looked alarmed and made signs to put them away. The good effect of this precaution was afterwards apparent, for on their moving to the western extremity the sergeant kept out of their view till he saw a considerable number collected round Paton’s house (which they had before rifled), trying to push open the door and windows On this he made his appearance, when the natives all ran off to the rear Since that time they have not visited the Cantonment, and I am happy to learn that they have committed no act of aggression against the settlers in any part of the country.”
Unfortunately Captain Irwin’s fear of reprisals by the natives were only too well grounded. Not long after the disturbance at Perth news came from the Murray River that a settler named McKenzie had been murdered as an act of retaliation. This was the beginning of long years of trouble with the aborigines and of no little danger to the colonists. Before the end of the year a second murder was com-
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mitted, also by way of retaliation. The settlers on the Swan had been put to much inconvenience through petty thefts, and finally a native detected stealing potatoes from Mr. Butler’s garden was shot dead. Within a little time a party of natives surrounded the house and brutally murdered a servant named Entwistle, in the presence of his two young sons, both of whom, however, succeeded in escaping. The ring leaders of the horde were two well-built natives, Yagan and Midgegooroo, who managed to elude capture at the time. These two seem to have been the chief actors in every native disturbance until 1833, when both were killed.
Up to the close of 1830, and indeed for some little time after, the government of the colony was vested solely in the hands of Captain Stirling, who had nothing to guide him in his duty save the meagre letter of instructions forwarded with his appointment and occasional despatches conveying further instructions from the Colonial Office. That he succeeded so admirably is a tribute both to his enthusiasm for the task and to his judgment in the execution of it. Certain alterations had been determined upon by the Home authorities before the end of the year, but notification of these did not reach Western Australia until toward the middle of 1831.
CHAPTER V.
1831-1838.
ADMINISTRATION OF SIR JAMES STIRLING.
With the year 1831 Western Australia may be considered to have emerged from the experimental stage and to have entered upon a permanent existence. For many years afterwards its history was necessarily little more than a record of constructive development such as is common to all new communities, interspersed with periods of depression and frequent attacks and depredations on the part of the natives, but all along the line there was distinct growth, gradual indeed for some time, but in the main healthy and progressive.
One of the chief events of importance was an alteration in the land regulations. Early in 1830 it had become evident to the Home authorities that in the interests of the colony generally, and in order to stem the influx of settlers, many of whom were totally unsuitable, it was necessary to make some restriction on the further alienation of land by means of grants. New regulations were therefore drawn up under which the quantity of land obtainable was reduced by one-half—20 acres instead of 40 for every £3 invested, and 100 acres instead of 200 as formerly on the passage of every servant. These came into operation at the beginning of 1831 and continued in force throughout the year, during which the English Government further considered the whole question of land grants in the Australian colonies and ultimately decided to adopt the American principle of sale. The chief reason for adopting this course was that it had been found that the system of granting land had had the effect, in New South Wales and Van Diemen Land, of encouraging the dispersion of settlers over too wide an extent of country, which, apart from other inconveniences, greatly
increased the expenses of administration in every branch of the Public Service. This decision was arrived at and published in England in March, 1831, but owing to the length of time then occupied in conveying the information to the colonies it did not operate until well into 1832. By it the principle of granting land according to the property brought by the settler was entirely discontinued, and in its place it was provided that “all the lands in the colony not hitherto granted and not appropriated for public purposes will be put up for sale. The price will, of course, depend upon the quality of the land and its local situation, but no land will be sold below the value of 5s. per acre.” The method adopted in carrying this system into effect was that an intending purchaser was allowed to select within defined limits the land he desired to acquire. The area was then advertised for three months, at the end of which it was sold to the highest bidder above the minimum of 5s. The transaction had to be completed within one month thereafter. The minimum area was 640 acres, but the Governor could, if he deemed it advisable, allow a smaller quantity; the maximum, however, which was 2,560 acres, must not be exceeded Land which could not be sold might be let on grazing lease from year to year, it being understood that if at any time its purchase was applied for it must be put up for sale in the ordinary way. It will be remembered that under the regulations previously in force persons sending out labourers were allowed to reckon the passage money of such labourers as part of the capital on which they could secure grants. As the colony had not the advantage of convict labijur it was felt that nothing
U)4
should be done that might affect the supply of free labourers, and therefore £20 was allowed in the purchase of land for every married labourer and his family landed in the colony. The bounty was restricted to married labourers to prevent, as far as possible, that excess of males over females which had been found so injurious in the two penal colonies.
In the same year (1831) the change m the method of administration, forecasted m the Secretary of State’s despatch of July 20, 1830, bringing the settlement definitely into line as a Crown colony was effected. The Act 10 Geo. IV. c. 22, enabled the King, with the advice ol the Privy Council, to make, and to authorize any three or more persons to make, all necessary laws and to constitute all necessary courts for the peace, order, and good government of the settlement. No steps were taken under this Act until November 1, 1830, when an Order-m-Council was issued constituting the Governor, the Senior Military OMcer next m command, the Colonial Secretary, the Surveyor-General, and the Advocate-General to be a Legislative Council to discharge the functions entrusted to them by the Act, subject to a provision for disallowance by the Secretary of State, and further that any law or ordinance made by the Council must have been first proposed by the Governor or officer administering the Government. This Order-in-Council was forwarded to Western Australia by despatch dated April 28, 1831, with which were enclosed the formal commission to Captain Stirling as Governor and Commander-in-Chief, and also a lengthy document under the King’s Sign Manual containing instructions as to procedure. In the second clause of these instructions the same officers who had been appointed a Legislative Council were also appointed as an Executive Council for the assistance and advice of the Governor. The reasons that the two Councils were appointed by different methods lay m the fact that while the King could by virtue of the prerogative establish an Executive Council, the Royal authority was not competent, without the aid of Parliament, to create a Legislature except by popular representation, or to establish Courts on lines that differed from those of Westminster. In the despatch of April 28 the diverse methods of appointment were pointed out and the Governor’s attention drawn to the fact that, although composed of the same individuals, the two bodies were separate and distinct, and that separate accounts must be kept of their proceedings. It may be noted that there were three subjects upon which power to legislate was specifically withheld—the naturalization of aliens, the granting of land titles to unnaturalized aliens, and all questions of divorce. It was late in 1831 when the information concerning these alterations m the administration reached the colony, and consequently the first
meeting of the Legislative Council did not take place until January, 1832.
The year 1831 cannot be considered to have been one of any great progress, nor did it afford much m the way of incident. Owing to the adverse reports concerning the condition of things in the settlement, assiduously spread abroad by those who had been unabl© to grapple with the difficulties, the influx of people showed a distinct tendency to abate, and many of those who did come were of little value as colonists, serving only to augment the already considerable number of the dissatisfied and disappointed. Those, however, who recognized the wisdom of doing their best m the new surroundings were beginning to see signs of reward. Though fearful of a recurrence of the disheartening conditions of the previous winter tney pei-severed in tneir endeavours to wear and cultivate tfieir land, and by the end of the year had 200 acres undei cultivation, of which 160 were producing wheat. Considering that over a milfion acres had been alienated, tins amount seems pitifully small, and certainly adds to the overwhelming evidence that exists as to the incapacity oi most of those to whom land had been granted. So anxious does the English Government seem to have been to avoid expense and even responsibility m establishing the colony that land was granted to ail and sundry without any guarantee that they either could or would do anything m the way of improvement. No attempt was made to preserve anything like a just proportion between the land alienated, the capital invested, and the labour available. In fact, The Liteiary Gazette, the organ of the Literary Society formed by the officials and better class settlers, asserted that ‘ to the want of labour, and to that alone, may be traoed all the evils that have afflicted this infant settlement.” Taking into consideration the numerous servants who had been introduced this scarcely seems feasible at first sight; but if we combine the ineptitude of the major portion of these servants with the lack of ready money and the absence of the true colonizing spirit on the part of the settlers, who were, most of them, completely at a loss where to begin, we reach in all probability something like the true reasons for the approximation to failure that occurred in these early years
The amount of wheat produced was, of course, far from being sufficient to supply the demands for a population which then numbered about 1,500, hence the colonists had still to depend on the ships arriving from time to time for provisions. Any delay m the appearance of these vessels was a matter of no small moment, causing as it did a very appreciable increase in the cost of living. During the latter part of 1831 very few ships arrived, and as a result something akin to famine drew ominously close. That in
105
face of troubles such as these the colonists refused to acknowledge defeat is a tribute to their indomitable perseverance. One method adopted for overcoming their initial difficulties was the establishment during the year of an Agricultural Society, which was the parent of the present Royal Agricultural Society of Western Australia. By means of this institution they were enabled to meet regularly for discussion and encouragement, and there is no doubt that it was of inestimable value in stimulating and developing the agricultural and pastoral industries. That in the latter of these industries there were great possibilities was recognized by all, but unfortunately there were but few head of stock in the colony and not a large number of sheep. So serious did these various questions—want of capital, of labour, and of stock—become that during the year it was decided to petition the English Government, asking that the Colonial Treasury be authorized to make advances for the purchase of stock, and asserting that with some little assistance in that way the settlement would quickly become a prosperous community. Although the Governor was in sympathy with the request, and on more than one occasion urged it in his despatches, the Home authorities, true to the policy of incurring no expense, paid no heed to his representations.
In the way of exploratory work the year was not productive of great results. The principal expedition was that of Cajotain Bannister and party in December and January. Confronted by great difficulties and a certain degree of danger they made their way overland from Perth to King George Sound, the longest overland journey that had so far been undertaken. At one stage of the trip Captain Bannister was forced to kill his horse owing to inability to procure food for it. About 100 miles farther on the provisions for the party ran out, and they were compelled to retrace their steps and eat the dead animal. However, after many trials they arrived safely at King George Sound, having gained considerable information of value concerning the country passed through, and having blazed a track
between the two settlements which proved very useful after the transfer of the King George Sound settlement to the Government of Western Australia in the following March. About the same time a party under Mr. W. K. Shenton proceeded by sea to Port Leschenault and thence up the Collie River, looking for satisfactory places of settlement. The report brought back was not, however, sufficiently favourable to encourage any attempt at cultivation. Various other trips were made during 1831, chiefly in the south-west portion of the colony and round about King George Sound. Though none of these were productive of further expansion at the time, they were of distinct value in that they increased the existing knowledge of the country generally and enabled the authorities to form a better estimate of its capabilities. In the spring of the year the settlement of York district, postponed from 1830, was undertaken, and a party, among whom were Messrs.
Hardey, Clarkson, Bland, and Moore, was led over the ranges by Lieutenant Dale, and left to form the beginning of what has since become one of the finest agricultural centres in the Commonwealth.
Only three additional towns were proclaimed during the year —those of Kelm-scott, Kingston, and Albany. Kingston, which was on Rottnest Island, never got beyond that stage. Several allotments were taken up, but no attempt at building a township was ever made. With the single exception of Perth, very little progress was made in any of the townships. Fremantle as the port displayed a certain amount of activity, but not in the direction of erecting permanent buildings. Being the distributing centre for supplies it boasted some fairly large stores, the principal of which were those of Messrs. Leake, Shenton, and Samson, through whose energies a monthly service of boats was inaugurated between the port and Guildford. This for many years was the cheapest and safest mode of transport for goods, though there existed from early in 1831 a fairly good road between Perth and Fremantle. Other evidences of civilization also began to make their appearance. That great want of British communities—
a newspaper—was met by the issue (in manuscript) of The Western Australian Chronicle and Perth Gazette. This was published by Mr. W. K. Shenton, and the price was 3s. 6d. per copy. Needless to say, it did not survive many issues. Later in the year a handprinting press arrived from Tasmania, and a newspaper printed on letter paper was issued in Fremantle by Messrs. Macfaull and Shenton. The press was erected in the shed in which the first bushel of wheat grown in the colony was ground. Thus from the one building there issued food both for mind and body. Want of news caused the publishers to fall back on contributions, some of which might be described as early nineteenth-century yellow-Press efforts, and which resulted in a dissolution of partnership. The paper was carried on by Mr. Macfaull, who was compelled, in order to secure freedom from molestation, to remove the press to Hamilton Hill, some three miles out in the bush. This was the spot where the first vines reared in the colony were planted. The newspaper lasted only about twelve months, the returns not being sufficient to pay the rent of the press. The owner of the machine then started another paper called The Inquisitor, and secured as contributors Captain Graham (formerly Governor of Sierra Leone), Mr. Yule, a Scotch lawyer named Clark, and a merchant named Johnstone. So much talent proved too heavy for the journal; serious disagreements arose between members of the staff, ending m a duel between Clark and Johnstone, which was fought on the beach at North Fremantle—the only duel fought in Western Australia. Johnstone was fatally wounded, dying within twelve hours. The result was equally fatal to the newspaper, and ended the first chapter of the history of journalism in the colony.
As evidence of the fact that the difficulties of their position were not weighing too heavily upon the settlers it may be mentioned that in September the first Governor’s ball was held. From the accounts preserved this seems to have been quite a gorgeous affair, and the supper, which one record describes as “an elegant and superb one,” rather appeared to discountenance the statement that the colonists were approaching the verge of starvation.
In December Captain James Stirling’s commission as Governor and Commander-in-Chief, as well as one appointing him Vice-Admiral of the colony, arrived from England. These interesting documents relating to the early history of Western Australia are now preserved in the Public Library at Perth. As soon as possible after the arrival of his commission and instructions the Governor called his advisers together, and the first sitting of the Legislative Council constituted under the Order-in-Council of November 1, 1830, was held in January, 1832. The principal business was the estab-
lishment of a Civil Court having the powers of the Courts of King’s Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer. Mr. George Fletcher Moore was appointed Civil Commissioner, and the Court was opened in March, 1832, the first jury case being tried in the following June.
The other matters which mainly occupied the attention of the Legislative Council during the year were the shortness of provisions, the need of more live stock, and the menacing attitude of the natives. The possibility of famine, which had begun to cause uneasiness in 1831, became more accentuated, and the want of food supplies culminated m a serious, if not dangerous, situation early in the following year. Vessels which had for months been expected to arrive with provisions failed to put in an appearance, the small stock of wheat that had been raised locally was almost exhausted, and many of the settlers were faced with starvation. Some idea of the scarcity that existed may be gleaned from the following list of prices. —Salt pork, from £10 to £14 a cask; wheat, 35s. to 40s. per bushel; fresh meat, Is. lOd. per lb.; eggs, 5s. per dozen; flour, lOd. per Bo.; and butter (when procurable at all), 7s. per Bo. The colonial Government, realizing the seriousness of the position, made arrangements to assist those possessing little ready money by supplying provisions on credit out of the Government stores. To encourage cultivation it was notified that payment for these stores could be made by locally-grown wheat on a basis of 15s. per bushel. All classes of the community were compelled to avail themselves of the offer, as practically the whole of the food supply remaining was in the Government stores. The arrival of two small schooners m March and April relieved the position slightly, and from the middle ol the year a succession of provision-laden ships altogether averted the danger of famine.
Hand in hand with the want of provisions went the absence of money and the lack of sufficient live stock. Most of the money brought by the settlers had been spent in making useless experiments or in paying for the necessaries of life at famine prices, so that nothing was left to secure necessary farming implements or to purchase stock. One method suggested as a way of coping with the financial difficulty was the establishment of a bank. In May a prospectus was submitted to the Governor asking for an advance of £5,000 from the Treasury on the security of twenty-five responsible persons. It was pointed out that if money could be advanced by the Government on the discount of Bills at 5 per cent, the colony would benefit very considerably, as settlers were then borrowing at so much as 25 per cent. The Governor was unable, in face of his instructions, to meet the request, and suggested that the colonists should raise the money by subscription.
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An attempt to do this was unsuccessful; the members of the community at that time were all borrowers. Very little actual cash was available; all transactions were by means of promissory-notes of from 2s. 6d. upwards in value. Some temporary relief was afforded by an inventive genius named Woods. There was at the time a coin current in India called an “Indian dump,” roughly pentagonal in shape, made presumably of silver, and in common use prior to the introduction of the rupee. Woods bought up all the German silver teapots, spoons, etc., that were available, and minted them into dumps, at the face value of the Indian coin. For some six months they were found to be very useful and in part displaced the promissory-notes. At the end of that period, however, the attention of the authorities was drawn to the number of these coins and the scheme was exposed, with the result that for affording undoubted financial assistance W oods received a sentence of seven years’ transportation to V an Diemen Land.
Apart from the ordinary necessaries of life money was badly needed for the purchase of stock, both cattle and sheep, for the
pastures. The settlers themselves had not the capital to lay out in chartering a vessel and importing animals, but they were convinced that if the Imperial Government would only come to their assistance in that direction the cost might be met out of succeeding harvests. They pointed out that the acreage under grain had increased to 435, from which a yield of 15 bushels per acre was expected, and that the suitability of the soil for agricultural purposes was assured, so that there was not likely to be any great difficulty in meeting the advances asked for. To this request, as to the former one, the Governor was compelled to give a negative reply.
A further question that became acute during the year 1832 was that of protection from the natives. The aggressive attitude adopted by the aborigines in 1830
became more pronounced in 1831, when two servants of settlers were murdered and a considerable number of the stock stolen. During the early part of 1832 there were no open attempts at violence, but in May a party headed by the stalwart Yagan, who seems to have been the leader in all the trouble, attacked two settlers on the Canning River and killed one of them. From that time the depredations became more frequent and more daring, and so serious was the state of affairs that in June a meeting of settlers at Guildford decided that the colony must be abandoned unless ample steps were taken by the Government to protect life and property. In order to afford all possible assistance and so meet the wishes of the community the Governor immediately established a police force, and in retaliation the natives speared his pigs.
When these various questions — the scarcity of provisions, the want of money, the need of more live stock, and the fear of native aggression — are taken into c o nsideration it becomes evident that the settlement in 1832 was in rather a parlous state. So con-vinced were the settlers
that the only hope of improvement and assistance lay in a personal appeal at headquarters that they presented a memorial to the Governor asking him to proceed to England and present their case as strongly as possible to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. It will be remembered that in 1831, when these matters first called for consideration, the Governor had been requested to draw attention to them in his despatches. The fact that no reply had been received from Home to those requests, added to the growing insistence of their needs, caused the colonists to take the extreme step of requesting the Governor to personally present their requirements to the English authorities. On the advice of the Executive Council the Governor agreed to do as requested, and on August 12 left Fremantle for London in H.M.S. “Sulphur.” From a
despatch to the Colonial Office which he found opportunity of forwarding during the course of the voyage we are able to get a very clear view of the condition of affairs and the reasons which actuated him in acceding to the memorial of the settlers. After referring to a previous despatch in which he had drawn attention to the matters under review he goes on to say. —
In the course of a few weeks subsequent to the date of that communication referred to the evils which had been anticipated began to be felt. The scarcity of money m private hands and the reduction in the Government expenditure which took place m the early part of the year had the material effect of discouraging importation from the neighbouring colonies, and the consequent high price ol all the necessaries of life hastened that exhaustion which had been apprehended. In addition to these annoyances it was found that the unfavourable accounts which had been spread regaiding the settlement had deterred persons fiom coming to it; the natives also began to be tioublesome, and the imposition of a duty on spmts which 1 deemed it advisable in May last to pass into a law aggravated the depiession of spurts which had so iar affected the community as to pievent exeition and useful speculation.
Persuaded that many of the evils complained of weie attributable to the cncumstances that attend every new settlement, I felt disposed to tiust to the operation of time and that improvement which might be expected from continuous eftoii*. Rut in a small community theie is usually some one prevailing sentiment, and as m this instance it happened to be of a desponding chaiacter, there was leason to apmehend that it would lead to a total 1 emission of laboui, m which case the support of the colonists would tall upon the public stores, oi to the abandonment of the enteiprise by those peisons whose means and abilities were requisite tor its success.
Explanatory of the feelings above mentioned, I beg leave to call Your Loidship’s attention to the accompanying documents [the memorials previously referred to]. In these and'm the Minutes of my Executive Council . . .
it will be perceived that some decisive measures had become necessaiy to the successful continuation of the enterprise.
In a conversation which I had with some of the leading settlers in the lattei pait of June 1 was respectfully solicited to adopt certain changes in the conduct of government regarding the mciease of public expendituie, the granting ol loans, and the repeal of the duty on spirits; but as m taking such steps 1 should have departed from the substance of Your Lordship’s uisti uctions without the justification of cncumstances, 1 was under the necessity of declining any serious departure from the line of policy which had been adopted, but 1 stated my readiness to convey to Your Lord-ship suoh representations regaiding the real state of the settlement as would enable Your Lordship to judge of the course to be pursued The length of time before an answer could be expected and the difficulty in making arrangements of this kind by conespondence being suggested 1 was asked whether 1 would undertake to represent m person to His Majesty’s Government the state of the colony and advocate its cause. I replied that it would not be pioper for me to quit the colony unless it were recommended by the concurrent wishes of the settlers at large, and that it would be useless on my pait to go to England unless I had some trustworthy assurance fiom the leading persons in the colony that they would not remit any exertion m the meantime for the advancement of the undei taking and the maintenance of a proper feeling. If, however, 1 should be satisfied on these points I should not decline the mission proposed to me. The gentlemen present stated it to be the
general opinion that some such measure was requisite for the public welfare, and that they believed it would tend very much to restore confidence, but that they would consult, with my pel mission, public opinion upon the subject.
Having bi ought the question refened to before my Executive Council on the 29th June ... it was the unanimous opinion of the members that the measuie pio-posed would allord satisfaction to the community, tend to Hie good oi His Majesty’s Service, and go tar to restoie and maintain those exertions on the behalf of individuals wmeh were necessaiy to the success of the colony. In consequence of this l ecommendation ... I determined upon its adoption and issued a public declaration to that enect.
The above extract from the despatch has been quoted at length m order to prove the falsity of the contention so often put forward that the object of the Governor’s mission to England was to endeavour to secure the transportation of convicts to the cofony m order to expedite the construction of roads, bridges, and other public works In his work “The State and Position of Western Australia,’’ published in 1835, Captain Irwm (who commanded the troops in the colony from 1829 till 1833, and who acted as Lieutenant-Governor after Captain Stirling’s departure^ points out that no such wish was expressed in the memorial of the colonists. “The colonists,’’ he says, “having had before their eyes in the neighbouring penal settlements the serious evils inflicted on society by the employment of convicts . . . have firmly resisted the temptation
to seek such a remedy for their wants ” Considering that one of the principles laid down on the establishment of the colony was that no convicts should be sent there, a principle which no doubt influenced many in deciding to emigrate, it is not likely that, even if such a request had been put forward, the English Government would have given it any consideration at that early stage of the colony’s history.
One of the first difficulties that Captain Irwin had to contend with after the departure of the Governor was renewed activity on the part of the natives. He had, however, the temporary satisfaction of securing the notorious Yagan, who was imprisoned on Carnac Island m charge of Mr. R. M. Lyon, a gentleman with pronounced philanthropic views. Every attempt was made to civilize the native, but just as Mr. Lyon was beginning to feel that his methods were successful Yagan escaped and regained his tribe The spearing of a soldier’s wife shortly afterwards went a long way toward alienating the little remaining sympathy of the whites for the aborigines. Even the advocates of kindly treatment felt that drastic steps ought to be taken. As a result the history of 1833 and part of 1834 is practically the tale of native aggression and repulsion. Thefts were incessant, murders increasingly frequent, and the settlers lived m continual fear of an outbreak, a fear that was enhanced by their knowledge of the treacherous and cunning nature of the aborigines. The
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colonists were also at a disadvantage in that the natives made no open attack, but confined themselves to covert acts of theft, and to acts of violence and even murder upon individual settlers or their servants. The Government forbade anything in the nature of an organized expedition against the blacks; any action taken must be against individuals by way of punishment for specific crimes. This appearance of weakness on the part of the settlers, combined with the fact that the initial fear of the white man’s weapons had worn off, caused the natives to become more daring, and by the middle of 1833 the situation was one of no little danger to the colony. Toward the end of April, 1833, there occurred the wanton murder of an unoffending native by one of Major Nairn’s servants, who had formerly been in Tasmania, simply to show how the aborigines were dealt with there. Immediately afterwards another native was killed during an attempt to rob a store at Fremantle. These two deaths seem to have had a disastrous effect and to have raised a. spirit of revenge among the surrounding tribes.
Under the leadership of Yagan, Midge-gooroo, and Munday •— three red oubtable chiefs—a party of natives set out from Preston Point early on April 30 with the deliberate intention of committing murder as an act of retaliation. Strange to say, they fell in with the same cart from which the Tasmanian had shot the innocent black at almost precisely the same spot on the Canning Road. In it were two brothers named Velvick, servants of Mr. Phillips. These were speared and the bodies mutilated beyond recognition, the murderers afterwards escaping into the bush. Such an act could not be allowed to pass without the utmost endeavours to mete out punishment to the offenders. Accordingly the Lieutenant-Governor issued a proclamation outlawing the three leaders and offering rewards for their apprehension, dead or alive. From that time it is evident that the desire for revenge, irrespective of any question of justice, actuated the settlers as well as the natives. Parties were formed and the surrounding country scoured in every direction for Yagan and his companions. Eventually, on May 16, Captain
Ellis managed to secure Midgegooroo, who, after a patient investigation, was condemned to death and publicly shot in front of Perth Gaol within a week of his capture, in the presence of the Lieutenant-Governor and Council, the event being almost one of general rejoicing. The search for the other ringleaders was then continued with vigour, and it is to be feared that the feeling of hatred and distrust which then existed was the cause of more than one innocent native being shot down. To place the matter on a saner footing it became necessary for the Government to issue a proclamation pointing out that offences against the aborigines would be visited with the same punishment as if committed against any other of His Majesty’s subjects. This and the fact that advocates were not wanting who pointed out that the natives were merely obeying a natural or tribal law stopped the continuance of outrages, but did not cause the settlers to relax their efforts to capture Yagan and Munday. The death of the formidable leader was finally
encompassed by what was an undoubted act of treachery. Two lads named Keats observed Yafran and some companions making their way to the house o f Lieutenant Bull for flour; they fraternized with them, and then as soon as a favourable o p-portunity o c-curred the elder shot Yagan in cold blood. In retaliation the natives attacked the lads and succeeded in killing the murderer, though not until a second black had been dispatched. The two aborigines chiefly responsible for the conflicts that had occurred being thus accounted for, the Government, as a token of reconciliation, removed the ban of outlawry from the remaining leader Munday. Other steps were also taken to bring about a friendlier state of affairs; these met with some degree of success, and for a few months the settlers had freedom from molestation.
Notwithstanding the unrest created by these troubles, the area of land under crop was increased during 1833 to something like 600 acres, and it was felt that there was every prospect of reaping sufficient grain to meet the wants of the community. In fact, a ship from Tasmania with a cargo of 2,000 bushels of
wheat, sent by Governor Arthur during June, returned to Hobart with the information that the grain was not required. Material progress was evidenced by the improvements in methods of communication; roads were being made between the settlements, channels through the flats at the present Causeway were begun, and improvements to the jetty at Fremantle were under consideration. A weekly newspaper, The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal—which still lives as The West Australian—was established at the beginning of the year, and exerted considerable influence in the progress of the settlement. One of its first actions was to revive the agitation for the establishment of a bank. The question was also taken up by the Agricultural Society, but the same obstacles which had previously stood in the way of its solution still prevailed. The Society therefore sought to form an institution which might be able to supply some of the benefits of a bank, though not in the way of monetary loans The result was the establishment of the Swan River Barter Society, each member of which agreed to accept the notes of any other member in lieu of cash, provided they were presented according to a stipulated form Two forms were provided, one for the use of agriculturists and the other for merchants. The person who tendered the note for payment to any agriculturist had the right to choose the kind of produce he would take for it, and the agriculturist was not compelled to take from the merchant any article not in general consumption. The institution was to be under the wing of the Agricultural Society, which was to settle any dispute about prices or values. Each member was allowed fifty notes, each note having a face value of £1. Any defaulter was to be immediately excluded from the privileges of the Society. Although never fully carried out, the project met with a certain amount of success, and to it is due that system of exchange and barter which in the absenoe of sufficient ready money became so general in succeeding years throughout Western Australia.
Another system initiated during 1833 was that of parcelling out allotments of from 20 acres upwards to servants and labourers Two objects were sought to be achieved by this departure—to keep a sufficient amount of labour round the settlement and to give the working class an opportunity of building up a competence. Unfortunately the scheme met with very little success, probably due to want of good feeling between servants and masters. Many of the settlers were unsuitable for their positions as masters, and a great number of the servants were utterly incompetent as agriculturists. Its failure is a matter for regret, as efficient labour was urgently needed, and the stream of immigration had been very adversely affected
by the misrepresentations spread abroad, and by the superior inducements which the other colonies were believed to afford.
An attempt was made during the year to open up relations with India, and a company was formed at Calcutta with that object in view. It was proposed to establish an Anglo-Indian settlement near King George Sound, and the barque “Mercury” left Calcutta in October with the first load of passengers and stock. Unfortunately she was never again heard of. Such a sad event naturally put an end to the operations of the Company, and Western Australia lost what would have almost certainly proved to be a very valuable acquisition to her resources.
Exploratory work during 1832-3 was practically confined to elaborating the information concerning districts already recognized as being within the settlement. The area of country of which the administration possessed, at any rate, some general knowledge was large enough to meet any demands for land that were likely to be made It was felt that greater benefit would result to the colony if more were known of that area than if time were spent in securing a vague idea of portions lying beyond it. In addition, the roving spirit and the desire to seek for some new place were wearing off The settlers whose opinions would have been of any value were actively employed clearing and planting their own grants. The officials were busily engaged in their official duties and had little spare time for outside work. Nevertheless, from time to time trips were undertaken and results of value achieved Ensign Dale and Dr. Collie greatly enriched the store of information concerning the district round King George Sound, and J. G. Bussell made a careful examination of the Vasse district which resulted in the profitable settlement of that portion of the colony.
Captain Irwin, who had occupied the position of Lieutenant-Governor from the date of Captain Stirling’s departure, left for England in September, 1833, and Captain Richard A. Daniell became Lieutenant-Governor for the remaining period of Stirling’s absence.
The year 1834 witnessed the revival of the original hopeful spirit on the part of the settlers. This seems to have been due m part to information which reached the colony toward the end of 1833 to the effect that the Governor had met with a large measure of success in his representations to the Home authorities The principal reason, however, was that the colonists had learned the lesson of colonization—that satisfactory results could not be looked for all at once, but could be achieved only by years of toil. Their experiences of the previous years had given them a knowledge of the soil and its possibilities; they knew what to do, and were no longer experimenting in the
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dark They recognized that the country possessed all the potentialities necessary for the realization of their original expectations, but that its rewards were only for those who were prepared to labour and to wait. The factors that had operated in retarding the expansion of the colony were three—the misrepresentation of those who had left the settlement, the inefficiency and lack of interest on the part of the British Government, and the ignorance of what they would have to encounter on the part of the colonists themselves These factors were in a measure ceasing to have any effect. The misrepresentations were being appraised at their true value; the Home authorities showed some slight indication of being prepared to listen to reason; and the settlers themselves understood better what was demanded of those who undertook to found a new colony.
The revival of hope and confidence resulted in a steady progress being manifest. This was more evident, perhaps, in the settled and orderly condition of the towns and selections than in any abnormal increase in the productions of the soil, though the report of the Agricultural Society for 1834 considered the results achieved in the way of agricultural and pastoral development were very encouraging. Statistics collected for the purposes of the report showed that there were 809 acres under grain of various kinds, 109 yielding potatoes and other vegetables and fruits, and 118 lying fallow, which would have been utilized but for the absence of seed wheat The available stock consisted of 84 horses, 78 mares, 307 cows, 96 working cattle, 97 bulls and steers, 3,545 sheep, 492 goats, and 374 pigs. The wool clip for the year amounted to 7,585 lb Nearly every kind of European fruit-tree and shrub had been planted, and some of them, particularly the vine, olive, fig, and peach, appeared to thrive well Both this and the preceding report mention the occurrence of a disease among the live stock which had been the cause of considerable loss, and which even the most experienced among stock failed to diagnose. Many of the flocks and herds were moved from the coast to the Avon district in the hope that a change of herbage would stamp out the evil. Unfortunately the change served to make the mortality only greater. As a matter of fact, this was the Western Australian farmer’s first experience of the poisonous plants growing in various districts, and which have been the cause of so much trouble and expense ever since. This report of the Agricultural Society is of particular, value, sounding as it does the first distinct note of confidence in the future of the colony.
In the condition of the towns may be found, perhaps, the best index of the progress of the settlement during the first five years of its existence. Fremantle
had become a compact little seaport town with a few made roads and the predominance of hotels and stores usual to such places. Ferries across the river had been established at Fremantle, Preston Point, Mount Eliza, and Guildford, and roads as well as river communication existed between the port and the capital. Perth had grown into a large straggling village, with one main street, St George’s Terrace, which ran parallel with the river and was about a mile in length. On either side of it were the Governor’s House, Government Offices, Commissariat Stores, Court-house, Gaol, and Barracks Those lastnamed occupied the site on the north side of the present Treasury Buildings, and to their presence Barrack Street owes its name. Clustered round the offices were the dwellings of many of those engaged therein, and from the surrounding bush there peeped forth the modest dwellings of the settlers. To the westward was a flour-mill erected at considerable cost by the Civil Engineer, Mr. H. W. Reveley, a personal friend of Byron and Shelley. Across the river at Point Belches (Mill Point) was another mill, the property of Mr. W. K. Shenton, the walls of which are still standing. Along the course of the river from Perth to Guildford were many farms and selections, some of which, notably those of ‘Messrs. Hardey and Clarkson at the Peninsula, showed the work of experienced hands. Guildford itself was an industrial village, composed chiefly of servants and others to whom small grants had been made. Beyond the town, ab the junction of the Helena and the Swan, were many of the principal selections. The soil was good and the situation admirable. Here were the properties of Captains Stirling and Meares, Messrs. Walcott and Wells, and many others Higher up the river were the grants of Dr. Harris, Messrs. Yule, Leake, Lennard, Brockman, Mackie, Irwin, and others, all of whom had laboured to make their holdings successful, and to whom much of the renewed spirit of confidence was due. In the Canning district, which was connected with Perth by two roads—one through South Perth and the other through Guildford—were the properties of Major Nairn, Messrs Bull, Phillips, Wallace Bickley, Hester, and Captain Bannister, all of which were being cleared and improved. Kelmscott which had been proclaimed some two years previously, existed only in name, no development having taken place probably owing to distance from the market. York was reached by a bush road from Guildford. The principal settlers there were Messrs. Bland, Trimmer, and Heale, the first of whom devoted his attention to pastoral pursuits with considerable success. On the Murray were the establishments of Messrs. Peel and Hall and Captain Byrne. Other grants had been made in the district, but fear of the natives kept the owners from living upon them. At Augusta good progress had
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
been made largely through the efforts of Captain Molloy and Messrs. Turner and Bussell. The population numbered about 100 and formed on the whole a fairly prosperous little community. The settlement at Albany made little advance, notwithstanding the efforts of Sir Richard Spencer, the Government Resident, to push it forward. The few people who were there seem to have developed a Micawber-like habit of waiting for something to turn up Port Leschenault, like Kelmscott, remained a settlement merely in name No part of the colony, as may be seen, could be said to have advanced with any degree of rapidity, but there is ample evidence that, despite their despondency, the settlers as a whole were doing everything that limited facilities would allow to lay the foundations of future prosperity and permanence. They were still harassed by the want of ready money or specie and the scarcity of provisions The first difficulty was in some degree met by the issue from the Commissariat Office of £1 notes, signed by the Deputy Assistant Commissary General and countersigned by two members of the Executive Council, and made payable on demand either in specie or by Treasury bill The second was not so easily remedied. A recurrence of the conditions of 1832, combined with the fact that the stock of locally-grown wheat had been almost exhausted, brought the settlers once more dangerously close to starvation Eor some unexplained reason the authorities did not at first seem to realize the position, and it was not until matters reached a critical stage that the Government schooner was dispatched to the Mauritius for supplies By the beginning of September it was found necessary to exercise the strictest economy in the use of the remaining foodstuffs, and until the arrival of several ships later in the month the settlers were practically reduced to a famine diet Though the danger was thus averted, high prices continued to rule until the end of 1835, when a plentiful harvest brought the cost of living down to normal, and dispelled the fear of further scarcity of the necessaries of life in the immediate future.
In the year 1834 the suggestion to establish a penal settlement was first raised The residents of Albany, disheartened by the trials and difficulties of pioneering work, and probably influenced by the remembrance that the first settlers at King George Sound were convicts, decided to petition the Imperial Government to allow convicts to be sent to Western Australia. They recognized that the colony was established upon the principles of free labour and that the presence of convicts offered serious objections, but urged that forced labour was necessary to open up proper lines of communication between the various settlements, and to undertake the. various other works by which alone the
advancement and prosperity of the colony could be secured. They were persuaded that the country was not deficient in natural possibilities, but felt that in the absence of a market the settler had no inducement to labour. The only remedy was the introduction of convicts. Failing that, they felt the settlement could advance only at the sacrifice of the first settlers and their entire capital. The petition did not meet with any support from settlers in other parts of the colony, and though forwarded by the Governor to the Secretary of State, it was accompanied by the information that he did not feel disposed to recommend it Under the circumstances the petition was refused, but the wisdom of the majority of the settlers and of the Home authorities may be questioned in the light of events of less than fifteen years afterwards, when at the request of these same colonists convicts were introduced to carry out the same policy of construction and development that was urged at this time, and which would have been of such inestimable value to the settlers of those early days
The respite from native attacks and depredations that followed the death of Yagan was ended early in 1834 by the same band of natives—the Murray River tribe—which had caused most of the previous trouble. The members of this tribe, which was the only one with which the colonists had so far any difficulty, were of a savage and warlike disposition, capable of any degree of treachery, and most inveterate thieves. From the beginning of the year they had been very troublesome throughout the Swan River district, and in April became so fearless as to make an attack in open daylight upon Mr. Shenton’s mill at Point Belches. After threatening to kill the occupants if they attempted to raise an alarm they looted the place and carried off about half a ton of flour. For this offence four natives were captured, three of whom were publicly flogged. About the same time an attack was made upon Mr. Burges’ farm and a quantity of wheat was stolen. One of the natives concerned in this raid was captured and confined in the soldiers’ barracks. In attempting to escape he was shot by a soldier named Larkin. This set the tribal law of retaliation in motion and Larkin soon suffered the penalty, being speared in the barracks’ enclosure. This open defiance threw the settlers into a state bordering upon panic. The Government, loath to take drastic action, confined itself to ordering Captain Ellis, the Superintendent of Police, to search for the murderer and patrol the settlement as a means of protection. The relief afforded by these measures, however, was only temporary. The natives moved outside the area of patrol, and soon there came news of murders out on the York Road and away in the Murray district. So strong was the opposition shown by the natives
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along the Murray toward the whites that few were brave enough to attempt to cultivate their grants. The district possessed some of the best land known to exist, and many grants had been taken up, but the fear inspired by the aborigines almost caused their abandonment. Matters reached a climax in July, when two settlers were murdered and two others severely wounded. These crimes put any further thought of mild treatment out of the question. The authorities were compelled to mete out drastic punishment to the ferocious blacks, who robbed with impunity and did not hesitate to threaten the settlers with death. The Swan River natives being quiet and peaceful, Captain Ellis was instructed to proceed with a body of police to the Murray district. At the same time the Governor paid a business visit to Mr. Peel, whose grant was within the area of disturbance. On arrival an expedi-tion was organized, which proceeded toward the site of the proposed town,
Pinjarra. Here it fell in with the main body of natives, and the encounter since known as the Battle of Pinjarra took place.
The engagement was short but sharp, and in the result more than half the male members of the tribe were killed and several of the women and children captured. The attacking force did not emerge scathless, and unfortunately Captain Ellis was so severely wounded that he died within a fortnight. The prisoners were released and instructed to return to their friends with the information that any recurrence of the troubles or any attempt to avenge the punishment just inflicted would be met by the destruction of the whole tribe. This salutary lesson, which ought to have been given two years earlier, ended all trouble as far as the Murray River tribe was concerned. On the return of the expedition proposals for an experiment in civilizing the natives were set on foot, and a reserve at the foot of Mount Eliza was used for the purpose. One of the settlers, Mr. F. F. Armstrong, who had become familiar
with native ways, was placed in charge, and for many years carried on the work with fair success. This movement undoubtedly helped toward bringing about a better understanding, and at the same time served to show that the colonists did not look upon the aborigines merely as vermin and therefore to be exterminated.
In June the Governor, who had been away from the colony since August, 1832, landed at King George Sound, but did not reach Perth until a couple of months later. During his absence, which had been wholly in the interests of the settlement, the honour of Knighthood had been conferred upon him. His return was made the subject of general rejoicing, more particularly as it was thought that the rumours of his success in his mission were in the main true. The alterations in the system of government were, shortly, that the Legis-
1 a t i v e Council was to be increased by the addition of four unofficial members to be nominated by the Governor, and its sessions were to be open to the public. The civil and military establish m e n t s were to be increased and the expenditure i n regard to them placed upon a different footing. Revenue was to be derived from a duty on spirits and sales of Crown lands, supplemented by a colonial grant or grant-in-aid from the Imperial Treasury sufficient to meet the necessary expenditure. The expenditure was to be allocated and controlled locally, subject, of course, to disallowance. The land laws were to be liberalized so as to enable occupants to dispose of their holdings, even though the conditions of improvement had not been carried out. The colonial stores were to be closed, but sufficient foodstuffs to prevent famine were to be kept in the Commissariat Stores, such supplies to be obtained from local sources where possible. The gist of these alterations, w'ithout any mention of the method of increasing the membership of the Legislative Council, had been- communicated by Stirling to the colony in the previous year. In concluding that
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letter he says: —“In making these several concessions the Government considers it will have accomplished all that the settlers ought to expect. In the advancement of their particular pursuits, in the cultivation of the soil, and in the conversion of its natural resources into a productive state the colonists could not desire any solid or permanent benefit from the assistance of the Government, and in all such matters they must therefore rely upon their own means and industry. They will be protected by a local government; they will enjoy the benefit of English laws; their interests will be superintended by a Legislature composed in part ot persons taken from their own body, and with these advantages, if private capital and enterprise cannot accomplish all that remains to be done to render the settlement prosperous, it will not owe its failure to any want of attention to its interests on the part of Government.”
The satisfaction that had been expressed when the tenor of the alterations became known in 1833 was considerably modified when the exact terms were made public, and it was seen that the proposals scarcely met the difficulties referred to in the memorial of 1832. It was decided, however, to take no further action until the new system was brought fully into operation. This the Governor proceeded to do with all possible dispatch. On August 26, 1834, a Government Notice was issued detailing the increased civil establishment and the regulations for the management of public business. This was followed in September by the rules and regulations for the assignment of town allotments, providing that a right of occupation might be secured at a piinimum price of from £2 to £5 according to the town, which right would merge into a title in fee simple as soon as certain stipulated improvements had been effected and a fee paid for registration In October the conditions of sale of Crown lands at a minimum of 5s per acre (as previously determined) were published and m January, 1835, the Governor laid before the Legislative Council the estimates of revenue and expenditure for the year. This was the first document of its kind, and as it contained the plans for revising and extending the revenue and expenditure which had been decided upon during the Governor’s visit to England it created considerable public interest In bringing it forward Stirling was careful to call the attention of the Council to a despatch of March 4, 1832, by which the procedure was authorized, and in which it was laid down that control over the Estimates extended only to the revenue raised by local taxation, and did not refer to “funds arising from the property or droits of the Crown ” That the proposals would not meet with the approval of the people even the Governor himself seems to have been aware, as he proposed that the Council should form
WESTERN AUSTRALIA
itself into a Committee to consider them in his absence and to suggest others if it failed to appiove of them. This course was adopted and in the result fresh proposals were suggested by the Committee The principal point of difference was the expense necessary to maintain a police corps. The objection raised was that this meant increased taxation, and that if such taxation had to be imposed the money derived might be better spent on more urgent requirements such as roads and bridges It is a curious fact that on more than one occasion the roads and bridges vote has determined the fate of colonial Governments Peeling that he was not justified in hanging up the whole budget until the opinion ol the Home authorities was known, the Governor accepted the amended proposals and the Estimates were then approved.
The firm stand taken by the Council in this matter was due mainly to a large public meeting of settlers called by requisition to the Sheriff and held in February, 1835, at which dissatisfaction with the results of the Governor’s mission was expressed in no uncertain voice. The real source of the trouble was unquestionably the amendment in the constitution of the Legislative Council. The colonists expected that the unofficial members, whom it was proposed to add, would be elective and not nominated When it was found that such was not to be the case the cry that it was against the spirit of the British Constitution to be taxed without representation was raised, and the suggested financial proposals strenuously opposed So strong was the feeling that the Governor was requested not to carry the provision for nominated members into effect As a matter of fact, no additions to the Council were made by this means during the administration of Governor Stirling, though the delay was due not to any deference to the wishes of the colonists, but to a despatch from the Colonial Office instructing the Governor to defer any augmentation until further advised. Other matters beside the questions of the augmentation of the Legislative Council and the reduction of the police corps that were dealt with at the meeting referred to were the inability of the colonists to bear further taxation, the publication of Government accounts, the inadvisability of further taxation until elective representation in the Council was conceded, condemnation of the departure from the original conditions of the land regulations of 1829, a request that the extent of the land grants made to civil, naval, and military officers be made public, and a resolution in favour of the establishment of a bank The settlers further expressed dissatisfaction with the tenor of the despatches received from the Home authorities, which they considered unexplainable, except on the hypothesis that trustworthy information concerning the condition
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of the colony was not forwarded by the local Government. All these points were subsequently embodied in a memorial and transmitted to the Secretary of State.
That the Governor did not approve of the turn that affairs had taken is clear from two despatches, one unofficial forwarded just after the date of the public meeting, and the other official, detailing the various alterations in the administration and also explaining his reasons for agreeing to the amended financial proposals. In the first of these documents he says, in referring to the copies of newspapers enclosed: —“1 believe the only point in them to which it is worth while to draw your attention is the report of a public meeting of the settlers held at Perth on the 16th ultimo. As the Governor and his measures appear to have been tolerably well abused on that occasion perhaps I am not an impartial judge of their proceedings in other respects; but I cannot help feeling alarmed at the injury which may be done to the settlement by the self-conceit and absurdity of a few individuals.
The resolutions which were adopted at the meeting have not led as yet to any application to the local Government, but in my opinion the immediate destruction of the colony would be the con-sequence of granting them the objects of their desire. With the exception of this tendency to be dissatisfied with that which has been done for them as colonists, and the wish on the part of some useless people to make themselves important by exciting discontent, the colony is in a progressive and satisfactory state.” In the second despatch, dated May 4, 1835, after describing the changes in administration made in acordance with the decisions of the Home authorities, with which he was fully in accord, he points out that it would give him the greatest pleasure if he could state with truth that the colonists generally were of the same opinion. The requests put forward by the settlers seem to have been both reasonable and just, and it is hard to understand why the Governor so bitterly opposed them. To characterize practically the whole unofficial portion of the settlement as “useless persons” even in an unofficial document was scarcely x‘2
wise. The difficulties in the way of giving effect to their wishes may have been, and perhaps were, insurmountable at the time, but even so the attitude of the Governor was not one to be commended. Facts like these help to sustain the opinion that the administration of Sir James Stirling was not entirely successful. Owing no doubt to the representations made by the Governor little or no attention was paid to the settlers’ requests for some considerable time.
The year 1835 was devoid of anything in the way of important happenings beyond the burning question of government. Some progress was made in the way of agriculture and the number of stock was materially increased. At the end of the year the Agricultural Society estimated that 1,579 acres were under crop and that the settlers possessed 7,158 head of stock, of which number 5,138 were sheep. During the six years of the colony’s existence 163 ships had arrived, bringing
2,281 passengers and imports to the value of .£394,095. In comparison with 1834 very little trouble was experienced with the natives during the year.
The opportunity for the development of pas-t o r a 1 pursuits, which had begun to attract attention in 1834, became more evident during the period 1836 to 1838, and to these years may be ascribed the beginning of that industry upon which the success of Western Australia practically depended until the time of the gold discoveries of the early nineties. To keep sheep was easier and in a way less expensive than to till the soil, besides which the profits from wool were surer and larger than those from wheat. Consequently while agriculture was not neglected, the rearing of sheep was looked to as the principal industry. Strenuous efforts were made in 1836 and 1837 to import sheep, but without much success. In 1838, however, owing to the arrival of new settlers with capital and to the determination of the old ones to test their convictions, large purchases were made. By that time the area of land available for pasturage had been greatly extended. The Avon, Plantagenet, Williams, Vasse, and Murray districts had been opened up and fairly well stocked. A
Barrack Street, Perth, 1870.
comparative return of the sheep in the colony in 1834, when the industry was first suggested, and in 1838 shows the progress made. As against 3,545 head in 1834 there were 15,590 in 1838, and the value of wool exported had risen from £760 to £1,935. The total trade of the colony in the latter year was represented by exports to the value of £6,840 and imports £46,766. The revenue was £4,551 and the receipts m aid £7,361, while the expenditure was £12,277. The total acreage under crop in 1838 was 2,447, and the wheat yield amounted to 22,104 bushels A statistical return prepared by the Governor for the Colonial Office showed that the population of the settlement in 1837 was 2,032, and the value of property about £260,000, producing an annual accumulation of capital of some £72,000. These figures are of importance both in the way of refuting the prophecies of failure and of showing that the colony was in a fairly healthy condition. The great drawback to more rapid advancement seems to have been the scarcity of efficient labour Many of the more capable workmen had become settlers with land of their own to cultivate, and few others had arrived to take their places; as a consequence agricul tural development was considerably retarded The fall in the tide of immigration was due in the opinion of the Agricultural Society to the alteration in the land-grant system which took pace in 1832 and might be corrected by reducing the minimum of 5s. per acre or by adopting a graduated scale rising in proportion to the progress and resources of the colony. Whatever the reasons, the need was so great that the Legislative Council in 1838 voted £1,000 to cover the expenses of importing efficient labourers If the money could have been applied forthwith it would probably have materially advanced the prosperity of the colony, but it was necessary first to obtain the approval of the Secretary of State, and through the delay the opportunity was almost lost. The subject of the land regulations continued to form one of the most fruitful sources of discontent among the colonists Practically every setback that the colony suffered was ascribed to the iniquity of the regulations and there is no doubt that in some instances they were unjustly made to bear the shortcomings of the settlers themselves From time to time they formed the subject of public discussion, and early in 1837 a petition was presented to the Governor asking him to recommend certain changes This document averred that the alteration from the system of grants to that of sale had checked immigration and retarded progress just at the time when the settlers had overcome their critical difficulties and looked forward to some recompense for their labour. A return for three years to the system of grants was asked for and a suggestion made that each bona fide new settler
should receive 2,560 acres free and be permitted to purchase more if he wished at 3s per acre The petition was forwarded in due course by the Governor, but apparently, like several previous requests, it was not deemed worthy the consideration of the Home authorities.
The relations between the Governor and his Legislative Council did not improve during the remaining years of Sir James Stirling’s term. Early in 1836 the Governor informed the Council that it was necessary to consider the Estimates in advance for the year 1837-8, as no action could be taken upon them until the approval of the Secretary of State had been obtained, and allowance must be made for the time occupied m securing that approval. This practically reduced the Council to a mere cipher Though the Governor was in no way responsible for the procedure that had to be adopted, but was merely carrying out his instructions, the fact that such a course had to be pursued was unfortunate After the disapproval of the Estimates of 1835 relations between Sir James Stirling and his Legislative Council had been somewhat strained, and this new phase of affairs only served to make the position worse The result was that when the Estimates for 1837, 1838, and 1839 were laid before the Council further disagreements occurred, several items being opposed and others substituted. The Governor in these instances not being prepared to accept the advice tendered to him referred the matters for settlement to the Colonial Office. So deeply interested were the Home authorities in the colony and so pronounced in thci1' desire to promote its welfare that up to the end of 1838, when Stirling’s term as Governor ended, no reply had been vouchsafed, though nearly three years had passed since the first request had reached London. As this policy of delay and even forgetfulness seems to have characterized the Colonial Office in all its dealings with Western Australia it is not to be wondered at that the early colonists found much to complain of in the treatment meted out to them.
It will be remembered that during the periods of scarcity between 1831 and 1833 most of the settlers had been compelled to obtain supplies from the Government on credit By a despatch of 1833 these debts were transferred by the Imperial authorities to the colony as a Colonial Fund, which it was hoped would promote the interests of the settlement and lay the foundation of a system that would "relieve the Mother Country in a short time from all charge on account of the civil establishment of the colony.” No steps were taken at the time to carry out this instruction, but in 1836 a Board was appointed to arrange for the payment of these debts. In some cases the settlers were no better able to pay than when they contracted the liabilities, and in
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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the others any overwhelming desire to liquidate was largely absent, so that several years elapsed before the whole amount was received.
Another liability rested upon the settlers who had received land under the original conditions of grant. In those conditions the Crown reserved the right to impose a fine of 6d. per acre upon all lands not improved to a certain extent at the end of three years from date of assignment. In February, 1838, it was deemed expedient to impose this fine, and notice was issued to that effect. At the same time it was stated that all lands not improved by the end of ten years would, according to the old terms, be resumed by the Crown. Payment of the fine was to be made by the end of 1838, failing which it would be levied on the land. This was one of the wisest moves made by the Colonial Office during the infant years of the settlement, as it tended to increase the revenue at the expense of other than the bona -fide settlers, and throw open to them good land which was not being used. This was the view taken by the public when the notice was issued, but when the time for its enforcement arrived opinion had changed, and the settlers found in the intention a further reason for their dissatisfaction.
By the end of 1836 immigration had practically ceased. This was due to the fact that prophecies of certain failure still continued to be spread about, and probably also to some inkling of the want of encouragement on the part of the Home authorities becoming known. As the need of immigration was so great it was felt that some steps should be taken to start the stream flowing again. The colonists were firmly convinced that many of the causes that led to the cessation would be removed if only full information concerning the settlement could be made public in England. This was to some extent achieved by the labours of Captain (afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel) Irwin, who had commanded the military forces at Swan River from 1829 to 1833, and who
returned to that position in 1837. Through his influence a Committee, which afterwards became the Western Australian Association, was formed in London for the purpose of disseminating particulars as to the actual state of the colony. To assist this body a further Committee was appointed locally in 1836, and for some years regular communication was kept up between the two bodies, resulting in a better understanding in England both of the hardships of pioneering and of the prospects of ultimate prosperity that the colony afforded, so that from the beginning of 1837 the opportunities that Western Australia seemed to offer in the way of profitable investment began to attract attention.
In spite of the dissensions in official circles, the colony began in these years to make some appreciable
headway. Even at Albany, which usually lagged behind the other districts, indications of improvement were manifest, due to the immigration of a few Indian settlers with native servants, and to the harbour being greatly used by American sealing and whaling ships. Toward the end of 1836 H.M.S. “Beagle,” under the command of Captain Fitzroy, put in at King George Sound on her homeward voyage after a scientific expedition. On board as naturalist was the celebrated Charles Darwin. The vessel remained there for eight days, which Darwin described as the dullest spent since leaving England, and Fitzroy regretted that duty compelled him to call at such a bleak and uninviting place. York had become a thriving pastoral district, controlled by level-headed and experienced agriculturists; Augusta remained stationary, but its offshoot at the Vasse, as well as settlements at Port Leschenault, Pinjarra, and the south-west generally were beginning to move forward. Perth and Fremantle had reached the dignity of settled towns, with property valued in the aggregate at nearly £100,000, and looked upon themselves as constituting the “metropolitan area.”
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Hay Street, Perth (looking East), 1870.
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The principal evidence of progress may perhaps be found in the establishment of banking facilities This question had agitated the public mind for years without any result. Various suggestions had been put forward, but English capitalists declined to take any interest in them, and the colonists were not financially strong enough to carry them out. The desirability of a bank was, however, never lost sight of, and in 1836 the matter became the most important topic of discussion to the exclusion almost of every other question. In January, 1837, the time was felt to be ripe The colony had become self-supporting so far as necessaries were concerned, and only required to import implements, clothing, and luxuries, the cost of which was more than met by the exports of wool and other produce. In that month, therefore, the prospectus of the Bank of Western Australia was issued, with a nominal capital of £10,000, of which only £2,500 was required forthwith. Operations commenced in June, 1837, with such success that for some time no further capital was called up. At the very inception £4,000 was placed on deposit, and after a year’s working a dividend of 14J per cent was paid. The good effects of the institution were soon apparent; a distinct impetus was given to development, and not only were existing industries extended, but new ones were seriously considered One of these was the formation of whaling companies The success of American and French whalers on the coast of Western Australia had been known for years, but the colonists had never been able to finance arrangements for sharing in that success. Such, however, was the confidence given by the free circulation of a little money that m 1837-38 two companies—Perth and Fremantle—were actively engaged m whaling operations To the efforts of the Fremantle company is due the tunnel under Arthur’s Head at that port, made so as to secure convenient access to the town. In 1837 oil and whalebone to the value of £3,000 was exported, but by the end of 1838 incapacity and mismanagement had brought about the downfall of the Perth company and seriously hampered the Fremantle venture.
The aborigines, who had been quiet and orderly sinoe the effective punishment received at Pinjarra, again became troublesome in 1836 in the district round York. Cases of theft were fairly common, and finally two natives were shot while attempting to rob the house of a settler near the township This incensed the tribe, and every opportunity for retaliation was seized Sheep and even horses were wantonly killed, and at last a settler was murdered and his body mutilated The Governor recognized the seriousness of the position and immediately strengthened the military force, thus preventing the abandonment of the district. More drastic measures would probably have been taken against the
whole tribe if the Governor had not been hampered by instructions from the Imperial authorities to the effect that the natives were to be treated in all respects as Europeans, and given the same opportunities. One would have thought that the people on the spot would be the best judges in a matter of this kind. To make regulations for the protection of aborigines was wise in itself, but to expect the settlers in a remote colony to think of regulations when harassed by a warlike and treacherous tribe showed very little grasp of the position. The result was that m 1837 the natives became openly defiant, robbing and wounding with impunity. Matters culminated m the brutal murder of two settlers named Jones and Chidlow and the attempted murder of Mr. Waylen. The incensed whites then instituted what was to all intent a man hunt, in the course of which several blacks were killed and most of the others driven away. These stern measures checked the outrages to a great extent, and such offences as occurred during 1838 were easily dealt with by the law. This necessitated a native prison, and Rottnest Island was selected for that purpose and used almost continuously until a year or two ago.
Several excursions into the unexplored portions of the territory were made about this time. With many of them, more particularly those in the south-western corner of the colony. Sir James Stirling was associated, thus gaining at first hand a knowledge of the territory. In 1836 the Moore River was discovered by Mr. George Fletcher Moore, after whom it was named, and in the course of the search excellent pastoral country was opened up. The notable expeditions of this period, however, were those instituted by the Imperial Government for the purpose of examining the coastline and exploring the interior of the north-west. Il.M S. “Beagle” was commissioned to carry out the coastal survey, and the inland expedition was entrusted to one who afterwards rose to the highest pinnacle of fame in colonial affairs, Lieutenant (later Sir) George Grey, the great proconsul The objects of this exploration were “to gam information as to the real state of north-western Australia, its resources, and the course and direction of its rivers and mountains; to familiarize the natives with the British name and character; to search for and record all information regarding the natural productions of the country, and all details that might bear upon its capabilities for colonization or the reverse; and to collect specimens of natural history ” These various objects were carried out with that thoroughness which distinguished all Grey’s colonial work.
Of miscellaneous events of interest the years 1836-8 afforded but few Once more—in 1837—scarcity of provisions faced the young settlement and possible danger of famine was not wholly averted until the harvest of
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
1838. A second newspaper—The Guardian—conducted by Nairn Clark, of duelling fame, made its appearance in 1836, but lived only a year, being killed, according to the untruthful statement of the proprietor, by the personal opposition of the Governor. Elementary education began to receive attention, and schools at Perth and Fremantle were projected early in 1838 On June 1, 1836, the first commemoration of the establishment of the colony in 1829 took place—an event which has been regularly observed ever since.
With the year 1838 Sir James Stirling’s administration ended. He resigned the reins of government with the unanimous regret of the colonists Though they had not always been able to see eye to eye with him in administrative affairs they recognized his enthusiasm and whole-heartedness m the service of the colony, and felt that the errors of Stirling the Governor faded away before the merits of Stirling the man
Whether an impartial survey of Stirling’s administration can hold it to have been altogether successful is an open question. Without doubt he was hampered by want of interest on the part of the Home authorities generally and by inefficiency to deal with matters of colonization on the part of the Colonial Office. But
WESTERN AUSTRALIA 119
even taking those facts into consideration, he lacked some of the statesmanlike qualities so necessary to the government of a new settlement. Over-sanguine and not always farsighted, he led the first colonists to expect a better state of things than really existed, and apparently not even practical acquaintance with the territory gave him that knowledge of those requirements so essential in establishing agricultural communities. But to attach to him all the blame for the depression that ensued is unjust. The settlers themselves deserve a share of it, for many of them in the hope of growing rich quickly had embarked on a venture for which they were unfitted in every possible way
Accustomed from his naval training to obey and be obeyed without question he adhered too closely to the letter of his instructions, and leaned too little upon the advice of his Councils Yet taking all these shortcomings into consideration, that he did so well in face of difficulties which at times nearly overwhelmed him, and under responsibilities which might easily have crushed any man, stands to his lasting credit. Though in matters of judgment he sometimes failed, anxiety to take the wisest course was always present, and all his actions were marked by a whole-souled desire to uphold the best and dearest traditions of the British race
CHAPTER VI.
1839-1842.
GOVERNOR HUTT’S ADMINISTRATION — LAND REGULATIONS — PROJECTED SETTLEMENT AT AUSTRALIND — ABORIGINES — EXPLORATIONS.
Mr. John Hutt, who succeeded Sir James Stirling in the position of Governor of the colony, arrived at the beginning of 1839, some two or three days before his predecessor’s departure. Mr Hutt had previously held the office of Governor of North Arcott, in the Madras Presidency, and had been strongly recommended as Governor of the newly-established colony of South Australia, in the arrangements for the inception of which he had, in conjunction with his brother, Mr (afterwards Sir) William Hutt, M.P., taken a very prominent part. The system upon which South Australia was colonized was so different from the method adopted in Western Australia that the early settlers were somewhat doubtful as to the wisdom of the appointment. That he had a wide theoretical knowledge of colonization was generally admitted, but it was feared that the absence of a practical acquaintance with its
trials and difficulties scarcely fitted him to follow in the footsteps of a man like Sir James Stirling. Added to that he was believed to disagree with the policy hitherto adopted, and that seems to have been counted against him, though there is no doubt that the colonists themselves were not in accord with it At any rate, the newspaper files of the period show clearly enough that he had to fight down a certain measure of unpopularity at the commencement of his term.
One of his first official acts was to take advantage of the authority to increase the membership of the Legislative Council by the addition of four unofficial nominees, notwithstanding the opposition of the colonists to any increase in that body except by means of an election. On January 5, 1839, he nominated Messrs. William Locke Brockman, George Leake, Thomas Peel, and William Tanner, and these gentlemen
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THE CYCLOPEDIA 0E WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
took their seats m the following March. The term of office was the duration of their residence in the colony.
His next was in connection with the land regulations. Sir James Stirling had been inclined to administer these from the point of view of the settler, and had deferred as long as he could putting into operation any of what may be termed the penal clauses of these regulations. It will be remembered, however, that m 1838 Stirling had felt compelled to give notice that the fine of 6d. per acre provided for m the original regulations of 1829 on all properties unimproved at the end of three years must be paid by December 31 or it would be levied out of the properties, and, further, that all land remaining unimproved at the end of ten years would be resumed. This notice, which was oertamly in the interests of the bona fide settler, had met with approval when first issued, but before the time of payment arrived it had, like many other acts of the Government, fallen under the ban of the colonists’ displeasure. When the time for enforcement arrived Sir James Stirling had resigned the Governorship, and it fell to the lot of Mr. Hutt to carry the notice into effect In order to give every possible opportunity he extended the time of payment for a further three months, but notified that m case of non-payment the remission of Is 6d. per acre allowed on the surrender of land would be reduced to Is A further notice was also issued requiring the con ditions of the land regulations of 1830 to be fulfilled within three months, viz , that a quit rent of Is per acre should be paid upon properties not improved within two years from date of assignment, and that at the end of a further two years the property if still unimproved should revert to the Crown, or be subject to an additional quit rent. The time for fulfilment of these obligations had, he pointed out, already expired, and therefore the first must be fulfilled within the time stipulated, and the second by the end of 1839, failing which the land would be resumed by the Crown
The issue of these notices met with the most strenuous opposition on the part of the colonists The opinion was freely expressed that the Home Government desired to regain possession of as much of the land as they could secure in order to carry out newfangled schemes of colonization, to which, it was delicately hinted, the Governor was not altogether indifferent A meet'ng of the Agricultural Society—the usual method of voicing dissatisfaction—was promptly held, and it was decided "That a memorial to the Home Government be drawn up soliciting a remission of fines due under the land regulations, and a grant of fee simple to settlers under certain circumstances, mz , those having expended large sums on small parcels of land, considering the same as portions of their several grants from the Crown.” It was also decided to petition the Governor to suspend the operation of the objectionable clauses
until a reply was received. This, however, the Governor was not prepared to do, the only concession made being that various methods of payment were allowed.
The stand taken by Mr. Hutt in these matters, and the fear that he would attempt to carry a land tax, made the meeting of the Legislative Council which was held in March particulaily interesting to the colonists Their fears at the time proved unfounded, though in discussing the Estimates the possibility of such a tax was foreshadowed This he was strongly urged not to bring forward, as it would press so heavily upon the owners of land as to restrict development. For the time he adopted the advice tendered, but in October, 1839, he summoned a meeting of the Council to consider a Bill for the augmentation of the revenue by an assessment on land in order to provide for the establishment of a police force as a protection to the settlers against the aborigines The strong opposition shown to this proposal and the unanimous opinion of the colonists that it would bring about serious depression in the affairs of the colony led him to abandon the idea, and substitute m its place a tax upon sales by auction.
In accordance with the notices issued a few grants of land were resumed in 1839 and a further 100,000 acres scheduled for resumption m 1840 In order, however, to prevent this policy bearing harshly upon genuine settlers the Governor viewed the conditions of alienation with the greatest liberality, and wherever possible allowed advantage to be taken of any extenuating circumstances that could be brought forward As regards other portions of his land policy Mr. Hutt stood firm. When the Agricultural Society objected to immigrants being restricted to certain areas m seh -ting land and to the reservation and resumption of springs and watering-places, on the ground that these matters were at variance with the Home regulations, the Governor declined to alter his measures On the first point he held that some concentration round existing settlements was necessary as a means of protection from natives, and on the second that springs should be reserved for the general use of all settlers
Discontent over the various systems of land alienation adopted by the Imperial Government, and with their administration by the Governor, had grown to be something more permanent than a “hardy annual ” For the first decade of the colony’s existence the regulation^ were never absent from the minds of the colonists, and were always urged as the reason for the slow progress of the colony’s affairs Time after time memorials were forwarded asking that radical alterations be made. Changes were made in various ways, as we have seen, but there was scarcely an instance in which the alteration did not afford as fruitful a source of agitation as the original had done While the hardship engendered by the regulations must in many cases be admitted it
121
is only fair to the Colonial Office to point out that in the beginning the settlers readily accepted the conditions upon which land was offered to them, and, further, that in no single instance did the Home authorities ask for more than the fulfilment of their contracts. If the time spent in agitation had been occupied in endeavours to improve their holdings much of the dissatisfaction would never have arisen The crux of the trouble was not so much the injustice of the regulations as the ignorance of the settlers as to the difficulties of transforming virgin forest land into productive areas. So anxious were they to obtain large tracts of land that in many cases they secured areas that could never be made productive except by experienced farmers—which they were not—possessing the most modem scientific knowledge, which had not then been discovered To assist such Sir James Stirling obtained from the Home Govern ment permission to surrender their holdings on a valuation of Is 6d. per acre, the surrender value to be applied as pait of the cost when purchasing more suitable locations.
The expressed intention of the Governor to enforce the fines and resumptions of which he had given notice formed the subject of a further memorial to the Secretary of State m July, 1839 No reply was received until April, 1841, when a despatch from Lord John Russell arrived stating that the questions had been referred to the Land and Emigration Commissioners, and m accordance with their recommendations it had been decided to grant the fee simple on all lands improved, to grant, in the case of unimproved land, the fee simple ol one-fourth, provided the remainder was surrendered to the Crown; and in cases where improvements to a greater extent than necessary had been made on one holding, to grant the fee simple of one-fourth of the unimproved remainder, provided that the balance was surrendered to the Crown. In the same despatch Lord John advised the introduction of a land tax of Jd. per acre. This latter advice the colonists declined to accept, though a Bill to impose the tax was put forward by the Governor m 1841.
The Land and Emigration Commissioners mentioned above were appointed by the Secretary of State m 1840 to control emigration and advise on colonial affairs generally, but more particularly those relating to the Australian colonies. The members were T F. Elliot, Colonel Torrens, anl the Hon E E Villiers Beyond doing a certain amount of work in the cause of emigration this Board does not seem to have had much bearing on Western Australian affairs.
Early in 1839 Governor Hutt received instructions to further amend the land regulations by increasing the upset price of Crown lands from 5s to 12s. per acre. Feeling that to do so would be a false step, as private
sales were being effected at less than half that price, he treated the instruction as advisory rather than mandatory. In 1840 he was informed that it must be notified to the public without delay as the minimum price of land in the Australian colonies. Except as regarded land in new settlements little objection was taken to the order either then or at a later period, when the price was further increased to 20s. per acre The objects of the alteration were to curtail the size of estates and to produce an increased revenue. The effect was to give the colonists a better chance of selling their surplus land at a more satisfactory figure, and consequently the sale of Crown lands languished.
Much of the agitation concerning the land regulations was due to the fear that the various alterations would restrict immigration and that therefore the dearth of labour would become much more pronounced The colonists recognized that with more labour available greater development of the various industries would result and the general prosperity of the colony be stimulated The necessity for immigration was by this time beginning to impress itself upon the Imperial authorities and others interested in Western Australia, as well as upon the local Government In 1840 the Legislative Council, at the instance of the Governor, set aside the receipts from fines and land sales, amounting to £1,500, for the purpose of obtaining labour from England The British Government tried with some success the practice of sending out youths from Parkhurst Prison as juvenile emigrants, and private bodies of persons interested in the colony evolved schemes for increasing the supply of labour upon terms that would be profitable to themselves.
One Committee made proposals to the Secretary of State with the double object of supplying the demand for labour and of attracting the enterprise of capitalists. It suggested that Crown lands should be open to purchase after survey at a minimum of 10s per acre, that the proceeds of these sales should be employed in defraying the cost of emigration to the colony, and that Commissioners should be appointed to act under the Colonial Office to carry the scheme into effect. Provision was also to be made by which land might be sold in England and the proceeds applied to defraying the cost of sending labourers to the colony. The Commissioners were to have the power to raise loans on the security of future sales, such loans to be applied to emigration purposes This Committee acted on behalf of a Company formed for the purpose of acquiring land m Western Australia, which had first approached the Government in 1838 prior to the departure of Mr. John Hutt
The proposals failed to meet with the approval of Lord Glenelg, the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
While he was anxious to facilitate emigration to Western Australia he was opposed t>o the sale of colonial lands to a Company in England on the ground that it might lay the Government open to a charge of partiality and also cause the abandonment of the Government’s policy of disposing of colonial lands by public sale in the colony. He was prepared, however, to allow the Company to pay into the hands of the emigration agent money to be expended in sending out emigrants, for which they would receive a certificate entitling them to a remission of equal amount in the price paid for any land they might purchase in the colony.
Another body active in the interests of Western Australia was the Western Australian Association, which grew out of the Committee of Correspondence formed in London in 1835, and was generally known as the “Association in Bedford Street.” Its objects were to advance the interests of Western Australia by inducing the Government to offer bounties for the introduction of labour, to secure an amendment of the land regulations so that land could be taken up prior to survey, to encourage the formation of companies to invest capital in the colony, and generally to disseminate correct and useful information concerning the state of the colony’s affairs. Sir James Stirling, after his return to London, became a prominent member of this body, in the work of which he was actively assisted by Messrs. Wm. Hutt and T. Bland. At a public meeting held in Perth in April, 1840, these three gentlemen were appointed agents to look after matters affecting Western Australia.
One effect of the work of these committees was the issue in October, 1839, of a Colonial Office regulation designed to encourage emigration The terms of it were practically those embodied in the reply of Lord Glenelg dated January 5, 1839, to the first of the committees mentioned above. The regulation, which was largely m the nature of an experiment, was limited in operation to two years The results from it were inappreciable
Out of these various movements arose what promised to be a very important development in Western Australian affairs—the settlement at Austialmd. Not withstanding the unfavourable reports concerning the sterility of the country and the destitution of the settlers that had been industriously spread about there were numbers of people who still retained their belief in the possibilities of the colony, and from the time of Mr. Peel’s project attempts were continually made to form land companies for the purpose of undertaking extensive settlements therein. Most of these schemes, affected by the want of success of Mr Peel, failed to mature, but the Western Australian Company, formed in 1839 to effect a settlement at Australind, carried its proposals into operation, and in all prob-
ability would have ultimately achieved complete success but for misrepresentation and false reports.
In 1835 a suggestion had been made to purchase Colonel Latour’s grant of 103,000 acres situated on Leschenault Estuary, or to procure a portion of Thomas Peel’s grant. Nothing came of it until 1838, when the first of the committees mentioned above made an unsuccessful application to Lord Glenelg for certain privileges One of the objects the Committee had in view was to apply the principles of colonization advocated by Edward Gibbon Wakefield Mr. Wakefield’s idea, upon which the colony of South Australia was practically founded, was to colonize by means of companies, which should acquire land and send out settlers and labourers of proved competency for its cultivation. Areas were to be cut up into small sections and sold to approved settlers and a proper balance between capital, labour, and land continually observed.
The unsympathetic attitude of Lord Glenelg brought about the abandonment of the scheme, but shortly afterwards, through the exertions of Mr. Wm. Hutt, M P., and Mr. M. Waller Clifton, E.R.S., a Company was formed called the Western Australian Company, under which the settlement at Australind was established according to Mr. Wakefield’s ideas.
The site suggested was again Colonel Lautour’s grant, and negotiations for its purchase were entered upon. Some doubt arose as to whether this grant came under the land regulations of 1829 or of 1830. In the first case it was not liable to resumption for twenty-one years, but m the second it would be liable at the end of 1840. This question was decided by the Colonial Office declaring that it was held under the 1829 regulations, and that Governor Hutt had been advised accordingly. Everything being thus clear, the Company was formally constituted in May, 1840, with a capital of £50,000. The directors were Wm. Hutt, M.P , John Chapman, T. H. Brooking, Captain Sweny, R.N., Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Henry Buckle, C Enderby, Jacob Montefiore, Jas. Irving, and G. R. Smith, M P., T. J. Buckton was Secretary and Marshall Waller Clifton, P.R S , Chief Commissioner in Western Australia, with his son, R. W. Clifton, as his Secretary Colonel Lautour’s land was purchased mainly on the recommendation of Sir James Stirling, who described it as well suited for the purpose in view. A prospectus was issued offering part of the property for sale in allotments, and a plan was drawn showing a complete and beautifully-laid-out city, to which the name Australind was given to signify the connection with India that the town was expected to possess. Land containing 51,000 acres was thrown open for selection in sections of 100 acres each at a price of £1 per acre, the purchaser of a section to be also entitled to four quarter-acre town
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allotments, tlie price of which to those not taking agricultural grants was set down at £10. Half the money received from sales of sections was to be spent on conveying passengers and emigrants to the settlement, and half the sum received from sale of town allotments to be spent on improvements. So rapidly were sales effected that by the end of September 400 sections and 3,100 town allotments had been disposed of, the remainder—100 sections and 900 allotments— being reserved for subsequent sale to settlers only. Success having so far attended the project, the remainder of the staff—a medical officer and nine surveyors—were then appointed and a small vessel, the “Island Queen,” chartered to conyey them to the scene of operations. Soon afterwards the “Parkfield,” a barque of 600 tons, was secured, and preparations made for the embarkation of Mr. Clifton and the first portion of settlers and emigrants. A second ship, with the remainder o f the settlers, under the charge of the chaplain,
Rev. J. R. Wollaston, himself a purchaser o f land, was to follow. Then came the hitch in the a r r angements.
The “Parkfield” was to leave London on October 20, but on the 12th Captain Grey arrived with information that Governor Hutt intended to resume Colonel Lautour’s grant for non-fulfilment of conditions, and a rumour was also spread that in Grey’s opinion the grant was practically valueless from an agricultural point of view. Expectation quickly gave way to consternation; the public feared the loss of the money it had invested, and the directors were faced with binding contracts involving large expenditure, apart from having received £60,000 for land already possibly resumed by the colonial Government, and perhaps disposed of to other settlers. It does not appear to have struck them that there was no need for anxiety on that account, as Lord Glenelg’s decision superseded any subsequent act of the colonial Government. In the hope of extricating themselves
from their troubles they lent willing ears to a suggestion from Grey that the country surrounding Port Grey, between Gantheaume Bay and the Arrowsmith, in the neighbourhood of the present town of Geraldton, was not only available, but much more suitable, being one of the finest districts in Australia. Ready to take advantage of any outlet from their difficulties the directors secured the approval of Lord Glenelg to the change of locality, and then apparently congratulated themselves and the landholders upon their “happy deliverance from evil.” Clifton seems to have been the only one who kept his head. He tried, though without avail, to persuade the directors to rely upon the reports of Sir James Stirling and others who had returned from the colony rather than upon those of Grey, who in all probability had never seen the locality.
Having d e-cided upon the change the directors lost no time in making their determination public. Investors were given the option of consent-ing to the change of locality or of receiving back, w i t h interest, the money they had paid for allotments in the Leschenault district. Harassed by doubts of the new territory and afraid of the difficulties of pioneering work many of the investors withdrew, and quickly something in the nature of a panic set in. To allay the trouble Captain Grey was asked to meet a body of the landholders and give whatever information he could concerning the country round Port Grey. This was deemed so satisfactory that several who were wavering decided to remain in the venture, which might even then have succeeded but for the action of a party of investors at Halifax, who had taken up land to the value of £12,000. These withdrew their money, and in a little while such was the effect that nearly £40,000 paid for land was reclaimed. The drift was at last stayed by the action of the Right Honourable J. W. Croker, F.R.S., who refused to withdraw his investments.
William Street, Perth, 1870.
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In spite of all these difficulties, which were increased by the failure of the Company’s bankers, the directors proceeded with the new scheme. The “Park-field” was engaged to proceed to Port Leschenault as before, but on arrival she was to pick up the survey party, sail up to Perth so that Mr. Clifton might inter view Governor Hutt, and then make for Port Grey.
Meanwhile the instructions of Lord Glenelg had reached the colony, and the notice of resumption of Colonel Lautour’s land was immediately withdrawn At the same time pleasure was expressed at the foreshadowed introduction of further capital and labour. The townsite of Bunbury was forthwith surveyed and proclaimed, and a Government Resident appointed. For the protection of the incoming settlers a picket of soldiers was stationed there, and considerable activity was shown m the settlement of the surrounding country The advance party of surveyors landed in Koombana Bay late m 1840, and at once set about their work. In 1841 (March) the “Parkfield” with Mr Clifton and the first portion of settlers arrived, and some consternation was created by the news that the whole paity was to proceed northwards to Port Giey. This idea, however, was not carried out after all, as the Governor declined to permit a settlement at that port, owing to its distance northward precluding both means of communication and possibility of adequate protection On the advice of Mr. Hutt therefore Mr Clifton decided to remain at Leschenault and take possession of Colonel Lautour’s grant, so coming back to the Company’s original arrangement. The upset and turmoil in London had thus been quite unnecessary, that it ever occurred is unfortunate, as with the bright prospects in view at the inception of the scheme it is more than probable that the venture would have been a success had nothing of the kind ever taken place. As things were the chances of success were small from the very outset The early trials and privations of the “first fleet” by the ‘Parmelia” were largely reproduced, and as a result many of the immigrants drifted away to the Swan River and other more settled parts. Notwithstanding the efforts of Mr Clifton and his sons, the failure of the scheme became more and more apparent as time went on The misrepresentations in London, and the doubts in the minds of the settlers themselves, many of whom were unsuitable, hindered every attempt at development The whole place sank into a condition of chronic despondency, for -which there seemed to be no possible cure The reasons for failure have been accurately pointed out by Professor Jenks. — “A reference to the Company’s prospectus shows that it mainly aimed at inducing the emigration of small capitalists, who had already bought and paid for land at the Company’s offices in London, according to the vicious system, so much beloved of statesmen and com-
pany promoters, but so fatal to their clients, by which the intending settler is shown a plan of land situated some thousands of miles away, and induced to commit himself irrevocably to the purchase of a spot which he has never seen, and of which the map can only give him the very vaguest idea. There is no need to attribute any conscious injustice to the organizers of such schemes The natural desire to retain as much control as possible at headquarters, and to secure the investor beyond redemption, is sufficient to recommend the plan ”
The arrival toward the end of 1842 and the beginning of 1843 of ships with about 400 fresh immigrants induced a little activity for a while, but matters soon settled down again into their former condition. Everyone seemed to lose heart and failure was written large over the whole venture In addition Mr Clifton was hampered by the inability of the directors m London to appreciate the position About the middle of 1843 the final distribution of rural lands took place, and shortly afterwards instructions were received to stop all sales and discharge the surveyors. Before the end of the year Mr. Clifton was himself released from duty, and his son appointed agent to dispose of the remainder of the property at 2s per acre So ended, within a space of three years, the second large colonization scheme attempted in Western Australia. That of Mr. Peel m 1829 was impossible from the beginning, but a better knowledge of local conditions on the part of the directors of the Western Australian Company might have made that of Austrahnd successful The application of Mr Wakefield’s principles of colonization ceased with this experiment, though some attempt was made m 1849 to establish a new company on the ruins of the old one From the point of view of the colony generally there was ’some little gain by the Austrahnd venture, as it brought about the introduction of at any rate a few badly-needed labourers, the population having increased from 2,760 in 1841 to 3,476 in 1842
Another important phase of the affairs of the colony to which, in addition to the land question, Governor Hutt gave the closest attention was the treatment of the aborigines Having come to Western Australia with certain preconceived ideas upon this question he devoted considerable time to an endeavour to carry them into effect Those in England who did not understand the circumstances had made a good deal of capital out of the affrays that had taken place between the settlers and the natives m various parts of Australia Influenced by the opinions thus promul gated the British Government decided to inaugurate a new policy which should have the effect of preserving and civilizing the natives, and at the same time prevent oppression on the part of the settlers As this policy was in accord with the Governor’s own views
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he entered into its operation with zest. In 1839 instructors to the natives were sent to all the colonies, Messrs. G. Barrow and C. Symmons being those appointed to Western Australia. Native schools were established—the first being those under the Wesleyan Church—and land bounties offered to those settlers who were prepared to give instruction to the aborigines and make some attempt to civilize them. The effect of these admittedly wise measures was not, however, at first apparent. Trouble with the aborigines still continued, and had to be met in the way that the colonists had previously found effective. Throughout 1839 robberies were frequent and on more than one occasion stock was killed. Such events as these the colonists were becoming used to, but the hideous murder of a white woman and her eight months old child by the York natives called for signal p u n i s h m ent.
After some trouble two of those concerned in the affair were caught and hanged on the scene of the offence. Later in the year a second murder was committed in the Canning district, and in 1840 a third by some natives near L e s c h e n ault.
In 1841 there occurred an incident which, if true, can only be described as an act of atrocious cruelty and savagery on the part of some of the settlers in the south-west. Early in the year a settler at Wonnerup, George Layman, offered some indignity to a native, in return for which he was on the first convenient opportunity speared through the heart. An avenging party under Captain Molloy set out and, it is said, ultimately succeeded in surrounding the whole body of natives on an open sand-patch, whereupon they proceeded to shoot the unfortunate aborigines in cold blood, not stopping till the adult males had all been accounted for. Colour is lent to the story by the fact that there is a sand-patch near Minninup where skulls and bones are still to be seen, and near which even present-day natives will not go. No records of the encounter exist, and it is more than likely that it has been built up to account for the
collection of bones, which in all probability represent an aboriginal burial-place, which would be winytch or sacred to the boolyas or spirits of the departed, and therefore to be avoided by all natives. All that is definitely known is that the murderer of Layman was shot by a soldier later in the year.
By the end of 1841 the effects of Mr. ILutt’s policy began to be seen in the cessation of thefts and the establishment of more harmonious relations between the colonists and the aborigines. In fact, the end of the native trouble in the south-west portion of the colony was in sight. Isolated instances of robbery and violence continued to happen, and even happen yet, but nothing further occurred in the way of organized attack, demanding measures of repression beyond the power
of the police to deal with.
While the period under review was an im-portant one from the standpoint of land r e g u 1 a t i ons, c o lo n i z a t ion schemes, and attempts to grapple with the native difficulty it was equally important from the standpoint o f exploration. The districts north of Perth, and even the extreme north-west, till then a country known by name only, were examined by Captain Grey, the coastline of the same part was accurately surveyed by. Captains Wickham and Stokes in H.M.S. “Beagle,” and the eastern stretches between Adelaide and King George Sound were traversed by the intrepid explorer Eyre.
Grey, who after his north-west expedition in 1837-8 had sailed for Mauritius, returned to Perth toward the end of the latter year, and early in 1839 was engaged in a search for a settler named Eliot, who had lost his way in the Williams district and had been missing for three weeks. In the course of this search, which was successful, he explored most of the country between Leschenault and the Williams. Returning to Perth, he organized an expedition for the exploration of the country lying between Shark Bay and Perth, and
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
spent two months, under circumstances of great difficulty and often of danger, in making a thorough examination of this district, discovering the Gascoyne, Irwin, and other rivers, the Victoria Range, and several peaks and hills Much of the country passed through was excellent for pastoral purposes, and it was this fact that led him to urge the Western Australian Company to found the settlement of Australind in that district. Soon after Grey’s reports had been placed in the hands of the Governor, Mr. George Fletcher Moore was sent to examine the coastal districts in the neighbourhood of the Moresby Range. His opinion was favourable, confirming that of Grey. Moore discovered a satisfactory harbour and named it Port Grey in honour of the explorer This was the harbour that figured so largely in the discussion about the site of Australind Grey then returned to England but on the death of Sir Richard Spencer came back to the colony as Government Resident at Albany, a position he occupied until late in 1840, when he succeeded Colonel Gawler as Governor of South Australia
Meanwhile Captains Wickham and Stokes in H.M S “Beagle” began and completed a series of coastal surveys on the north-west coast, in the course of which the Fitzroy and Adelaide Rivers were discovered In 1840 they examined the Abrolhos Islands, discovered a good anchorage at Champion Bay, and surveyed Dampier Archipelago. In 1841, during the illness of Wickham, Stokes sailed from Koepang to complete the survey of the coast south of Roebuck Bay, which had been left unfinished by King in 1821 Having done so, he continued his voyage to Swan River, and later in the year made a trip to determine the exact position of Port Grey, which he found to be almost identical with Champion Bay.
It was during this latter year (1841) that Mr. E. J. Eyre, who was afterwards Governor of Jamaica, accomplished an overland journey which ranks as one of the greatest feats in exploration ever performed in Australia In an attempt begun in the previous year, to cross overland from Adelaide to Western Australia, Eyre had failed through want of water. Having sent back the majority of his party, he started from Fowler Bay with a companion, Baxter, and a blackboy named Wylie to reach King George Sound or perish in the attempt A short distance south-west of Eyre Sand patch two natives who were accompanying them murdered Baxter during the night and got away with most of the provisions. Eyre and his blackboy were left to accomplish a journey of some hundreds of miles through unknown country with 40 lb. of flour and four gallons of water. This they succeeded in doing after undergoing the severest hardships; in fact, they would in all probability never have got through but for their fortunate meeting with and kind treatment by Captain
Rossiter, of the whaler “Mississippi,” who rendered them every possible help when reduced to the last extremity of hunger, thirst, and fatigue. Eyre’s journey, which was the first successful attempt to cross the continent, was of the greatest geographical importance, as it settled the question of rivers emptying into the Bight, and proved that there was nothing in the nature of a great inland sea.
Other short exploratory tours were made about the same time, principally for the purpose of further opening up the south-western districts, which were regarded as the most promising portion for development, and of which accurate and complete information was desirable.
With regard to strictly local affairs, the reports of the Agricultural Society for 1839-42 show that very definite expansion was taking place, though still limited by the want of labour. The chief development was to be found in the pastoral industry. By the end of the latter year the number of sheep had increased to over
60,000 and wool to the value of £6,348 was exported. Other live stock showed a corresponding increase in numbers, but the same indications of progress were not apparent in the amount of land actually brought under cultivation. The area of land under crop, which in 1839 stood at 2,725 acres, had increased to only 3,047 in 1842, due partly to the difficulty of securing labour and partly to the fact that better results, at the cost of less exertion, could be secured by sheep-farming
Owing to the increased prosperity the deficit in the colony’s finances which had been rapidly increasing for years past was nearly adjusted by 1842, notwithstanding the active public works policy that was rendered necessary by the expansion. Extensive surveys were made in various districts and roads opened up between the various settlements ’ So buoyant was the state of affairs that plans were even drawn for a mole harbour and dock at Fremantle, estimated to cost over £70,000. Needless to say, the belief in their future prosperity was not strong enough to commit the colonists to the construction of these works Under the supervision of the Town Trust—the forerunner of the City Council—a public jetty was, however, constructed at Perth, and in 1840 the first pile of the Perth Causeway was driven. Another evidence of progress was the establishment, on Rowland Hill’s system of uniform rates, of regular postal communication between the various settlements in the colony, daily between Perth and Fremantle, and less frequently to the outlying districts.
The general improvement in affairs had also attracted the attention of outside banking institutions, as we find that in 1841 the Bank of Western Australia was amalgamated with the Bank of Australasia, which was desirous of opening business in the colony. Some of the shareholders were opposed to the change, and
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took steps to establish another local bank, the lesult being that later m the year the Western Australian Bank, which has exorcised so gieat an influence in the history of Western Australia, opened its doors. The original directors were J, S Roe, W Tanner, W. J Lawrence, E Hamersley, R. Hinds, J Stringer, and G. F. Stone. The capital was ,£20,000. The first dividend—11 per cent—was declared in July, 1842.
The same activity was displayed in religious and educational matters. In answer to a requisition the Governor introduced a Bill into the Legislative Council in 1840 for the purpose of promoting the erection of churches and chapels and of providing for the maintenance of ministers of religion. By the end of 1842 there were four Anglican clergymen, in addition to the Colonial Chaplain, stationed at various towns, and one Wesleyan clergyman resident in Perth. The
members of the Church of England began to look forward to the establishment of a bishopric, and with that end in view set aside 10,000 acres as an endowment. The same Church had established a grammar school in the capital, and with Government aid primary schools were at work in different parts of the colony.
In 1839 a mineral believed to be encrinite was discovered in the Toodyay district This was regarded as important, being in the opinion of the colonists an indication of the existence of a coalfield. About the same time it was reported that coal had actually been found on the Murray River, at a place where researches were being prosecuted by a Mr. Preiss, a German naturalist. In order to stimulate search the Government offered a free grant of 2,560 acres to the first discoverer of a coalbed, but nothing definite resulted from the offer.
CHAPTER VII.
1843-1849.
DEPRESSION — LABOUR PROBLEMS — FINANCIAL CONDITION—QUESTION OF CONVICT LABOUR — ESTABLISHMENT OF PENAL SETTLEMENT.
With the year 1843 there came one of those waves of depression which so frequently rolled over Western Australia during the early years of its existence Following as it did upon a period of moderate prosperity which had appeared to possess some elements of permanency, the colonists were greatly discouraged and the seriousness of the position was consequently considerably increased. The first signs of the trouble were an unaccountable fall in the price of stock, and a constant flow of specie out of the colony to pay for the imports which far outvalued the exports. The causes assigned for the depression were various Naturally among them the “iniquitous” land regulations held a prominent place. Other reasons urged were the want of protective duties, the high rates of interest on borrowed money, the excess of imports over exports, and, above all, the scarcity of labour. Many were the means suggested and tried for coping with the trouble, the ultimate one being that which has had so wide and far-reaching an effect upon the history of Western Australia — the introduction of convict labour and the establishment of a penal settlement.
Up to 1842 the colonists may be regarded as having been engaged in combating local difficulties, in forming their homes, and in striving to wrest the necessaries of life from the virgin forest Their aim was to supply
the local market, and so long as that market could absorb their products high prices necessarily ruled and a general condition of solvency existed. They were also getting fair prices for such wool as they were able to export. One of the causes of the depression seems to have been the belief that they could go on importing stock without bringing about either a fall in values or a surplusage on the market. The result of this belief was that nearly £50,000 m specie was sent out of the colony to pay for importations of all classes of stock. This, occurring when supply and demand were fast approaching a level, caused a reaction and a consequent drop in prices, which produced a sudden cessation of speculation, a general retrenchment, and a serious fall in the values of property of all kinds. In commenting upon the condition of affairs at the opening of the Legislative Council in June, 1843, the Governor urged that the colonists should look for other avenues of industry and profit, so as to provide exchangeable commodities to balance the great excess of imports over exports. Without such commodities the enormous balance of trade against the colony had to be met by Treasury bills or by sending specie out of the country. Both ways were bad; they not only restricted development, but were destructive of those beneficial results which ought to accrue from trading.
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Recognizing that depression existed, the colonists eagerly sought for some means of overcoming it, and it was soon evident that public opinion considered that the solution lay in the introduction of further labour. In coming to this conclusion they were guided by the knowledge of the relief afforded by the Australind settlers of 1841 and 1842, and by the immigrants landed from the ' Success” m April, 1843 The question ot immigration began to engage the attention of the Legislative Council m August and a Committee was appointed to consider the best method of obtaining a supply of labour. The report of this Committee, which was presented to the Council in the following October, estimated that 400 servants were ui gently required 300 of whom might be advantageously employed in farming pursuits and the remainder as domestic servants. Being of opinion that it was not possible to raise sufficient money for the purpose by sales of land, the Committee advised that a loan be obtained from the Imperial authorities the interest upon which should be provided for on the anmial estimates by earmarking the moneys derived from land sales, transfer fees, and other land sources Failing Colonial Office approval of this idea, they advocated a system of bounties The Legislative Council adopted the report, and it was forwarded by Governor Hutt for the consideration of the Home Government, which declined to accede to either recommendation.
While convinced that in the introduction of labour lay the solution of their difficulties, the colonists also gave consideration to the suggestions of the Governor to look for other industrial outlets for their energies One marketable commodity ready to hand was timber, and efforts were made to work up an export trade in the jarrah and other woods with which the colony abounded. Attention was directed to a letter which Sir James Stirling had received from the Admiralty some years previously in which an offer to purchase 200 loads of timber was made. A fair market was also believed to exist in the Mauritius Vith these possibilities in view an attempt was made by Mr C. D. Ridley to form a Company, but without success. Later in the year, however, various samples were forwarded to London and a certain degree of interest taken in them, resulting in the inception of a small export trade. Better success followed a shipment of sheep to the Mauritius, which realized 28s. per head, and potatoes to the value of £300 were also exported. These small items with £6,000 worth of wool and oil to the value of £300, practically comprised all the exports, leaving over £60,000 imports to be paid for by specie. The result was that by the end of the year there was practically no money in the market. The Government, as well as the settlers, was compelled to exercise the
most rigid economy. The accounts for 1842-3 showed a deficit of some £700, with a prospect the reverse of reassuring. To stem the tide an Act was passed to increase the duties on spirits, and various license fees were imposed About the same time the new Land Act (6 Viet , c. 36), regulating the sale of waste lands of the Crown in the Australian colonies, came into operation, raising the price to 20s. per acre This does not seem to have exercised any appreciable influence, one way or another, upon the colony’s affairs at the time. What had undoubtedly exercised an influence for good was the consistent policy of Governor Hutt in regard to the various land regulations. So successfully had he carried out these regulations that in 1843 out of a million and a half acres alienated, there were not
100,000 for which the fee simple had not been issued.
The one bright spot m the year’s transactions was the harvest About 800 additional acres were under cultivation and good returns obtained from the whole. Grapes, olives, and other fruits were produced, and some attention paid to wine-making, while the number of sheep had increased by one quarter Yet notwithstanding this apparently satisfactory condition the colonists’ fears of depression were abundantly fulfilled in 1844. As compared with 1839, prices of commodities fell nearly 50 per cent and rents and wages were correspondingly lower. These things, combined with the scarcity of money and the pessimistic view of the situation taken by the colonists, served to accentuate the depression To prevent, so far as possible, the specie remaining from being sent out of the colony the Government called tenders for a loan. At first there was no response, but by the middle of the year Treasury bills to the value of £4,200 had been taken up. As wheat grown m the colony was also accepted for these bills the loan served a further object by providing a market for surplus gram Yet, though times were so bad, and the banks to assist their customers were compelled to reduce the rates of discount we find that the Western Australian Bank was able to declare substantial dividends in January and July, showing that in spite of the depression there must have been a firm belief in the recuperative power of the colony
The revenue returns for the year 1843 4 showed a decrease on those of the previous year and were insufficient to meet the expenditure. The value of imports was £58,600, while the exports totalled only £13,609, the principal being wool and oil, which together amounted to £12,540. This shrinkage in revenue and great disparity between imports and exports caused considerable uneasiness. So much so that when the Estimates for 1845-6 were brought before the Legislative Council in May the Governor remitted them to a Committee for consideration, His estimate of
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expenditure was £8,886 12s. 6d., but the Committee, convinced that it could not be met by revenue, reduced it to £7,283 12s. 6d. by cutting down the items relating to the administration of justice, public works, police and surveys and exploration. At the same time the revenue estimates were revised and £2,000 less set down as probable returns from spirit duties. To balance this further ad valorem, duties on imports, estimated to yield £1,300, were proposed. Such drastic alterations to the Governor’s proposals could not fail to produce acrimonious discussion, more particularly as the amended Estimates received the support of the Council generally. The Governor made strenuous objections, but the Committee’s report was carried against him Feeling that to exercise the power of veto which he possessed would only make matters worse, and that to reserve both sets of Estimates for the consideration of the Home authorities would also be inimical to the best interests of the colony, Governor Hutt gave his assent to the Committee’s proposals. So convinced was he, however, of the want of wisdom shown in taxing foodstuffs that he congratulated himself on not being a settler, and assured the Council that the “doom of the colony was sealed.” The action of Mr. Hutt in this matter only served to increase his unpopularity Not only were the members of his Council opposed to him, but public opinion generally declared itself adverse, and he achieved the unfortunate distinction of being freely criticized and derided in the public Press That his view of the situation was wrong the end of the year clearly showed, the revenue not even reaching the revised estimate by some £400. While admitting his ability in matters of administration generally, and more particularly in regard to the land regulations and the treatment of the natives, it is open to question whether his grasp of the financial affairs of the colony was equally successful
The Estimates being disposed of the Committee took into consideration the general financial condition of the colony and presented a further report to the Legislative Council in July As the result of exhaustive inquiries the Committee was convinced that the depression existing was due to
The alteration in the land regulations, fixing the minimum price of Crown lands at 20s per acre, which has had a powerful and baneful influence upon the condition of the colony, and consequently on the revenue, by putting a stop to the sale of Crow n lands—no money sales, with the exception of a few town allotments, having been made since December 1, 1842—and to the introduction of capital.
The great and sudden fall in the price of stock, owing to the large increase and comparative and stationary position of the population, by the entire stop the land regulations alluded to have put to immigration.
The consequent difficulties of the farmers, and inability to meet their engagements, contracted at a time when
the price of stock was high and all the other necessaries of life proportionately high.
The balance of trade, being so much against the colony, occasioning an annual abstraction of specie and other capital of not much lees than £20,000.
To these may be added the injury our farmers have sustained by the large amount of colonial produce poured into Western Australia from the adjacent colonies-—m a great degiee occasioned by a similar state of things, brought on in a great measure by the same causes
The report was not received by the Council with any degree of enthusiasm. While it professed to consist of the opinions of the colonists, and did in a measure disclose the causes of the depression and the condition into which the colony had fallen, it contained no suggestions for alleviating the distress or foi bringing back prosperity. This defect the Chairman of the Committee, the Honourable Peter Brown, Colonial Secretary, sought to remedy by making certain proposals when discussing the report. His speech was rather remarkable as showing the state into which the colony had lapsed. Supporting his remarks by elaborate tables giving the development of the previous seven years he pointed out that the balance of trade against the colony since its inception was large, but up to that time had been greatly minimized by a substantial annual expenditure on the part of the Government. A gradual increase of population, including some capitalists, had also helped to render progression possible, but the alteration in the price of Crown lands had stopped this immigration and so put an end to progress. The continual drain of specie to pay for imports had then made itself felt, with the result that the whole colony had been brought to the verge of ruin. “Although,” be said, “we have plenty of real property and stock of every description, we have not a shilling which as a colony we can call our own We have no balance in our Treasury; the balance in the Commissariat chest is the property of the Queen. As individuals we have loose silver in our pockets— but only as individuals—for as colonists it is the property of the foreign creditor ” The remedies suggested by Mr. Brown were to make the colony an exporting one—this, it will be remembered, had already been urged by the Governor; to induce the British Government to consent to the flotation of a loan of £100,000, to be used to pay off the mortgages and introduce labour; and to secure a reduction in the price of Crown lands. These suggestions were then put in the form of definite propositions and resulted in a long and rather acrimonious debate. The Governor said he was not disappointed with the discussion, because he never expected anything from it. It was not possible to find any distinct or specific remedy. He had no panacea to offer; all he could do as head of the Government was to call attention at all times to three points
3
of conduct—economy, a cessation of paper credit, and an increase of exports The true remedy was in these, and until it was applied the colony would never do much good. Finally, four out of the five propositions were either withdrawn or rejected, the one carried declaring “that it is the opinion of this Council that a measure well calculated to advance the interests of this settlement would be the reduction m the price of Crown lands from 20s. to 5s. per acre, as it would have the probable effect of encouraging capitalists to settle in the colony and be the means of providing a fund for the introduction of useful artisans, handicraft and agricultural labourers, in proportion to the capital which would be invested in land.” Though barren of results in other directions the discussion had the effect of encouraging production in various ways with the object of establishing a larger export trade. Shipments of horses and cattle were sent to the Mauritius, where they realized satisfactory prices A stock market was established at Guildford, the rearing of horses for Indian remounts advocated, and the growth of sheep to increase the export of wool encouraged. The development of a timber trade was looked upon as one of the principal assets of the colony, and great activity was displayed throughout the south-west district in preparing sawn timber for export. By the end of the year over 250 tons were lying at Bunbury awaiting shipment Even taken as a whole, these various .movements were not sufficient to establish any considerable volume of trade, but the record of them shows that the small colony, which consisted of only 4,300 persons, over 1,200 of whom were resident in Perth, was straining every nerve in an endeavour to rise above its difficulties
Notwithstanding the activity displayed in these ventures and the practice of the most rigid economy on the part of the people the condition of affairs went from bad to worse. The financial aspect in 1845 was even less encouraging than in the previous year. When the session of the Legislative Council opened in May the Governor had the unwelcome task of announcing that even the estimate of revenue as amended by the Committee had not been realized, and that compared with 1843-4 there was a falling off in revenue of £2,627. On the year’s transactions the expenditure exceeded the receipts by £450 — an amount small in itself, but appreciable in a country whose total income was less than £7,200. Seeing no prospect of improvement the Governor in preparing the Estimates was compelled to use the pruning knife even more vigorously than the Committee of 1844 had done. The revenue he estimated at £6,920 and the expenditure at £6,647 12s. 6d. This time the Estimates were passed practically as presented. To further reduce them without seriously affecting the efficiency of the Government
was impossible, and to have attempted to increase the expenditure in face of the growing depression would have been suicidal.
It is evident that the apparently hopeless condition of affairs now affected the people generally In April they presented a memorial to the Governor and Council pointing out that though the colony was surrounded by the elements of wealth, possessed abundance of rich land, an industrious and intelligent population, a genial climate, and a geographical position with extraordinary commercial advantages, it was in a most critical position The circulation was drained, immigration had ceased, emigration had commenced, the revenue was falling; property was almost valueless; trade was almost anni hilated; and public confidence at an end The causes of all the evils, it was asserted, were the drainage of specie and, of course, the land regulations The Governor was asked to make searching investigation as to the truth of the allegations and then devise some remedy What that remedy was to be or how it was to be applied there was not even an attempt to conjecture. The memorial was presented to the Legislative Council by Mr. George Leake, but that body refused to entertain it on the ground that its desponding tone and erroneous assertions were at variance with the facts, and tended to injure the country in the minds of intending immigrants At the same time Mr. Leake endeavoured to secure the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the condition of the currency with a view of preventing the little specie that remained from leaving the colony before the end of the year The Council, however, felt that that was a matter over which it had little or no control. The Governor maintained that the abstraction of specie was due to the system of trade adopted in the colony, that there were no real merchants, but only traders, who did business on the principle of Whittington and his cat A motion to establish a Corn Law in the hope of effecting an improvement in prices also received an “unqualified and uncompromising rejection ” An impartial consideration of the memorial and of Mr. Leake’s motions fails to reveal any reason why they should have been treated so summarily. It was suggested at the time that the constitution of the Legislative Council itself supplied that reason, as the Council consisted principally of paid officials, upon whom the depression had no other effect than to enable them to secure necessaries at lower prices than formerly While one must acquit the members of being interested from that standpoint, it is nevertheless apparent that they showed a readiness to reject the various proposals for improvement without substituting any others of value to the community. That an injustice was done to the memorialists there is no manner of doubt. The tone adopted by them may have been desponding, but their statements were unfortunately far from erroneous.
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The colony was being drained of specie, and the Government must have been aware of the fact, as the colonial schooner was at the time under orders to proceed to the Mauritius for silver. Further, emigration did exceed immigration, as the official statistics showed, the number of departures for the year 1844-5 being 124 as against 72 arrivals. That the population increase^ from 4,301 to 4,369 in the twelve months was owing to an increase of 120 in the number of births over deaths. Trade was not annihilated, nor was property valueless, but the depression was so acute that the branch of the Bank of Australasia, which had been operating since 1839, was withdrawn from the colony. The Western Australian Bank even found that its dividend-paying capacity was shrinking. These things show that the statements, far from being erroneous, were in great measure true. They certainly were injudicious, but the answer of the Council was scarcely such as to lead the petitioners to see the error of their ways.
The land regulations continued, of course, to form a fruitful theme for discussion and complaint both in the Legislative Council and among the settlers generally.
Since the promulgation of the regulations fixing the minimum price at 20s. per acre immigration had almost ceased, and the revenue received from the sales of Crown lands had practically dwindled to vanishing point. The returns show that the amounts received during the five years were:—In 1841, £129; 1842, £2 ; 1843 and 1844, nil; 1845, £25—a total of £156. The whole population pleaded for the repeal of the regulations. Petitions were forwarded, strongly supported by the Legislative Council and by those in England who had knowledge of the colony, but all without effect. The Secretary of State, Lord Stanley, positively declined to make any alteration. Notwithstanding repeated rebuffs the Legislative Council made a further attempt in July, 1845. A series of propositions was tabled by Mr. Singleton, declaring that the experience of nearly three years had confirmed the opinions expressed in the protest of 1842; that the system was noxious in its effects, having stopped immigration and reduced the value of property; that the j2
want of attention shown by the Imperial Government to the remonstrances of the colonists was to be regr'etted; that the effect of the regulations, which applied only to Australia, had been to divert the tide of emigration to the African and American colonies; that any legislation deterring immigration was unjust, especially when capital and labour were abundant in Great Britain; that it was unjust to charge the colony with the expense of importing labour; and that the system of occupation of Crown lands was opposed to the opinions and wishes of the colonists. These propositions were all carried in spite of the strong opposition of the Governor and the Advocate-General. Later in the month this latter officer brought forward a further series of motions dealing with the same subject, but couched in different language. Some of them were passed and the remainder withdrawn. A memorial embodying the whole of the resolutions was then drawn up and
transmitted to the Secretary of State, but, like many other protests on the part of the colonists, it appears to have gone to swell the contents of the Colonial Office wastepaper basket.
Another suggestion for affording relief was the inauguration of a spirited public works policy. At the instance of the settlers a Bill was passed through the Council authorizing a loan of £2,000 at 7 per cent, for the purpose of building a gaol and carrying out other necessary works such as road-making. At the same time it was resolved to apply to the Imperial authorities for a loan of £10,000 for public works. The request was accordingly made, but refused with the same promptness as every other application for money in those days. An assessment on land for road purposes was also suggested, but did not meet with the approval of the Council, though the imposition of tolls to be used in repairs was then authorized.
During the year (1845) further efforts were made to increase the exports in wool and oil and establish a permanent trade in other commodities. An experimental shipment of four tons of sandalwood realized £40 and Mr. Bland contracted to supply 400 tons of jarrah to the Admiralty for use in the Dockyards. The
CRUSE'S M ILL, 1 846.
Vineyard Society, formed in 1844 to promote the culture of the vine and olive, reported the satisfactory production of wine, and published a “Manual for the Cultivation and Manufacture of the Vine and Olive in Western Australia.” The total exports for the year came to £13,353, of which £7,257 was represented by wool and £3,415 by oil
In the midst of the colony’s troubles, when an experienced Governor with extensive local knowledge was particularly desirable, Governor Hutt announced his intention to retire. He had for some time past been in indifferent health and felt that it would be wise to take advantage of the expiry of his term and return to England. He left the colony in H M S “Fly” on February 19, 1846.
Upon the whole Mr Hutt cannot be considered to have been a popular Governor. He was universally respected for his uprightness of character and for the strict and steady impartiality that marked his administration, but he received none of that enthusiastic admiration which was accorded to Sir James Stirling. Following that officer, whose inclinations and opinions were almost invariably on the side of the settler and opposed to the Home authorities, and possessing as he did rigid principles and a deep sense of the importance of his position, he was bound to come into conflict with the people whom he was called upon to govern, more especially as he allowed neither personal friendships nor local influences to interfere with the performance of his duty His unpopularity was mainly due to his strict enforcement of the land regulations and his refusal to admit that every regulation of the Colonial Office which did not meet with the approval of the settlers was wrong. He was undeservedly blamed for advising the British Government to raise the selling price of Crown lands and equally undeservedly accused of being the cause of the depression that existed The apparent failure of his financial administration was more than anything due to the fact that he assumed the reins of government just at the time when a strong reaction was manifesting itself throughout Great Britain against the extreme emigration policy of the previous decade All the colonies suffered from that reaction, but none so severely as Western Australia, which had in addition to fight against continued misrepresentation and falsehood In these circumstances it was almost impossible to estimate with any degree of assurance either the revenue or the expenditure for any period in advance. By the exercise of extreme caution and circumspection Mr Hutt probably saved Western Australia from the overwhelming disasters that the other colonies suffered, though it is possible that that same caution retarded the colony’s advance when matters generally throughout Australia began to right themselves
His policy toward the aborigines also aroused the opposition of the colonists when it was first made known They regarded it as the outcome of mawkish sentimentality toward the natives on the part of people in England, who really knew nothing of the practical side of the question, and they considered that its only effect would be to increase the lawlessness and violence of the savages. By the end of Mr Hutt’s term, however, the settlers were convinced, in the words of the Legislative Council, that the friendly intercourse between the whites and the natives and the absence of strife were due to the humane measures he had adopted.
Consideration of these various matters leaves little doubt that his administration was on sounder lines than that of his predecessor In fact, many of the difficulties that he had to face were the result of a certain degree of partiality on the part of Sir James Stirling, and the opposition he met with both from the Legislative Council and the colonists generally would have fallen to the lot of any man who endeavoured to carry out strictly the duties imposed by his commission. As a kind friend his departure was regretted by all, though in the minds of many that regret was tempered by the knowledge that his departure put a stop to his administration. But judged apart from the influences of the immediate circumstances, that administration, though unpalatable, was wise and necessary in the interests of Western Australia, and that fact would probably have been recognized at the time had it not been that long before his arrival he had been prejudged as a man of strong personality with distinct leanings toward the policy of the Colonial Office.
When information reached England that Mr. Huu intended to retire attempts were made without success to secure the appointment for Mr. Marshall Waller Clifton, the ex-Chief Commissioner of the Western Australian Company. In August, 1845, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrew Clarke, K.H , was appointed to succeed Governor Hutt, and arrived in the colony in February, 1846 An Irishman by birth. Lieutenant-Colonel Clarke had had previous administrative experience as Governor of St Lucia. The common belief that when things are particularly bad a change of government will often bring relief seemed in a measure to be justified by the new Governor’s arrival. Certainly the colony had touched bottom, and there was a slow but appreciable improvement in affairs. The real reason was probably that Mr. Hutt’s policy was beginning to show some result When the financial year closed in March it was found that the revenue, estimated at £6,920, had yielded £7,866, and showed a surplus of £335 over the expenditure.
In January, 1846, a despatch was received from the Secretary of State for the Colonies informing the Governor that the Act of 1844 imposing certain duties
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on imports had been disallowed, such disallowance to take effect three months after receipt of the notification. The ground of objection was the same as Governor Hutt had urged so strongly when the matter was under consideration, viz., that the proposals were bad in principle. Other proposals to take the place of those annulled were suggested in the despatch, and to consider these Governor Clarke called the Legislative Council together early in April. In accordance with the suggestions— practically directions—of the Secretary of State the Act of 1844 was repealed and a further one substituted for imposing duties by way of revenue only, and not by way of protection. This Customs Ordinance (9 Viet , No. 7) is rather of importance, as it was distinctly preferential in character, all imports from foreign countries being charged with a duty twice as great as that on imports from any part of the British Empire The basis of value for computing the duty was the invoice price with 20 per cent, added.
Another ordinance of importance passed at this time was one repealing the pilotage dues and making the ports of Western Australia free to the world. It was thought that the high dues exacted from the masters of incoming vessels had done much to keep ships away from the colony, and had consequently hindered the development of an export trade. As an experiment it was worth trying, as the colony had little to lose by it, and so far as one can judge it had some effect in inducing vessels to make Fremantle one of their ports of call.
Owing to the illness of the Governor little else was done by the Legislative Council beyond passing the Estimates (revenue, £7,670; expenditure, £7,610) for 1846-7 and agreeing to the perennial resolutions opposing the price of Crown lands and objecting to the system generally. Similar resolutions had been carried in 1846, and to these a reply was received in October from the Right Honourable W E Gladstone, who had succeeded to the office of Secretary of State for the Colonies The despatch stated that the requests had been referred to the Land Commissioners, who decided that “the system of land sales must remain untouched,” and that their decision had been approved by the Government Among the requests refused was one asking permission to allow Crown lands to be occupied temporarily for squatting purposes, with a right of pre-emption. By the same mail advice was received to the effect that the application for a loan of £10,000 asked for in 1845 had been refused on the ground of public policy, and the Act for raising a loan of £2,000 to build a gaol at Perth and for other purposes disallowed on the ground that in a small colony with a barely sufficient income it was unwise to anticipate revenue
In the English Parliament the only matter of interest to the colony was a Bill to continue the opera
tion of the Act of George IV. with regard to the government of Western Australia. The discussion that took place in the House of Lords is interesting because it foreshadowed the granting of responsible government to the Australian colonies. Earl Grey expressed the opinion that the ancient system of colonization, by which the colonists were allowed to manage their own affairs without any interference on the part of the Mother Country, was infinitely safer, wiser, and better than that which had of late years been adopted. The whole system of the government of Australia required revision, and to be placed on an improved and permanent footing Then, accoiding to The Time s’ report, the Duke of Richmond gave notice that if there were no remedy for the frightful evils, existing in this colony from the state of the convicts transported he would move for a committee of inquiry, for in no country calling itself Christian was there a worse state of depravity. Lord Lyttelton, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, replied that he had paid attention to the subject and had strong hopes of being able to produce a measure during the session to redress those evils. When this report reached Western Australia there was great public indignation, as up to that time the settlers had always proudly emphasized the fact that the colony was free from taint The statements were put down as being one more indication of the woeful ignorance existing even in high places A reference to Hansard of May 7, 1846, shows, however, that both the Duke of Richmond and Lord Lyttelton were referring to the convict system in Australia as it then existed, and not to Western Australia, so that considerable public energy seems to have been unnecessarily expended over the matter
Though the depression was by no means at an end, it seemed to be lessened in tension after Governor Clarke’s arrival in 1846. The reason is probably to be found in the fact that Mr. Hutt’s advice to develop the various potentialities and encourage an export trade was being acted upon In January, 1846, the “Unicorn” left Fremantle with the largest cargo of Western Australian produce that had so far been exported, consisting mainly of wool, oil, and timber. The timber trade particularly began to arouse a great deal of interest For years previously boats had been built of local wood, but in 1846 something better was attempted, and three small ships, the largest capable of carrying 300 tons, were constructed at Fremantle. Various vessels were also repaired in the colony, and in the case of one of them, the “Halifax Packet,” Lloyd’s surveyors expressed great satisfaction with the class of wood used The colonists were advised that a ready market existed in England for colonial hardwoods, and prepared a good deal for dispatch, but unfortunately the want of shipping facilities greatly hindered the development of the
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trade. In order to extend operations the Western Australian Bank offered liberal assistance to those cutting timber. It agreed to advance £2 for every load stacked on the beach and a further 10s. when the load was shipped. During the year trade with the Mauritius was also encouraged and the foundations laid for the export of sandalwood to Ceylon and China. At the end of 184§ it was estimated that 200 tons of this wood were ready for dispatch, the total value of timber actually exported during the twelve months being £575
An encouraging revival of whaling also took place, and attempts were made to arouse interest in fishing matters generally. A proposal was made to establish a joint-stock fishery on the Abrolhos Islands, but through inability to secure a long lease of the islands the project lapsed It was revived in 1847 by the establishment of the Pelsart Fishing Company
A further interesting development in 1846 was in the direction of minerals. Rumours of mineral dis coveries had repeatedly been made in previous years, but nothing had come of them, though both explorers and geologists expressed the opinion that the country was not devoid of mineral wealth Some incentive to search was given by the discovery of copper in 1845 in the neighbouring colony of South Australia, through which it was said some fortunes had been made.
About the middle of July a settler on the Murray named Beacham, while engaged cutting a ditch, came upon pieces of substance which on being shown to Mr Birch, a chemist of some experience, were pronounced by that gentleman to be coal, but of inferior quality, such as is usually found near the surface The mere fact of it being coal was sufficient to raise hope, and the Government Resident of the district (Mr F. C Single-ton), with Messrs. O’Grady Lefroy, G Nash, and S. Moore, immediately proceeded to make an investigation. Mr. Singleton reported very favourably to the Governor, and Mr. Moore supplied sufficient information to the Press to excite great public interest Rumours of mineral finds became general, and quite a mining fever raged during the month of August The anxiety to discover something precious in almost every piece of stone bordered on the ludicrous, and The Inquirer humorously summed up the position thus —"We cannot peep out of our door but we are assailed by ‘Have you seen it?’ ‘What do you think of this specimen The invasion of the Huns was a trifle to the hosts of specimens of black-boy, gum, charcoal, clay, and other swindling pretenders who march in hourly calling themselves coal, and if we fly from them we are met by gangs of iron pyrites, mica, and such vagabonds, tramping along, with trumpets blowing, under the ensign of copper We never d d hope to see Perth so much awake We dread that the excitement may be too much for the good town, which may suffer a relapse of another eighteen years’ duration.
Every unfortunate corpse of an old burnt gum-tree is dragged from its resting-place, divided into morsels, wrapped m shrouds of whitey-brown paper, and triumphantly carried about St. George’s Terrace in the waistcoat pocket of some excited citizen, clerk, or member of the Council, who with a pompous strut or a confidential wink lugs out the unhappy little blackened scrap and applies it to the nose of everyone he meets with, ‘Does it not smell like coal V—till at length he reaches our office, and, bespeaking a special supplement for his disoovery, deposits it, with solemn injunctions for its safety, on our table What is the subsequent fate of the little wretch is a secret which in the present state of public feeling we dare not avow ”
The want of a geologist who could give definite information as to the value of the various "finds” was greatly deplored, and the Government was asked to send to England for a competent man, to whom it was suggested that as much as £200 a year should be paid 1
Toward the end of August a meeting was held at Perth with a view to the formation of a Company for the purpose of investigating the mineral resources of the colony Messrs G. F and S. Moore, R. Habgood, J. W. Gregory, James Stokes, L Birch, R. W. Nash, J. W. Davey, and J Tate were elected a Committee to carry out arrangements, and Mr. S Moore placed a boring apparatus at their disposal. The first locality to be tested was the supposed coalbed on the River Murray. As a result of the efforts of this Committee there was issued in September the prospectus of the Western Australian Mining Company. The capital was fixed at £20,000, in 10,000 shares of £2 each, 4s. to be paid on allotment and 4s. a quarter thereafter The directors were Messrs J. S Roe (chairman), S Moore, W Knight, B. V Vigors, H. C. Sutherland, and R. Habgood.
A few days later came the announcement of a fur ther discovery of coal on the Irwin River by Mr A. C. Gregory, the Assistant Surveyor-General, and his brothers. These officers returned from an expedition to the north of Perth with a large block of coal said to have been taken from a seam 6 ft. thick. On the strength of the discovery the actual finder, Mr H. C. Gregory, applied for the free grant of 2,500 acres promised in 1839 to the discoverer of coal. A party under Lieutenant Helpman was sent to report on these discoveries early in the following year, and returned with the information that the coal seam had been traced for several miles. The Government Gazette announced that the party had proved "the existence of a large and open bed of coal” at the locality indicated by the Messrs. Gregory.
Meanwhile the Mining Company had started operations, and a bore was sunk in the Murray district. At a depth of 40 ft coal of a better quality was reached, but farther down the indications were not so good
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Then' trouble arose, as the shareholders were “sordid persons” and looked for dividends. Being pacified, the work was continued and an expert, Dr. F. von Sommer, commissioned to report. The report was that of a true “mining expert,” vague and unsubstantial, and asked for further time for investigation. In March, 1847, shafts were sunk near Kelmscott, in the Canning district, in the- hope of securing lead. This hope proved unfounded, but an analysis of 100 6). of ore taken out showed 66 ft). 11 oz. of pure zinc, 13 ft>. 5 oz. of sulphur, and 10 lb. of iron, the remaining 10 ft), being earthy matter. Zinc, however, had little value on the market at the time, and as a reaction after the mining fever had set in very little more in the direction of obtaining minerals was done for some years.
Two serious misfortunes befell the Government at the end of 1846 and the beginning of 1847. The first of these was the death in November of the Colonial Secretary, Honourable Peter Brown (or Broun), who had occupied the position since the foundation of the colony and had been closely identified with its development. The whole population joined in deep expressions of regret and acknowledged the zeal and whole-heartedness shown by the deceased gentleman in the public service. The second misfortune occurred in the following February, when the Governor, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrew Clarke, who had been in feeble health ever since his arrival in Western Australia, died after a protracted illness. He had resided only twelve months in the colony, and for the greater part of the time had been a confirmed invalid, so that it was scarcely possible for him to leave his mark on the administration. Owing to his death the office of Governor devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin, the Commandant of the Forces, and the Colonial Secretaryship was temporarily filled by the Advocate-General, Mr. G. F. Moore, whose legal duties were during the time discharged by Mr. R. W. Nash. These alterations in the personnel of the Government, though compulsory, did not altogether meet with public approval. The Inquirer regretted that the reins had
fallen into the hands of persons whose aptitude for government was not such as to inspire confidence in the wisdom of their measures.
The Legislative Council met in June, 1847, and from the Governor’s speech it is apparent that an improvement was taking place in local affairs. Rapid progress had been made in the acquirement of internal wealth and in the development of the colony’s resources. The revenue for 1846-7 amounted to £8,453, while the expenditure was only £7,966, leaving (with the previous year’s surplus) a credit balance of £821. Owing to the improvement in the finances the Governor announced that he had been able to arrange for the colonial schooner “Champion” to proceed to Singapore for the purpose of securing a supply of Chinese, who would be under engagement to remain in the colony for three years. By this means he hoped that considerable relief would be afforded to the settlers by supplying the deficiency existing in the labour-market. Another matter of importance mentioned in the speech was an increase of £6,869 in the value of exports for 1846-7 over those of 1845-6, which brought the exports to within £5,000 of the imports.
In pursuance of the intention mentioned in the speech the "Champion” was later in the year dispatched to Singapore, and returned with a few Chinese servants. Colonies of German immigrants were at that time being imported into South Australia with more than little success, and, bearing that in mind, the Legislative Council appointed a Committee to consider how best to secure part of that stream for Western Australia. Nothing resulted, however, except a report of a valueless nature.
The session of 1847 was marked by extreme activity in matters of legislation. The list of measures proposed almost looks as if Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin was anxious to get his personal ideas passed into law quickly, and before a successor to the late Governor could arrive from England. The chief proposal was one to place an export tax on sandalwood, the proceeds to be devoted to the maintenance of roads. This aroused very strong opposition, in deference to which it was replaced by a system
View of City from Mount Eliza Rifle Range (looking East*, 1871.
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of licence fees for permission to cut sandalwood. No great objection was offered to the idea, and it was passed into law, but by May, 1848, the effects of it had become so marked and the ordinance itself so unpopular that it was suspended for six months and not renewed during the year. Another measure of importance was the abolition of the General Roads Trust and the substitution of a Central Board of Works, charged with the construction and maintenance of the roads throughout the colony. The official members of this Board were W. Knight (chairman), G. F. Stone, C. Symmons, and F. D. Wittenoom, and the unofficial members were G. Leake, T. Helms, R. Habgood, and J. Hardey.
In 1847 an addition was made to the official members of both the Legislative and Executive Councils by the appointment of the Collector of Customs, Mr H. C Sutherland. The unofficial portion also underwent some change through the resignation of Mr. Singleton, who was succeeded first by Mr. Andrews and afterwards by Mr. S. Moore.
That the depression was giving way before the determined energies of the people is apparent from the exports for the year. Ever since the foundation of the colony the value of the imports had largely exceeded that of the exports, but in 1847 it was found that against imports to the value of £25,463 the colonists were able to place £24,535 in exports. One remarkable feature was the growth of the sandalwood trade. In 1846 it was valued at £320; in 1847 it had reached £4,440. The revenue, too, was distinctly buoyant; the estimate of £8,070 was exceeded by nearly £400, and that without any appreciable increase in the expenditure The Estimates for 1847-8 were framed on more hopeful lines, and the revenue was set down at £9,221
In January, 1848, news of the appointment of Cap tain Charles Fitzgerald as Governor was received with every manifestation of delight Though the colonists respected Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin as a man they had a decided objection to him as Governor His methods of raising money were particularly obnoxious, and every administrative act was viewed with suspicion It is doubtful whether any reason for the opposition could have been given. Long years of depression and struggle had made the colonists pessimistic, and, like discontented British subjects in every quarter of the globe, they threw the blame upon the Government of the day The Inquirer newspaper, a journal possessing a much wider circulation than The Peith Gazette, was probably the instigator of most of the feeling displayed Its editor (Dr. W H. Sholl) had been disappointed through not being appointed to the office of Colonial Surgeon on the death of Dr Crichton in 1846, and seems to have blamed Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin and the Acting Colonial Secretary (Mr G. F Moore) for it Consequently on every possible occasion he displayed the
most bitter animosity toward these gentlemen, and used the columns of the newspaper against them.
As the new Governor did not arrive until some months after the announcement it fell to the lot of Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin to preside over the session of the Legislative Council, which opened in March, 1848, and in which the newly-arrived Colonial Secretary (Dr. Richard Robert Madden) took his seat for the first time. The outlook, as disclosed by the Governor’s speech, was beginning to brighten considerably; the revenue had exceeded the expenditure; exports were increasing in value and approximating even more nearly to the imports than m the previous year; and in every direction there was evidence that the severe period of depression was coming to an end. Beyond passing the Estimates for 1848-9 little business was done, as Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin did not wish in any way to hamper the movements or anticipate the ideas of the new Governor, who was believed to be on his way to the colony. It became necessary, however, to summon a second session m July to consider a despatch from the Secretary of State for the Colonies. For the sake of convenience the Council had adopted the practice of passing in March the Estimates for the succeeding year commencing in April, instead of those for the year later, as the finan cial regulations required them to do. The despatch drew attention to this regulation and required that the Estimates of the Council should be prepared in advance, so that the Home authorities might have the opportunity of pronouncing upon them before they actually came into operation. In pursuance therefore of this direction the Governor presented to the Council the Estimates for 1849-50, which showed a decrease of £500 on the figures for 1848-9 As soon as the Estimates were out of the way two other verv important matters were brought up for consideration One was the necessity for further exploration, not so much for the purpose of accurate geological survey as with the object of finding, if possible, further suitable land for pastoral pursuits The land available for sheep was all in use and the want of new depasturing distr cts was severely felt It was agreed that the Surveyor-General should lead an expedition through the south-east in the following September. The other matter considered was the constitution of the Legislative Council. Out of tsn members seven held their seats by virtue of their offic’al positions as Government officers, and only three weie what might be termed unofficial, though even those were appointed solely by the Governor There being apparently no chance of securing any alteration in the direction of elective representation Mr. Leake endeavoured without success in 1845 to secure the appointment of additional unofficial members Mr R. W Nash returned to the charge in the session of 1848 and secured the appointment of a Committee consisting of Messrs W H
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Mackie, G. Leake, and himself to prepare a statement upon the constitution of the Council for presentation to the Secretary of State. The statement showed that originally the power of legislation, including taxation, was vested in the Executive alone; that four unsalaried members were afterwards added to form a mixed Legislature of five salaried officers and four unofficial colonists; that the principles of constitution of that body reserved to the Crown the nomination, suspension, and removal of members, and vested the initiation of Bills, the option of putting questions to the vote, and the power of veto in the Governor; that on a vacancy occurring in the unofficial membership a salaried officer, the Colonial Judge, had been appointed; and that a further salaried officer, the Collector of Revenue, had since been added, making the proportion of salaried officers to unofficial members that of seven to three Various suggestions for the equalization of representatives were made, but left to the Home Government to settle One thing was definitely requested. that the unanimous vote of the unofficial members against a proposition should have the effect of vetoing it.
The report of the Committee did not meet with approval. In place of it an amendment was passed asking that three or four unofficial members be added to the personnel of the Council. The request was duly forwarded with the favourable recommendation of the Governor, but no action was taken by the Secretary of State at the time, as the whole question of the government of the Australian colonies was then under consideration.
With these matters the administration of Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin closed, the new Governor (Captain Charles Fitzgerald) arriving at Fremantle on August 10. As previously noted, Irwin’s methods of government were not popular, and the termination of his authority was viewed with some degree of satisfaction, not perhaps unshared by the Commandant himself, who had grown weary of the determined opposition shown toward every proposal made by him and the continual misrepresentation to which he was subjected. Captain Fitzgerald, who was not without administrative experience, having been Governor of the Gambia for nearly four years, was hailed with delight almost as the saviour of the colony, and addresses of welcome showered upon him from all quarters.
No matters of any political importance arose during the remainder of 1848. As a result of agitation on the part of colonists in England the Colonial Office sanctioned the raising of a loan for immigration purposes upon the security of the Land Fund As there did not happen to be a solvent Land Fund in Western Australia no benefit was derived from the concession.
Evidences of returning prosperity may be found in the exports for the year, which amounted in value to
£29,598. Of this total sandalwood, which three years previously had not been considered as an asset of any value, accounted for £13,353, more than the export value of wool and oil together. There is no doubt that an equally large trade in the local hardwoods—the jar-rah and karri—would also have been developed at this period if the colonists had only had at their command facilities for cutting and preparing large quantities. A demand for these hardwoods had certainly arisen, but the colonists were quite unable to meet it. Contractors for railway construction in India were ready to use the timber, but unfortunately could not get it as rapidly as they required it. To overcome the difficulties an attempt was made in Madras to form a Western Australian Timber Company, but without success. Later in the year a small Company was formed at Perth with a capital of £1,000, a sum so small that the concern was necessarily doomed to failure.
The Mining Company continued its operations during the year, and shafts were sunk in various places m the hope of discovering payable minerals. The expectation that good coal existed on the Murray had not been borne out, and the expert, Dr. von Sommer, was sent to examine the coal find of the Messrs Gregory. The only valuable result from these wanderings that seems to have accrued to the colony was a geological map of the south-western division. Besides coal, continual rumours were circulated that copper was also to be found. Some ore sent from Kelmscott to South Australia was declared to contain that metal, and further discoveries of it were reported from Mr. Hardey’s property, near York, but it was not until the end of the year that, by the discovery of the Geraldine Lead Mine, any serious attempt at mining was made.
The rumours of minerals and the necessity of further country for the extension of the pastoral industry led to a revival m exploration during the period 1843-50. Early in 1843 Messrs. Landor and Lefroy made a short trip to the south-east of York and Beverley in search of a large inland sea mentioned by the natives. Beyond the headwaters of the Hotham and the Williams they did discover some lakes, but they were for the most part salt and were not surrounded by country at all favourable for pasturage. In the following year Lieutenant Helpman in the schooner “Champion” was dispatched to Gantheaume Bay, at the mouth of the Murchison River, and brought back reports confirmatory of Captain Stokes’ observations on the general character of the country. An excursion down the Blackwood River was made by Assistant Surveyor, A. C. Gregory, in 1845, and in 1846 the same officer, accompanied by his brothers, F. T and C Gregory, visited the salt lake region of the interior. It was m the course of this expedition, while examining the rivers reported by Grey in 1839, that the discovery of a coal seam was made
near the source of the Irwin The same party made a further examination of the Murchison and Gascoyne districts late in 1848, and discovered a galena lode in the bed of the Murchison River. So much interest was shown in this discovery that in December the district was visited by the Governor and the Geraldine Mine established. It was during this journey that Governor Fitzgerald was speared by the blacks. In the same year the Surveyor-General started on the longest of those expeditions, which earned for him the title of “the father of Australian explorers.” Starting from York and making toward the south-east he reached the Pal-lmup m October, and from there turned easterly until the Bremer Range was reached. No better country than dense scrub and salt lakes could be seen farther on, so Roe retreated toward the coast, stopping only at the Russell Range after being deprived of water for three days and nights. On the return journey several extensive beds of brown coal were found at the Fitzgerald River. The party reached Perth on February 2, 1849, after having explored 1,800 miles of country, some ol which was heavily timbered with woods ot commercial value.
The subject of the land laws, both as regarded sale and leasing, was still considered of profound importance by the colonists, and the agitation which had been carried on practically from the inception of the colony still continued. The request of the Council for some reduction of the minimum price of £1 per acre was refused by a despatch from Earl Grey dated August 11, 1848. In it he informed the colonists that “the very same arguments which are now brought forward against the establishment of the minimum price of £1 per acre m 1841 were urged with no less confidence against the establishment of a minimum price of 5s. per acre as a substitute for free grants in 1831, and the subsequent advance of that price 4o 12s. an acre in 1839. Each of these changes has been regarded with equal apprehension, yet, as I have observed, it is with the adoption of that policy, which has equally dictated each successive advance in the price of land, that the great progress of the colony may be said to have commenced.” This reply, which was applied to the Australian colonies as a whole, scarcely answered the arguments advanced, and certainly the latter part of it, as far as Western Australia was concerned, was not borne out by the facts The amount received from the sale of Crown lands under the regulation was pitifully small, and did not in any way contribute toward great progress. For years after the regulation came into force adversity rather than prosperity ruled in the colony, and the improved state of affairs in 1847 and 1848 was due more to the development of an export trade than to any beneficial effect of the land regulations.
In addition to the question of sale there was also that of leaseholds, an important matter in a country which looked to squatting as one of its mainstays During Governor Hutt’s term an ordinance had been passed allowing purchasers of sections of 320 acres the right of pasturage over adjacent Crown lands. This was considered a step in the right direction, and the people were much disappointed when the Act was disallowed by the Crown. In 1848 a circular despatch was sent to all the Australian colonies by Earl Grey, suggesting a new set of land regulations, to deal chiefly with the question of leasing the waste lands of the Crown. To carry this suggestion into effect as far as Western Australia was concerned the Legislative Council appointed a Committee to draw up regulations for consideration. This Committee, all of whose members were large land-owners, advised that the Crown lauds of the colony should be divided into two classes, A and B. That within class A should be included all lands within three miles of a town site or of land already granted in fee simple; all land within two miles of the sea coast; all within two miles of either bank of the named rivers or permanent streams; and all within ten miles of the summit of Wizard’s Peak, of the junction of the Fitzgerald and Elwes Rivers, of the summit of East Mount Barren, and of such other lands as the Governor might proclaim. Class B was to comprise all other lands open for location. In class A only yearly leases for pastoral purposes could be granted; in B leases could be given lor any term not exceeding eight years. Allotments of not more than 320 acres of A land could also be secured on lease for a term up to eight years for cultivation and tillage, and holders of leases ol B land could cultivate any portion of it." These proposals, it may be seen, virtually prohibited squatting within reasonable distance of good water or permanent settlement. It was felt that they were framed entirely from the point of view of the large landowner, a feeling that was strengthened by the fact that the Committee among them held nearly one-half of the alienated land of the colony. Possessing no representation in the Council, the only means the settlers had of voicing their objections were by public meetings and memorials. A public meeting was therefore held on July 18, 1849, at which a reso-
lution was unanimously passed — “That m the opinion of the meeting the regulations framed by the Committee for the occupation of waste Crown lands are unsound m policy, unjust in principle, inapplicable to the wants of the colony, in opposition to the wishes of the colonists, and if adopted will tend to frustrate the introduction of immigrants, the increase of revenue, the production of wool, and cause a gradual depopulation of the settlement.” The meeting then approved an amended set of regulations, and concluded
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by agreeing that a memorial should be forwarded to the Secretary of State informing him that the colonists had no confidence in certain members of the Executive Council, and, further, that the Governor be asked to allow the colonists, in case of a vacancy in the Legislative Council, to select a member from the list approved by the Home authorities. As, however, the Council decided to withdraw the most objectionable clauses of the Committee’s proposed regulations no further action was taken. It may be mentioned that Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin was the chairman of the Committee, which doubtless in great measure prompted these last resolutions. In fact, throughout the whole discussion this point was emphasized, and there is just the possibility that it influenced the meeting more than any definite objection to the proposed regulations.
Notwithstanding the political troubles and the straitness of finances the period 1843-9 was in general one of progress and development. A census taken in October, 1848, showed that the population of the colony was 4,622—made up of 2,818 males and 1,804 females, while of the total number 2,900 were adults. The stock numbered 141,123 sheep, 2,095 horses, 10,919 cattle, 1,431 goats, and 2,287 swine. The cultivated area comprised 3,317 acres under wheat, 672 under barley, 134 oats, 100 rye, 39 maize, and 120 potatoes. Vineyards and fruit orchards were represented by 114 acres, kitchen gardens by 244, and green crops by 2,321 Mail communication had been improved, and by the end of 1848 a monthly service between Fremantle and London via Singapore had been inaugurated. Bridges had been built, main roads cut, and overland traffic established between Perth and Albany. Educational facilities, certainly only of a very primary character, had been afforded to most of the settled townships and places of worship for the principal sects erected in Perth. The greatest event in religious circles was perhaps the establishment of the Roman Catholic Church The authorities in Sydney had been requested as far back as 1841 to send someone to minister to the needs of members of that communion, but it was not until 1843 that three priests were detailed for the work. Almost from the first they were infected with the desire to carry on extensive mission work among the natives, and by solicitation induced the Congregation of the Propaganda to send Dr. Brady as Bishop, with a large staff of priests and helpers. This party arrived early in 1846. The Bishop remained in Perth, and the others were sent out into the wilderness to form missions to the north, south, and east of the capital The first two, for various reasons over which the devoted band had no control, proved entirely unsuccessful, and those priests who survived the attempts made their way to India and the Mauritius Of all who had come out with Bishop Brady only two remained—two whose names are cut deeply in the his-
tory of the Roman Catholic Church in this State: Guiseppe Serra and Rosendo Salvado. After a brave struggle they established a mission for the aborigines at New Norcia, m the Victoria district, and laid the foundations of perhaps the most successful native mission in Western Australia.
There remains one phase of the history of this period which has still to be dealt with—the agitation for the introduction of convict labour. It will be remembered that at the establishment of the colony one of the conditions of its foundation was that it was not to suffer from the taint of the convict system. This was no doubt an important factor in inducing many of the early settlers to make the Swan River colony their home, and to their credit it must be said that they struggled with thoir difficulties and privations long years after they might have been forgiven for abandoning their principles in favour of the relief that the introduction of forced labour would undoubtedly have afforded. From time to time suggestions of the benefits to be derived from the presence of convicts were thrown out and sternly repulsed. It was only when, by the cessation of immigration, the supply of adequate labour came practically to an end that transportation was considered as a ~way out of their difficulties Without labour—free or forced—development was almost impossible. The colonists had proved that in the preceding years Development was the keynote of prosperity and increased population necessary to provide a market for their agricultural produce. With all its drawbacks transportation had provided the means for that development and that market for produce in the Eastern States of Australia, and therefore when all other means were exhausted the colonists of Western Australia were compelled to take the question into consideration. That they did not do so at all readily there is ample evidence. The daring spirits who, at King George Sound in the early thirties, memorialized the Home Government to send out convicts were regarded by the rest of the community almost as pariahs The same strong feeling of aversion toward the very idea remained until the acuteness of depression in 1843 and 1814 forced the colonists to reconsider their position.
At a general meeting of the York Agricultural Society held in April, 1844, Mr. S E. Burges moved— “That it is the opinion of this meeting that, inasmuch as the present land regulations have entirely destroyed our labour fund, we conceive that the Home Government are bound in justice to supply us with some kind of labour, and after mature deliberation we have come to the determination of petitioning the Secretary of State for the Colonies for a gang of forty convicts—to be exclusively employed in public works.” The motion was not put In its place a resolution was passed appointing a Committee to inquire into the matter. This
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
Committee a few days later interviewed Governor LLutt upon the question, but received no encouragement. He informed them that he had already addressed the Secretary of State upon the subject of labour, and as the point was occupying the attention of the Home Government he had no doubt that some scheme would be evolved in which Western Australia would participate. In spite of this rebuff a petition was prepared for signature, but it lapsed from want of support. The York agriculturists had, however, achieved something. They had directed the attention of the settlers toward the importation of convicts as a way out of their difficulties, and from that time, though strenuous opposition continued to be manifested, the advocates of convict labour steadily gained ground. The newspapers, reflecting in this case general public opinion, argued against convicts on the grounds of expense and undesirability, and showed that the experiences of the other colonies ought to banish any suggestion in favour of the idea from the minds of Western Australian colonists.
Opposition to the introduction of convicts was further strengthened by a notice that appeared in The Ilobarl Gazette in January,
1845, stating that Her Majesty had teen pleased to extend pardons to convicts in Van Diemen Land, conditional upon the recipients remaining in one or other of the Australian colonies.
The fear that some of these people might decide .upon Western Australia as their homes resulted in a public meeting being held at Perth in April, when it was decided to forward a memorial to the Secretary of State asking that none of these pardoned convicts be allowed to come to the colony. When the colony was founded, the memorial declared, “a solemn and distinct pledge was given by Her Majesty’s Government that it should not be made a receptacle for convicts; a pledge which (should this colony be left open to the semi-pardoned convicts of Van Diemen Land) would be entirely forfeited, while the colonists themselves would be reduced to a much worse • position than those in settlements avowedly penal, where at least some protection is afforded to the well-disposed by the restraints put upon the convicts by the laws, by the presence of a large military force, and by the active exertions of a numerous police.” Why the colonists feared that convicts would be attracted to a country which had failed to attract free labour was not explained. The memorial was forwarded in due course and rejected, the Home Government asserting that if certain convicts had since
conviction led blameless lives there was no just reason for refusing to allow them to seek the means of maintaining themselves in other colonies besides Van Diemen Land.
Meanwhile the advocates for convicts were endeavouring to gain public support. Two memorials, both abortive, had been submitted to the people, and a third was in course of circulation for signatures. In July a long letter on the subject was published in The Inquirer, observing that owing to the absence of labour sixteen years of endeavour had brought but little prosperity to the colony, and that there was little hope of any great improvement under present conditions. The question of introducing convicts, it was argued, was not a matter of principle but of policy, and the supporters of the system favoured it, not through any admiration, but simply as a matter of expediency. There is no doubt that public opinion, slowly but surely, was beginning to move along these lines, and the official mind was seriously perturbed. On July 24 the matter was
raised in the Legislative Council by Mr. F. C. Singleton, and by a unanimous vote it was declared ‘'That the necessity for such an application [t.c., for the introduction of convicts] is not apparent. No dearth of labour can be so extreme as to call for, or to warrant our having recourse to, such a hazardous experiment for a supply.” The moral aspects of the question were also strongly animadverted upon, and altogether it is evident that at that date there was no intention whatever on the part of the local Government to advocate such a step.
Beyond occasional references no further attention was given to the matter publicly during 1845 or 1846, though the memorial which had been prepared was slowly making its way among the colonists and attracting the signatures of many who as a matter of principle were scarcely in favour of it, but as a matter of expediency saw no better way out of their difficulties. The terms of the memorial, drawn up in the names of the “landowners, merchants, and inhabitants of Western Australia,” set forth that capitalists were originally
High Street. Fremantle (looking East», 1872.
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attracted to the colony on certain conditions which seemed to be advantageous; that through “mismanagement, inexperience, and ignorance of the seasons great numbers of the early settlers lost or expended the greater part of their capital” before they derived any result from it, but that after struggling for many years with almost incredible difficulties they began to hope for a general rise in values owing to a steadily-increasing stream of immigrants. This hope, however, vanished. when in 1841 Her Majesty’s Government saw fit to raise the minimum price of Crown lands to £1 per acre, thus causing a stoppage of sales and a consequent diminution in the fund derived therefrom, which had been used for the purpose of encouraging the introdrrction of labour. Immigration consequently ceased and labour became unprocurable. A depression occurred, bringing with it the emigration of many to the other Australian colonies. Land and other property lost its marketable value, and there was no probability, under existing circumstances, of labour or capital being attracted in the
future. In view of this condition of affairs (which was, it may be remarked, considerably exaggerated) the memorialists asked that “the importance of this colony to the British Empire” should be considered, as from its geographical position and great natural resources it ought to become a powerful and prosperous settlement. “Unless,” said the petition, “Her Majesty’s Government will reduce the price of land to its original standard and resume the principle on which this colony was founded, and act upon that principle judiciously and not lavishly as was the case formerly, or will devise some other expedient as shall cause the reintroduction of capital and labour, your memorialists conceive that this colony must become absolutely useless to the British Crown, an encumbrance on the Empire, and ruinous to those individuals who have been led to embark in it the whole of their fortunes.” If it was not possible to accede to any of these suggestions then the hope was expressed that the Home authorities would “convert the colony into a penal settlement on an extensive scale.” As a reason for
convicts it was pointed out that good roads through the settled districts were necessary but expensive, only perhaps “to be accomplished by convict labour”; that bridges, wharves, lighthouses, and other public works could be constructed only by such means; and that the increased population under the scheme would provide the market so necessary for agricultural products.
By the beginning of 1847 the progress of this memorial had changed the idea of transportation from a merely abstract theory to a very practical means of relief. The benefits to be derived from forced labour seemed to be many; that it would relieve the existing depression and bring a return to prosperity was in the opinion of many of the settlers a certainty. It is to be feared that these facts were felt to be more important than that lowering of the moral tone of the community which would necessarily result from the establishment of a penal settlement. Even the newspapers, which up to that time had urged the moral disadvantages, changed their tone and advocated the benefits that would accrue
from cheap labour and a progressive public works policy, though they salved their consciences by suggesting that the convicts should be confined in hulks, not allowed to mix with the free people, and returned to England when their services were no longer required. The change of opinion may have been due in part to the growing belief that the Home Government would accede to the prayer of the memorial not so much out of consideration for the colony, as because, other penal settlements being closed, Great Britain required some fresh outlet for her convicts.
Notwithstanding this change of front on the part of the colonists the Governor, Lieutenant-Colonel Irwin, remained steadfast in his condemnation of the idea. At the opening of the Legislative Council in June, 1847, he vehemently opposed the agitation, and regretted that “the dearth of labour or the desire to accumulate wealth on the part of a portion of the community” had caused the suggestion to be entertained. In support of his attitude he referred to a report of a Committee of the Legislative Council of New South Wales, dated 1846, which unequivocally asserted that a discontinuance of transportation would be in the interests of Australia and the Australians. He concluded by saying : —’“With the experience of other colonies before us, which we now witness struggling to free themselves from this system as from a pestilence, I would strongly urge all who are favourable to the measure to consider whether the injury
likely to be entailed on the community, and particularly on their own families, may not convince them, when too late, that they have obtained their object at a dreadful sacrifice.”
After this the question appears to have again languished until the latter half of 1848. Governor Fitzgerald, in pursuance of suggestions made to him by the Secretary of State before leaving England, made inquiries as to whether the colonists would be prepared to receive convicts from Pentonville—a prison for persons convicted of trivial offences—who should be accompanied by their wives and families The cost of sending them out might be recovered from their wages and used as a fund to introduce free labourers The convicts would, of course, be pardoned on their arrival and so enter the colony as free men The Secretary of State also put the idea before several persons in London who were interested in Western Australia. These were agreed as to the advisability, and one of them, Mr. Louis Samson, wrote to the colony asking for an expression of opinion The replies to Governor Fitzgerald’s inquiries were not particularly encouraging, but he felt himself justified in asking for 100 ticket-of-leave men, whom he thought would be of more value and bring less risk to the community than the lads from the Parkhurst Reformatory, of whom 131 had been sent out between 1843 and 1848. These inquiries of the Governor and Mr Samson’s letter appear to have give'n fresh impetus to the convict agitation In December several gentlemen interested in the colony held a meeting in Adelaide and agreed to petition the Home authorities for the introduction of convicts to Western Australia as the only means of overcoming the difficulties that existed This was followed by a public meeting—the first definitely called for the purpose—which was held in Perth on February 23, 1849 That meeting viewed with alarm the depressed state of the colony, resulting in a "steady and constant emigration of labour,” and felt that the only remedy that could be effective must be one that would bring about a fresh supply of capital and labour It opposed the proposal to introduce ticket-of-leave men from Pentonville as being calculated to make matters worse instead of better, and quite unsuited to the wants of the settlers, mainly because such a step would inflict upon the colony all the evils of a penal settlement, without giving any increased protection or expenditure of Imperial funds It felt that convicts could be usefully employed in carrying out necessary public works and in developing the mineral, timber, and other natural resources that existed, and finally decided—“That application shall at once be made to Her Majesty’s Government to erect this colony into a regular penal settlement, with the necessary Government establishment and expenditure, the whole cost of the transmission, maintenance, and-Supervision of all such convicts as may be
transported hither being borne, of course, by the Home Government.”
The resolutions were laid before the Governor, with a request that he would forward them to the Secretary of State. In doing so he emphasized the depressed condition of the colony and assured Earl Grey that, did any other source of relief present itself, the settlers of Western Australia would be the last to wish for a penal settlement In concluding he remarked: —“I am far from recommending Your Lordship to adopt this proposition, as few, I think, would from choice select a convict settlement as a residence for themselves and families; but in the present state of affairs here I must say that if Her Majesty’s Government wish to establish another penal settlement in Australia the majority of the inhabitants would gladly learn that Western Australia was chosen as the site ”
Meanwhile, on February 12, a despatch (dated August 7, 1848) in the form of a circular to the various British colonies was received from Earl Grey. The Secretary of State was an earnest advocate of transportation and had evolved certain schemes which he was anxious to see in operation. In this despatch he pointed out that the system of making convicts undergo a period of separate imprisonment in England, Bermuda, or Gibraltar before being sent out to the colonies had been found to be beneficial, and that such of these men as had afterwards been transported to Port Phillip as ticket-of-leave “exiles” had proved satisfactory. Certain precautions, such as restricting them to particular districts and enforcing the return of their passage moneys, were to be observed, but otherwise they would be given freedom “Such,” Earl Grey continues, “being the system under which it is proposed hereafter to proceed, I think it right to point out to you that if the inhabitants of Western Australia should be willing to receive men with tickets-of-leave they will obtain the advantage of a supply of labour, together with a probable addition to the funds applicable to general emigration, or some other public object of importance, while by the power which is to be reserved of dispersing those men in different districts, together with the reformatory nature of their previous punishment, there is reason to hope that their presence in moderate numbers will not be found injurious to the general character of the community ” He then concludes by pointing out that as the colonists were clamouring for an adequate supply of labour they might be prepared to receive men on the terms proposed. He would be glad to learn whether such would be the case.
The Governor’s reply to the suggestion to send out Pentonville prisoners, which reached England in February, 1849, was sufficient to show that the proposal would meet the wishes of the settlers, and that view was strengthened by the report of the public meeting of
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February, which reached Earl Grey in July In order to carry the proposal into effect certain legal formalities had to be complied with, and therefore on May 1, 1849, an Order-in-Council was passed nominating Western Australia as a place to which convicts could be sent from the United Kingdom. This order was published in the colony in November, and seems to have somewhat disturbed the inhabitants, who after years of discussion over the matter suddenly found that at one stroke Western Australia had lost its boasted pre-eminence as a free colony and had become a penal settlement. The opponents of the measure were indignant; in the step they recognized one more iniquity heaped upon them by the Colonial Office. The Perth Gazette lamented the prospective “contamination and infamy” inseparable from a penal settlement. Earl Grey was blamed for taking advantage of the opportunity afforded by the Governor’s innocent request for 100 Pentonville prisoners to saddle the colony with all the horrors of the convict system. However, when the colony recovered from the shock it was recognized that the advantages were many and that the dangers to be apprehended were slight. Convictism of 1850 differed greatly from the modified slavery of New South Wales and Van Diemen Land of the early years of the century, and though the very fact of its introduction into a free colony is to be regretted, there is little doubt that some innovation of the kind was necessary to the development of the country. In that direction its operation was beneficial, and there is not to-day the slightest evidence of its having left any moral taint.
The Legislative Council was summoned for Decern ber 20, 1849, primarily to consider the altered condition of the colony, and to make the necessary arrangements for the proper control of the convicts. An ordinance was passed providing for arrest without warrant, summary conviction, employment on public works, restriction when on ticket-of-leave, and punishment. Early in the following year further despatches were received from the Secretary of State, containing information that the Home Government intended to send ♦
out free persons equal in number to the convicts. This and the prospect of many necessary public works being at last undertaken led the colonists to admit that at any rate transportation offered “a gleam of hope—just sufficient to drag us on in miserable uncertainty.” The actual conditions under which the convicts would be employed were stated by Earl Grey in a despatch of December 20, 1849. They were to be at first entirely under the control of the Government for employment on public works—roads, harbours, buildings, and timbercutting. When they were set free from such labour, on aocount of good behaviour, their services would be available for colonists. The whole expense of the system would be defrayed by the Home Government, anc^a further sum would be set aside annually for promoting free emigration.
Thus, twenty years after its foundation as a free colony, from which convicts were by the conditions of establishment debarred. Western Australia entered upon a new phase of its existence, and became one of the penal settlements of the British Government.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CONVICT SYSTEM.
Deeming it to be the duty of the historian to record facts rather than to discuss theories we do not feel called upon to enter at any length into the question of the merits or demerits of the convict system from a moral point of view Judged by the standard of pure ethics it must be admitted that the commingling of a convict element with the free inhabitants of a country cannot fail to have, at any rate, some demoralizing influence with concomitant results. At the same time it is equally certain that the cheap labour resulting from the presence of large numbers of convicts and ticket-of-leave men tends greatly to the material prosperity of the community. Whether it is possible to so organize a convict system as to give the material advantages without any lowering of the ethical standard of the people, and whether such was actually encompassed m Western Australia, is a matter for moralists
to discuss. So far as the historian is concerned two facts stand out—in the hope of a prosperous future the Western Australian colonists were on the whole prepared to take the risk of contamination, and the Secretary of State believed that he had evolved a wise system of transportation from which no lowering of the moral tone was likely to result.
That the new system of transportation differed greatly from that in vogue in the early days of New South Wales is unquestionable. In fact, throughout the whole period during which felons were transported to Western Australia, the terms “convict system” and “penal settlement” as applied to that colony had nothing in common with the same terms when used to describe the state of affairs, often worse even than slavery, that existed in New South Wales, Norfolk Island, and Van Diemen Land during the early part
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
of the nineteenth century. Judged by the ordinary meaning attached to the expression, Western Australia was never a “penal settlement.” It was really a huge gaol, the boundaries of which for the greater part of the criminals sent out were the limits of the colony itself. In accordance with the agreement made by the Home authorities with the colonists the men sent out were ablebodied, not over forty-five years of age, well conducted in prison and having at least half their sentences to run, such sentences on conviction having been for not less than seven years It was also stipulated on the part of the colonists—who must have been very innocent if they thought the stipulation would ever be observed—that no criminals of a reckless or dangerous class should be sent out. Convicts from Irish gaols were not to be transported, nor were female offenders. This last condition was strictly carried out, and to the absence of the corrupting effect of dissolute women is probably due the fact that practically no moral taint remains upon the Western Australia of to-day
A brief description of the system as it existed in the colony during the eighteen years of its operation may be of interest, particularly as it shows how great a change had come over the methods of dealing with convicts during the previous half-century. In the first place, the convicts before being transported were subjected to a probationary period of confinement in one of the great English prisons, and were selected, at any rate ostensibly, for their good behaviour and the apparent prospect of their redemption. On the voyage out every care, so far as was possible, was paid to their comfort and health, so that serious illness was infrequent and death a very rare event. When they arrived at Fremantle they were placed for about nine months in close confinement in the penal establishment—called by its compulsory occupants the "College.” Here they were compelled to observe a strict prison regime, which did not bear too harshly upon those amenable to discipline. For those, however, who in any way attempted to flout the system there were very definite punishments. A diet of bread and water, additional imprisonment, the chain-gang, the dark cell, the cat—up to one hundred lashes—and even the gallows found a place when considered necessary in the scheme of reformation. But the punitive side of the remodelled system never pressed so harshly that men, as in Norfolk Island, drew lots for the privilege of committing murder in order to secure a trip to Sydney, followed by the attentions of the hangman. While the punishments were severe the privileges for good conduct were many. A certain degree of association with one another was permitted and conversation with visitors was allowed. A library was established for the use of the convicts and lectures were periodically given within the prison. It is recorded
that in 1857 Governor Kennedy and a party visited the convict establishment for the purpose of hearing a convict lecture on music, with illustrative items by the prison choir I During the period of confinement or probation within the prison the convicts were employed on necessary works of maintenance and on various public works in and around Fremantle. When it was over they were released on a modified or restricted ticket-of-leave and sent out in parties to erect public buildings in various parts of the colony, to equip country depots, and to make roads. While so employed the value of the work done was placed to their credit, and enabled them to repay the £15 set down as the cost of their passage out, and which it was necessary for them to refund to the prison authorities before the coveted conditional pardon could be secured. These parties were not confined or under any kind of penal coercion. Good behaviour was practically assured by the fact that misconduct revoked the probationary ticket and extended the time of service before the conditional pardon could be obtained. The greatest liberty was allowed to the road-making parties. These consisted of from twenty to fifty of the best behaved convicts, who lived in camps along the line of road to be made. They were under the care of one warder, or in some cases two, but there were also instances of parties being sent out without any official in charge. In 1853 the custom of making certain prisoners constables was introduced, and found to be satisfactory, after which the road parties were generally under the control of one warder and one constable. Considering the liberty enjoyed, it is amazing that there were so few attempts at escape. The reason is probably to be found, in the words of Captain Henderson himself, that the colony itself was “a vast natural gaol.” The escaping convict, even if he eluded capture, which was exceedingly improbable, stood a good chance of starving in the bush or dying of thirst. He also knew that with good behaviour his full ticket-of-leave, which practically meant freedom, was only a matter of a little time and not a great deal of labour. In fact, some of the descriptions of these road parties scarcely remind us of the dreadful and dreaded "system.” Writing in 1864, a special correspondent of the Melbourne Argus says: — “No one can say that the convicts work hard, and, as far as my experience goes, I found them remarkably comfortable both as regards shelter and diet. They are always as hospitable as they can be to a visitor. I put up several nights with road parties, and partook of meals with them which any man might heartily enjoy. The meal over, the men would produce their tame cockatoos or opossums, would enjoy a smoke or a stroll, would read books from the prison library, or spin yarns by the blazing fire I found them all eager for infor-
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
145
mation regarding the 't'other side,’ as they call the eastern colonies, and one and all stated their determination to get there. After an evening spent thus, we would turn in to comfortable beds and be up early next morning for a wash in the creek. If they do not return thanks for having their lives cast in pleasant places the men are a most ungrateful set.”
The duration of this period of probation, which had to be served before full ticket-of-leave was granted, varied, of course, with the term of the original sentence. It also depended on the behaviour of the convict himself. Prior to 1857 the date upon which a prisoner serving a certain sentence would receive his ticket was determined by a percentage method; after 1857 by a system of marks adopted by Captain Henderson from that compiled by Captain Knight for the penitentiaries of Ire-land. Under either method a convict sentenced to fifteen years could in ordinary circumstances secure his ticket at the end of the fourth year. He could, however, behave so excellently as to secure it in three, or so execrably as never to get it at all.
With the system of marks was coupled a system of gratuities. No convict had, while in prison, any claim to payment for his services, but as a reward for industry and good conduct a gratuity of 2d. for every six marks earned by him. This could be forfeited, wholly or in part, by misconduct, and in case of escape the cost of capture was charged against the gratuities. Thus by the time he was due for ticket-of-leave the convict was sure of having some money in his pocket.
With his ticket-of-leave, the convict reached another stage in his progress toward complete liberty, though he was still subject to many and severe restrictions. The prison was behind him, no warder watched him; he was free to seek outside employment and to enjoy the fruits of his labours; but he must never lose possession of his ticket—a parchment document giving his name, number, description, age, and condition.
Printed on its face were the conditions by which he must be guided. He was assigned to a certain district, and without the consent of the Comptroller-General or Resident Magistrate was not permitted to leave it. If he travelled from one town to another he
must go by the usual road or by such road as his pass directed, and must report to the
police both his arrival in and departure from a town. After reaching his assigned district he was allowed a fortnight during which to find work for himself; if unsuccessful he had to return to the penal establishment and was then sent to one of the country depots. From the depot he could be hired by a settler, and was compelled to take whatever wages were offered. According to the instructions of the Home authorities the holder of a ticket-of-leave who entered the service of a settler was
compelled to remain there for twelve months. This regulation was, however, found to be impracticable, and therefore was not enforced. Every change of master, as well as every change of residence, had to be endorsed on the ticket.
The ticket-of-leave man was permitted to acquire property, either leasehold or freehold, and could appear in any action or suit in the courts. He could compel his employer to carry out a contract with him, and was allowed to marry or to obtain his wife and family from England free of expense. But with all these privileges the hand of the authorities lay heavy upon him. If he was guilty of any misconduct, whatever property he had acquired became the possession of the Crown. Under the Summary Jurisdiction Acts he could be arrested without warrant, and at the instance of a magistrate be awarded a term of imprisonment varying in length from one to three years. He must not carry firearms or be found upon a ship without permission, and between ten o’clock at night and daybreak he was not allowed to be away from his place of residence. Both the magistrate and the police of his district must practically be aware of his every action.
s
The convict who, for a period determined by the length o£ his original sentence, managed to observe the conditions and avoid the snares and pitfalls of his ticket-of-leave became entitled to the much-coveted conditional pardon. This document, which was granted only by the Secretary of State through the Governor, removed all restrictions, except one, upon the liberty of the holder. He could not return to Great Britain, nor, by special legislation, to Victoria or South Australia, until the whole term of his sentence had expired. The restrictions as regards the eastern colonies had been found necessary owing to the fact that the gold discoveries had attracted large numbers of conditional pardon men, some of whom, in the absence of restraint, returned to their former methods of evil living According to Governor Fitzgerald in his evidence before a Committee of the House of Lords m 1856, it was only the imposition of these restrictions that prevented every conditional pardon holder leaving Western Australia for the eastern goldfields. The practice of issuing conditional pardons was not, it is said, viewed with favour by the local officials of the system. That can scarcely have been the case, as in 1863 we find the Secretary of State drawing attention to the ease with which conditional pardons could be obtained in Western Australia, and suspending their operation as regards prisoners under sentence of twenty years or more Shortly afterwards the conditions under which these pardons were granted were made much severer, a course which was expected to cause considerable trouble That, however, never eventuated, as in 1864 the Governor was notified that transportation to the colony would oease entirely in three years from that date
The above sketch describes substantially, though shortly, the convict system as it existed in Western Australia That it was formulated on sound and humane lines is undoubted. Its underlying principle was remedial—to reform the prisoner and to offer him every inducement to once more become a respected member of society. Even in the hands of inhuman officials, such as those we read of in earlier records, it could never have brought about the awful horrors of Van Diemen Land, though it might have gone some distance along that path The success that it achieved was in the mam due to the wisdom and capability of the officers, more particularly to the Comptroller-General, Captain (afterwards Sir) E Y W Henderson, who with infinite tact, perseverance, and impartiality, combined with a sound judgment, organized and controlled the whole system in Western Australia. That it was hardly penal is quite evident Even The Aigus correspondent, sent especially to find out the weak spots, and so strengthen the agitation against transportation to any part of Australia which was then being pursued with vigour in the eastern
colonies, admitted that “the West Australian convict system has many excellent points It does not, as was the case under the old assignment arrangements of New South Wales and Tasmania, place the convict at the mercy of a master, who may be both brutal and vicious. Neither is his punishment, as was the case at Norfolk Island, simply cruel and vindictive The men have a constant inducement to behave well, as they know that by doing so they better their condition During the probationary stage they are aware that each mark they earn brings them nearer to their ticket-of-leave, and when they obtain these a continuance of good behaviour has been required to entitle them to their conditional pardons This requiring a man to find employment before he is liberated upon his ticket works well, forcing him for a time at least into habits of industry During his detention on the roads he sees the settlers and learns what is to be done, and by the time he has served his ticket-of leave out, and is wholly thrown upon his own resources, he ought to have acquired some little money and a full measure of colonial experience ”
Given good behaviour the life of the convict was not unhappy Cut off from his old associations he had every chance of beginning life afresh, and in some instances so appreciated the chance that he achieved more than a competency In any case his life was more comfortable than that of a free labourer in England, if not in the colony itself The evidence of Royal Commissions and convict officers repeatedly shows that transportation to Western Australia was actually sought for. Of course, not all the convicts transported were reformed A proportion, the scum of English cities, remained untouched by remedial measures, and during the whole term of their residence in the colony these were a menace and dread to the settlers, being often debarred from criminal acts only by the want of opportunity If the original intention to introduce only the best class of convicts had been carried out this phase would probably not have made its presence felt, but, as Captain Henderson stated in 1856, the English prison authorities were sending out “the men they do not hang.” The joint Committee appointed in 1862 also affirmed that “it has been shown that m one case the Governor of Chatham Prison was specially instructed to select for embarkation the convicts least fit to be discharged at home ” Fortunately Western Australia was saved from the crowning iniquity of a convict system— the transportation of vicious and abandoned women, though some women introduced in 1856 from London workhouses proved almost as bad
Considered as a whole it may be said that the convict system in Western Australia was conducted on such lines as to ensure the least possible baneful effect. To-day, over forty years since its cessation, that effect
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has become a vanishing quantity, and the stigma that must necessarily be attached to a convict colony has faded away.
Whether the colonists of those early days could have achieved success without the introduction of convict labour it is, perhaps, impossible to say. But whatever material advantages accrued from the convicts,
they were not, and could not be, sufficient to justify their introduction. With brave hearts the early settlers founded the colony on the proud principle that it was to be free In the face of adversity they yielded up their principle on the altar of expediency, and all that one can say is—it would have been infinitely better if they had not.
CHAPTER IX.
1850-1853.
TRANSITION PERIOD FREE COLONY TO PENAL ESTABLISHMENT—GOVERNMENT-LAND LAWS—FINANCIAL CONDITIONS—INDUSTRIES—GENERAL DEVELOPMENT.
Having determined upon the establishment of a penal settlement in Western Australia the Home authorities lost no time in carrying that decision into effect Captain E. Y. W. Henderson was appointed Comptroller-General of the Convict Establishment, with Mr. T. II Dixon as chief overseer and Mr Manning as clerk of works. Prisoners of exemplary conduct were selected from Portland and a ship equipped as a transport. This vessel, the barque “Scindian,” arrived at Fremantle on June 1, 1850, and thus the colony celebrated its twenty - first birthday by assuming the character of an actual penal settlement. On the "Scindian,” under the charge of Dr Gibson, R N., as Surgeon Superintendent, were seventy-five convicts, fifty pensioners (sent out as a guard), forty-six women, seventy-eight children, and fourteen immigrant girls.
Though the arrival of the convicts was expected, it was not anticipated that they would arrive so soon after the Order-in-Council had been made public The colonists were rather thrown into oonsternation when they saw the first actual evidence of the result of their agitation for convicts, and the local Government found itself totally unprepared to meet the situation. The old Fremantle Gaol at Arthur’s Head tfas much too small to accommodate so large a number of inmates, even if no others had been expected To get over the difficulty premises were rented from Captain Scott, and there the first batches of convicts were housed until such time as they had, by their own labour, built the large Fremantle convict prison for their own safekeeping and the safekeeping of the thousands of other unfortunates who were to follow them The stringent measures adopted for ensuring the security of the convicts in their temporary quarters, and the sense of safety that the inhabitants of Fremantle must have felt at the presence of this crowd of malefactors, may be gauged from the fact that in October four of the prisoners quietly walked memorialists k2
away from the gaol and got drunk1 When charged with the oifence it was stated in evidence that they were able to leave the depot at any hour they pleased, m any dress they liked, and visit publichouses1 This little incident caused quite a scare among the inhabitants of Fremantle.
»-> The pensioners who had come out with the convicts were not retained as a permanent guard over them. In most cases they were accompanied by their families, and sought a livelihood among the settlers, being liable to render assistance only in the case of any outbreak among the prisoners. Every encouragement was given to induce them to become permanent settlers To each of them was offered an allotment of ten acres, to be selected by themselves, to be held on lease for seven years, after which they were to receive the freehold To enable them to make a start a gratuity of £10 was bestowed upon each one, and they were promised the assistance of convict labour in clearing the ground Practically the whole of them took advantage of the offer, as many pensioner blocks still held by their descendants testify The actual establishment of the system and the arrival of the first batch of convicts was the cause of much rejoicing on the part of the colonists. On July 10 a public meeting was held at Perth at which resolutions were passed expressing thanks to Lord Grey for the promptness he had shown in acceding to the request of the settlers, and asking that convicts be sent in large numbers, as “unless the permanency, as well as the magnitude, of the convict establishment be secured” only disappointment and distress could await the greater part of the new arrivals. Later m the year similar expressions of gratitude were forwarded from York, Northam, Toodyay, and Wellington districts. In a numerously-signed memorial from the country districts embodying these opinions it was stated that the consider the introduction of convicts on
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
a lai ye scale the only means of placing the oolony m a prosperous condition, and urge their speedy introduction as rapidly as circumstances will permit, accompanied with a proportion of free labour and sufficient protection in the shape of troops and pensioners ” When all the other colonies were strenuously objecting to convicts how the Home Government must have chuckled to find one not only willing but anxious to receive them, and, like Oliver Twist, keep on asking for more. Even The Peith Gazette, or, as it was then called The Independent Journal, after two years’ enmity to the idea, acknowledged that much material prosperity was likely to result, though at the same time it salved its conscience by averring that the mere introduction of forced labour did not constitute Western Australia a penal settlement.
One of the earliest and, from the point of view of the settlers, one of the most satisfactory features of the new condition of affairs was a renewal of the stream of immigration. For years previously there had practically been no gain to the colony by this means. When therefore the “Scindian” landed 188 free persons in addition to seventy-five convicts, and the “Sophia” followed a couple of months later with over 200, the inhabitants of the colony were convinced that the step they had taken was m their best interests. Only one other vessel, the “Hashemy,” arrived with convicts during 1850 This was the ship which earned a good deal of notoriety on account of the fact that she carried the last draft of convicts sent to New South Wales— the draft whose landing was at first strongly opposed by the colonists there.
By the end of the year the benefits—and in some ways the evil results—of a penal establishment began to be distinctly manifest. In addition to the large permanent prison, there were various other public works under construction; depots for convicts were being established in various centres and parties for the purpose of making main roads of communication between the towns were being organized. The increase in the number of people and the large amount of money distributed by the penal department provided both the market for local produce and the means to pay for it, so that by the beginning of 1851 the whole colony seemed to have been roused from its state of lethargy and gave every promise of rapid advancement. The cost of maintaining the convicts was, of course, borne by the Home Government; any large expenditure in that direction was therefore viewed by the settlers with a certain degree of satisfaction Not so, however, by the Imperial authorities Nearly every despatch urged strict economy on the Comptroller-General, and in April, 1851, the financial affairs of the establishment were placed in the hands of a board consisting of the Colonial Secretary, the Comptroller-General, and the
Assistant Commissary-General, with strict injunctions to prevent anything in the way of extravagance. One of the first questions this board had to consider was the proportion of the salaries of magistrates, police, and other officers necessary for the public protection that should be borne by the English Government. The advent of the convicts had necessarily increased the number of these officers, and it was felt that the whole burden of their cost ought not to fall on the local Government It was ultimately arranged that the Home Government should pay two-thirds of the police expenditure, and make certain grants to the magistrates and other officials While on the question of protection it may also be noted that at first there was no provision for a permanent military guard over the convicts The pensioners who acted in that capacity on the voyage out became settlers or servants on arrival, and had no further liability except that they were expected to hold themselves available in case of any outbreak of a serious nature This extremely unsatisfactory condition of affairs was the subject of earnest representation through the Governor, and resulted in the pensioners arriving on one convict transport being engaged to continue m the capacity of guard until the arrival of a further detachment in the next succeeding convict vessel These pensioner guards were under the command of Captain (afterwards Colonel) Bruce At the end of 1851 the guard was further strengthened by the arrival of a company of sixty-five sappers and miners under the command of two officers of the Royal Engineers The necessity for strict control became manifest early in the year, when four men succeeded in getting away from Fremantle in a whaleboat, and another party escaped from a road gang working north of Perth. The first were captured at Shark Bay, and the second practically gave themselves up, convinced that Western Australia did not need artificial barriers to make it a safe place to keep prisoners On the whole, however, the conduct of these early convicts was good, so much so that the newspapers directed attention to them as “instances from which our free settlers might take example As a result practically all the remaining fear and opposition on the part of the colonists vanished.
During 1851 the “Mermaid,” “Pyrenees,” and “Minden” brought 803 convicts and 268 free persons, including children, to the colony. Not many of these free immigrants were skilled labourers, consequently the old cry of want of labour was again raised and complaints made that the English Government was not fulfilling its promises. There does not seem to have been any great need of these workmen at the time, and the only reason for the agitation that appears to have existed was that the desire to agitate and complain about something had grown into a habit with the colonists. In any case the blame, if there was any, did
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not attach to the officials of the Colonial Office, as the Governor had advised them that there was difficulty in placing those immigrants who had arrived in the "Sophia.” When Earl Grey was informed that mechanics were required he lost no time in sending them out.
One might have expected that the introduction of a large population, which would in all probability continue to grow, would have stimulated the settlers to larger production of foodstuffs. This does not seem to have been the case. The Western Australian farmers seem to have preferred to get a high price for a limited output rather than a reasonable price for a greater quantity. They were very incensed when the Governor intimated his intention to import flour from the eastern colonies, and held that local industry should be encouraged, even though it cost £5 a ton more for
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settlers could have wished. With them, however, the Comptroller-General entered upon the construction of various public works. Depots were prepared at York, Toodyay, and Bunbury for the use of those prisoners waiting to be hired out as servants, and as quarters for those still in confinement who were working in those neighbourhoods. Main lines of roads from each place toward the capital were deemed the most urgent works. The largest body of convicts, of course, remained at Fremantle, both because the establishment called for the erection of many public buildings and because better control could be kept over the worst class of offenders. The principal work on which they were engaged was the erection of the prison itself. Some discussion took place over the site of this structure. Captain Henderson inclined to the idea that Mount Eliza would be the
Photo by Green ham and Eva ns.
Perth and swan River.
flour to do it. The Governor referred the matter to Earl Grey, who replied sharply that “convicts were not sent to Western Australia in order that growers might have an opportunity of selling their produce at a price £5 a ton dearer than it could be procured without their aid.” During the years 1851 and 1852 it proved impossible to secure sufficient wheat and flour locally at any price, consequently importations from the eastern colonies were absolutely necessary, and in the latter year wheat had even to be imported from Great Britain.
By the beginning of 1851 many of the convicts of 1850 had become entitled to tickets-of-leave, and others were continually qualifying, so that the number available for Government works was not so large as the
most suitable site, but Western Australia was saved from what would have been an act of desecration by the opposition of the Governor, who finally convinced the Comptroller-General that Fremantle was the proper place for it. On May 16, 1851, the site was vested in trustees and the work of erecting the prison commenced. A good deal of the work was done by the convicts, but skilled mechanics had to be sent for from South Australia to assist. These public buildings and the making of various roads occupied the attention of those convicts who remained at the disposal of the Government up to the end of 1852. During that year 491 men were sent out, making a total since June, 1850, of 1,469, but of that number only 156 were available for employment in Perth and Fremantle; 845 had already been released on
ISO
ticket and were in private service, and the remainder were road-making. In pursuance of the agreement on the part of the Imperial authorities to dispatch free immigrants to those colonies receiving forced labour 381 persons of this class also arrived in Western Australia during 1852, so that the colonial complaint of the dearth of sufficient labour was more than met. In addition the English Government reiterated its willingness to send out free to the colony the wives and families of those ticket-of-leave men who desired to have them. There was no great anxiety on the part of the men to take advantage of the concession, and m the case of those who did ask refusal generally came from the wife. In 1851-2 the Emigration Commissioners offered to send out the wives and families of 60 men who had asked for them, but m no single instance were they prepared to accept the offer
The general condition of affairs as far as the convicts were concerned showed little alteration in 1853, except that increased activity on the part of the English prison authorities resulted m 1,129 men being sent out, of whom 309—sent out m the “Robert Small”—were Irish prisoners, a class specially objected to in the first agreement. The introduction of this large number made it possible to carry on the policy of extension and development more rapidly Various buildings such as hospitals, lunatic asylum, pensioners’ depot, and others weie constructed and fair progress made with the bridges required on the mam trunk road between Perth and Albany All these things meant increased comfort and facilities for the settlers, as well as a greatly-improved financial outlook on account of the large expenditure of money so that when in 1853 news was received that the English Government was considering the whole question of transportation, with a view to drastic alterations, the settlers were considerably perturbed, jumping at once to the conclusion that any alteration would mean discontinuance Recourse was had to the usual method of protest—public meeting with a subsequent memorial— and the inhabitants of Perth, Fremantle, and York strongly opposed the cessation of transportation, urging that from the standpoint of the colony great advances had been made under the system, and from the standpoint of the convicts that m the majority of cases they had been successful in their endeavours to become once more respected members of society Great relief was felt when shortly afterwards information was received that the Home authorities had no intention of discontinuing the arrangement so long as the colony was prepared to receive convicts The statement that the men generally had rehabilitated themselves was not strictly accurate From time to time there were outbreaks that called for stern repressive measures, and many were the instances of added imprisonment and corporal punishment. Cases were not infrequent where
convicts by careful behaviour had secured conditional pardons, only to relapse, in the absence of restraint, into their old habits of vice and debauchery. The “Phoebe Dunbar,” which arrived in August, seems to have brought a particularly dangerous and violent horde. The ship had scarcely anchored when several of them managed to get rid of their shackles and indulged in a drunken orgy that required the application of the bayonet before it was quelled. In November four convicts managed to escape from a bathing party and made their way to the Canning district, where they committed various robberies and were captured only after an exchange of shots This was one of the cases where the heavy hand of the system was quickly felt; three of the men received five years’ imprisonment, three weeks on bread and water, and 100 lashes each; the fourth on account of the ease of his capture, being let off the imprisonment.
Had it not been for the establishment of the convict system, combined with the law that no person could leave the colony without giving notice to the Colonial Secretary, Western Australia would m all probability have fared badly at this time. The new gold discoveries in Victoria were made known in 1851 and emigration to that colony from every other part of Australia at once set m Western Australia was fortunate in not losing more than 400 of her population before the end of 1853, many of whom were immigrants who caught the gold fever almost as soon as they landed and proceeded immediately to the new Eldorado. The loss of even that small number from a territory so large in extent and yet possessing a mere handful of people in all was a matter of no little concern. The settlers became seriously alarmed, and Governor Fitzgerald did not hesitate to enforce strictly every possible regulation that could hinder or prevent the exodus. The newspapers viewed the matter with almost as great alarm as those of the eastern colonies did the emigration to Western Australia during the nineties. As one method of stemming the tide prospecting jiarties examined the eastern districts of the colony m the hope of discovering a local field. Unfortunately they did not proceed far enough, and the treasures of this State remained locked in the bosom of Nature for a further forty years
The years 1849-53 may well be described as a transition period for all Australia. Transportation began m Western Australia and ceased m all other parts with the exception of Van Diemen Land; Port Phillip district was no longer a part of New South Wales, being erected into a separate colony under the name of Victoria ; Victoria by the discovery of her goldfields far outdistanced the other colonies in material progress; and, lastly, in 1850 the long-promised Act for the government of the Australian colonies generally was passed by the English Parliament. This Act, the Western Australian
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA
151
provisions of which were not availed of for many years afterwards, gave power to the colony under certain conditions to establish a Legislative Council that should be one-third nominee and two-thirds elected. The total number of members of such Council was to be fixed locally, and all questions of franchise and arrangements of electorates were also left in the hands of the colonists The conditions precedent required by the Home Government were that the concession should be asked for by not less than one-third of the householders in the colony, and that the colonists should be prepared to defray all expenses of government out of the colonial revenue, including those borne by the Parliamentary grants under the old system It was this latter condition which prevented the settlers from taking advantage of the concession , though they ardently desired representative government they felt that they were not m a position to bear the whole cost of it, and it was not until 1870 that the first Legislative Council under representative government was established
Several changes occurred in the existing Legislative Council during the years under review. Dr Madden, the Colonial Secretary, resigned his position in 1848 on the ground of ill-health and left the colony m 1849. His departure was regretted by the people generally, but not apparently by the officials. He it was who first gave voice to the statement that Western Australia appeared to be governed by about six families. From 1848 till 1851 when Major II. A Sanford became Colonial Secretary, the office and with it the Legislative Council seat was held in turn by Messrs. R. H. Bland, T N. Yule, and C. A. J Piesse In 1852 Mr G. F Moore, who had been Advocate-General since 1829, resigned and returned to England, his place being temporarily filled by Mr B. W Vigors until the arrival in 1854 of the new Advocate-General, Mr R. Birme In 1852 Captain Henderson, the Comptroller-General of Convicts, became an official, and Mr. W. P Clifton an unofficial, member of the Council, and about the same time Colonel Irwin as Commandant gave place to Captain G M Reeves
These alterations, however, which practically affected the whole personnel of the Council, do not seem to have inspired any general public confidence For years almost every act of the Council had met with disapproval, and changes in the membership were continually advocated; but when those changes were made they do not appear to have brought about any modification of the public attitude It is quite evident that the object aimed at in this dissatisfaction was a representative Council where the English Government should find the money and the local authorities spend it without restraint.
Quite a storm was raised m 1851 when the Council increased the salaries of all public officers from the
Governor downward Though he refused to accept any increase for himself unless the people declared themselves m favour of it Governor Fitzgerald strongly supported the increases, and m the agitation which followed did not preserve that strict neutrality so essential m a constitutional ruler He characterized the Press opposition as beneath contempt and went so far as to advocate the establishment of another newspaper which should be wholly under control and represent purely official opinion. In return The hideycndent Journal pointed out that the Legislative Council had put the finishing stroke to one of the most flagrant deeds of spoliation of public funds which even a despotic Government like that of Western Australia had ever perpetrated or even attempted, and m reply to the Governor said —“The ill-judged and contemptible abuse of the Press which the members thought fit to make use of during this extraordinary sitting of the Council is a striking proof of how utterly unfitted they are for the position they occupy as legislators.”
The Press appears to have been a little premature m its concern for the conservation of the colonial revenue, as a despatch was shortly afterwards received from the Secretary of State to the effect that, on account of the increase of work and responsibility caused by the presence of the convicts, an addition of £500 yearly to the salary of the Governor and £100 to that of the Colonial Secretary had been sanctioned from the Parliamentary Fund The Governor was thus saved the annoyance of receiving money from the colonists, who only permitted because they could not prevent Considering that even with the increases the Governor received only £1,300 a year, the Surveyor-General and the sole Judge £500 each, and eleven Resident Magis trates distributed £925 among them, the officials of those days could scarcely be said to have been overpaid The compilation of a set of land regulations which should provide, in a manner satisfactory to all parties, for tillage and pastoral leases continued to tax the powers of the Colonial Office as well as of the local Government It will be remembered that in 1849 a committee of the Legislative Council made certain suggestions which received the unanimous disapproval of the settlers, who suggested others in their place Out of the chaos thus brought about Earl Grey endeavoured to get something like order On March 22, 1850, an Order-m-Council was passed dealing with both tillage and pastoral leases over the waste Crown lands of Western Australia. The Committee’s division of the lands into two classes was with certain modifications adhered to. Tillage leases over land in both classes could be granted for any term not exceeding eight years, the annual rental to be 2s per acre with a minimum of £10, and the acreage leased not to exceed 320 acres. Pastoral leases could be granted for only one year at a time
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
over land in Class A, but up to eight years in Class B, the annual rental to be £5 with an addition of 10s per
1,000 acres, the maximum number of acres allowed being 20,000 In the case of pastoral leases over B land the Governor could put all or any portion of the land up for sale at the end of any year, the lessee to have the option of purchase. If he declined the value of improvements was added to the value of the land and in case of a sale paid over to the lessee Th© Government also retained the right to resume any portion for public purposes and to grant mineral leases over the property.
The price of 2s. per acre for tillage leases was considered prohibitive, and not conducive to that extension of agricultural industries so necessary to the success of the colony. Attempts were made by the Governor to have the rental reduced to Is. per acre, but without success, Earl Grey positively declining to make any alteration. Additional regulations, framed locally and mainly providing necessary machinery clauses, were issued in August, 1851, after which no further alterations were made for several years
While on the subject of land, it may be noted that m 1850 the price of town lots in Perth was increased considerably The minimum price for blocks m St George’s and Adelaide Terraces was fixed at £22, foi Hay Street blocks £17, and for other lots m the town £12 Another attempt was also made in this year to launch a further settlement scheme, the land of Sir James Stirling being selected for the purpose. Why the promoters expected to realize success in a penal settlement when only failure had resulted from similar efforts in a free colony is hard to say At any rate the scheme proved abortive
With the advent of the convict system the financial condition of the colony necessarily improved The total revenue, which (including the Parliamentary grant) was £19,137 m 1850, had grown to £37,353 m 1853, and the expenditure m the latter year was £38,052 as against £16,656 m 1850 Imports, which m 1850 were valued at £62,351, had grown to £126,735 four years later, principally owing to the requirements of the system. Unfortunately there was no corresponding growth in exports Valued at £22,134 in the earlier year they reached only £29,510 m the later one This was probably due to the fact that a larger proportion of local products was required for home consumption; it may also be partly accounted for by the fall which took place about that time in the only commodities that Western Australia was able to send abroad The only export that appears to have held its own was wool, which was responsible for nearly £20,000 in the export value of 1853.
There does not seem to have been that development of agriculture which might have been expected from the
improved conditions, the increased amount of money in circulation, and the greater abundance of cheap labour. The acreage under cultivation increased during the five years from only 7,419 to 10,299. The reason, no doubt, partly lay in the fear that additional production would reduce prices, particularly as the ruling rates in the colony were much higher than the outside market rates. The comparatively easy task of rearing sheep for wool and mutton and the large profits to be derived therefrom had also some effect in restricting cultivation: but perhaps the chief cause may be found m the statement that the unwonted prosperity of the settlers had induced a feeling of lethargy, and they were disinclined to labour when labour in all probability would not bring increased financial result.
New avenues of industry were found in the guano deposits of the Abrolhos, in wine-makmg, in rearing horses for the Indian market, and m pearl-fishing; hut none of them showed at that time any appreciable effect on the value of exports. A royalty was charged on every ton of guano exported, but very little accrued from it. Most of the guano taken away was stolen—a state of things that the authorities had no opportunity of preventing The existence of pearl oysters along the north-west coast had been known since 1699, but no attempt was made to develop a trade until Lieutenant Helpman returned from Shark Bay with some pearls in 1851 Then an application for the exclusive right to dredge for pearl-shell was made by a local firm and granted by the Governor on condition that a royalty of one-eighth of the value of shell recoveied was paid to the Government Unfortunately this arrangement was not only ultia viits, but conflicted with a concession granted to a London film by the Secretary of State in May, 1851 Some friction ensued, but it was ultimately laid down that the pearl fisheries should be open to the public, and that no duty or royalty should be imposed without the consent of the Imperial authorities
The greatest industrial development during these years was the settlement of Geraldton and the Champion Bay district owing to the discovery, by Surveyor A C Gregory m 1848, of lead and copper ore As a result of this find the Geraldine Mine had been established in 1849, and it so far succeeded that pig-lead to the value of £1,200, as well as a small quantity of copper, was exported in 1853 The chief benefit to the colony from the establishment of the mine was, however, not so much the quantity of lead secured a* the fact that it drew attention to the valuable nature of the surround mg country from an agricultural and pastoral standpoint
The district being new and the natives inclined to be fierce the Government found that in order to work the Geraldine Mine it was necessary to establish a military post m the neighbourhood Lieutenant Eliot with
153
a detachment was sent to Champion Bay for that purpose, and under his escort the first party set out to open up and work the ore deposits. With this party were Messrs. Burges and Drummond, who, recognizing the pastoral possibilities of the district, determined to take up leases. These they afterwards changed into freeholds and thus became the pioneers of a flourishing pastoral settlement. In 1850 their example was followed by Mr. S. P. Phillips, who leased 20,000 acres on the Irwin River. In the same year the nucleus of the town of Geraldton—named after the Governor—was surveyed and the first lots sold. An attempt was also made to
with exploration or the opening up of new country was charged upon the colonial revenue and not upon the Parliamentary grant.
In the matter of exploration these years were devoid of interest. The settlers found their time taken up in developing their holdings and in endeavouring to meet the increased demand for foodstuffs, while the officials were fully occupied by the abnormal increase in public duties caused by the introduction of convicts. In fact, the years 1849-53 formed a period of centralization rather than extension. Labour was more plentiful than it had ever been since the foundation of the colonv.
View in Queen's Park, Hay Street East, Perth.
establish at Greenough Flats a settlement for pensioners, each of whom was entitled to a grant of land. The experiment, owing to the smallness of the allotments and the distance from a market, was not successful. The expense of opening up this district formed the subject of correspondence between the local Government and the Secretary of State. The policy of the Colonial Office was not favourable to the spread of settlement over a large extent of country, believing that such a course meant an unnecessary increase in the cost of administration. Every expense, therefore, connected
and much of it was at the call of the Government at the cheapest rate possible. Consequently we find public buildings and other necessary conveniences for the settlers sjrringing up in all the settled towns. The money necessary for these, which came from the pockets of the British taxpayer, added by its circulation to the comforts of the colonists and the permanence of the colony. The result was that more attention was paid to its requirements, and we find in 1852 a regular mail service commenced by the R.M.S. Company, which had decided to make Albany a coaling station for its
steamers trading between London and Sydney. This, though it took six days to bring the mail from Albany overland to Perth, was an important development, as regular and (for those times) fairly rapid communication with England was a boon greatly valued by the colonists and a step forward in the general progress of the colony.
Perth now, as the capital, began to take upon itself an added dignity. The mercantile portion to protect its interests established a Chamber of Commerce, which in some measure took the place of the Agricultural Society, whose existence had terminated some years pre viously The more literary portion established the Swan River Mechanics’ Institute, which became the centre foi the discussion of topics of public interest
The eftorts to remove the bar at the mouth of the Swan River, and so allow vessels to enter the river, were continued in 1849, as it was thought that the current was widening the opening. The attempt was not, however, successful, and m a little time the idea was abandoned. Greater assistance was given to navigation by the erection m 1850-1 of two lighthouses—one on Rottnest Island and the other at Arthur Head—which made the intricate passage to Gage Roads anchorage much safer for incoming vessels.
In social and religious matters the period was generally one of progress The comforts of civilized life were more apparent, and there was every evidence that the hard pioneering days were over. Social amenities began to be observed and the customs of older lands to find place in the new. The religious progress consisted chiefly of the extension of native missions and arrangements for the spiritual welfare of the convicts. The New Norcia Mission, under Father Salvado, showed the good results that could be derived from energy and whole-hearted service in the interests ot the natives The only cloud on the religious horizon was an unfortunate dissension that arose among the members of the Roman Catholic Church, and which brought with it great bitterness of feeling. From the very first grave difficulties, financial and other, appear to have beset that Church m Western Australia. The Bishop, Dr Brady, impressed with the vast missionary work that lequired to be done, seems to have forgotten that for monetary assistance he was largely dependent on the few people, and those not of the wealthy class, who composed his communion in the colony That under such circumstances the Church should become encumbered with debt was inevitable. After strenuous endeavours to cope with the position, in the course of which he sacrificed his own personal property, Dr Brady, wearied m body and harassed m mind, determined in 1849 to ask for assistance in the administration The total debt was then about £10,000 At that time Dr Serra, one of the priests engaged in pioneering
the New Norcia Mission, was in Europe. He had left Western Australia in 1847 to seek for funds to carry on During his stay in Rome the question arose of appointing a bishop of the then projected new colony in the north of Australia, and he was appointed Bishop of Port Victoria (Port Essmgton) No further steps in the direction of establishing that colony having been taken, when the request of Dr. Brady for assistance arrived in 1849 Dr. Serra was transferred to Daulia, m paitibus mfideiium, and made Coadjutor of Perth and Administrator of the temporalities of the See. No arrangement was made to place upon the shoulders of Bishop Serra, who returned to the colony in December of that year, the burden of the debts already in existence, consequently the difficulties of the position remained, with a good deal of confusion added. In the hope of getting the whole matter straightened out Dr. Brady left Perth for Rome, where he arrived in May, 1850 During his stay m Rome,” says the late Cardinal Moran, ‘ he strenuously advocated the interests of the diocese and of the Australian Church, and at his last audience with the Holy Father the Pope used the words, ‘You must return to your people.’ The good Bishop set off at once for his distant diocese, forgetful of the rule that missionary bishops when paying the visit ad limma are not allowed under censure to return to their Sees until they receive the sanction of the Congregation of Propaganda ” Dr. Brady reached Fremantle at the end of 1851, and almost simultaneously with his return rumours were circulated to the effect that he had when m Rome been degraded from office and imprisoned in the St Angelo. No confirmation of these statements is forthcoming, but on April 9, 1852, an official communication was received by Dr. Serra from the Vatican, stating that Bishop Brady had been suspended, and appointing him (Serra) as Administrator with full powers, spiritual and temporal. On the same date Dr. Brady was informed of his suspension, the ground being the manner of his departure from Rome. These documents proved to be all that wap necessary to convert the internal dissension in the Church into a public scandal Each party had its supporters, who did not hesitate to vilify the other side, charges and counter-charges both in the courts and in the streets became distressingly frequent. So bad was the position that it called for the intervention of the Metropolitan, Archbishop Poldmg, of Sydney, who arrived in June, and in July compelled the suspended Bishop to acknowledge his submission and afterwards proceed to Rome Later he proceeded to his native diocese of Kilmore, in Ireland, ultimately dying at Amelu les Bains, in France, in 1871. It is worth while recording that though not permitted to return to Western Australia Dr. Brady did not resign, nor was he deprived of, his Bishopric of Perth.
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CHAPTER X.
1854-1860.
CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT—IMPROVEMENT IN LAND REGULATIONS AND CONSEQUENT AGRICULTURAL AND PASTORAL EXPANSION — DEVELOPMENT AND EXTENSION OF THE CONVICT SYSTEM — GROWTH OF THE
COLONY DURING
When the Legislative Council in 1851 decided to raise the salaries of the Public Servants the estimates for 1852-3 framed m accordance with that decision had, of course, to be transmitted to the Colonial Office for approval. This was given m a despatch dated December 10, 1851, which arrived in the colony early in 1852, and which also gave the information, previously noted, that the additions to the salaries of the Governor and the Colonial Secretary were to be charged against the Parliamentary grant The action of the Council, however, appears to have had a further and wholly unintentional effect. Giving evidence as it did of increasing prosperity m the colony, it was seized by Lord Grey as an opportunity for considering the question of reducing the Imperial Parliamentary grant-in-aid The despatch went on to point out that the increase of revenue and the stimulus given bo commercial activity were due to the introduction of convicts and might reasonably be expected to continue; further, the colony was receiving the benefit of the very large expenditure made from British revenues on behalf of the convict establishment. In view of these facts, Earl Grey informed the Governor, the amount of the Parliamentary grant must be reduced after the year ending March 31, 1853, provision being made for charging the colonial revenue with the difference This instruction was received by the Legislative Council with feelings almost approaching disgust. It never seems to have struck the members that the Imperial Government would want to reduce the amount of assistance in proportion to the ability of the colony to bear its own expenses They were also afraid that this reduction meant the approach of the time when the Legislative Council would become elective under the Act of 1850, with the consequent fall of the oligaichy, for there seems very little question that in those early days Western Australia was governed by a favoured few almost entirely in the interests of themselves and their friends The Governor stated that he had asked for a continuation of the grant till 1854, but beyond that he was not prepared to go, as he agreed with the Secretary of State that the time had arrived for reducing the amount of financial assistance The Council failed to see the matter in that light, and resolved to ask that no reduction be made, on the ground that it was not in accordance with the understanding of an implied conti act on the -pat t of the Home
THE PERIOD.
Government that any poition of the grant should be withdrawn before the revenue of the colony was able to bear the whole expense of government, and pay the already existing debt, witliout the imposition of new taxes. It was also agreed that the adoption of any course by which a proportion of the annual Parliamentary grant should be defrayed out of colonial revenue would “lessen the security of the maintenance of a sufficient permanent provision for the Civil, judicial, and ecclesiastical establishments of the colony when it may become entitled to an elective Legislative Council.” In reply to these resolutions the Secretary of State refused to admit the existence of any implied contract as stated “It would,” he considered, ‘ have been entirely beyond the constitutional power of the •-Executive Government to give any prospective pledge on the subject Nor is there the smallest ground, either in theory or precedent, for the supposition that Parliament is pledged to grant any fixed amount without abatement until such time as the colony can defray the whole of its expenses without exception.” In a furthei despatch bearing the same date (December 11, 1852) he declined to accede to the Governor’s request to delay the institution of the change for a year, but in order not to unduly harass the local government agreed that for the time charges amounting to only £1,973 should be transferred from the Parliamentary grant to the colonial funds, the larger amount—nearly £3,700 —representing one-half the total Parliamentary grant, being deferred until 1854 When this was brought before the Legislative Council m 1853 it was pointed out that the only remaining expenses paid from Parliamentary grants were those incurred through the introduction of convicts, and should therefore come from convict funds, so as not to preclude the inhabitants of the colony from taking advantage of the provisions of the Act of 1850 with regard to the establishment of an elective Legislative Council. Mr. M W Clifton, who was responsible for these statements, was the strong advocate at this time for some change in the constitution of the Legislaive Council which should have the effect of giving to the people generally a greater voice in the affairs of government. It was evident from the tenoi of the despatches of the Duke of Newcastle, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, that representative government was not likely to be conceded so long as
the colony remained a penal settlement. The only course left open, therefore, was to attempt to increase the number of the non-official nominees. Mr. Clifton succeeded in having a resolution to that effect passed by the Legislative Council in 1854, but the Secretary of State took no action upon it.
The agitation with regard to the constitution of the Legislative Council was renewed in 1855. In the meantime Governor Fitzgerald had resigned his office after nearly seven years’ service and had been succeeded by Captain (afterwards Sir) Arthur E. Kennedy. To Captain Fitzgerald must m the main be ascribed the introduction of convicts to Western Australia, though it is only fair to point out that in urging that course he was only giving effect to the wishes of the colonists Privately ho had doubts about the wisdom of the action in the beginning, and as the years rolled by he did not hesitate to express the conviction that the colony ought never to have agreed to accept the scourings of English gaols for the sake of possible material prosperity. As an administrator Captain Fitzgerald was conscientious and painstaking, and on the whole his term of office may be described as successful, particularly when the difficulties of guiding the colony through so important a period as the inception of a penal establishment are taken into consideration. Like all his predecessors he had to submit to a certain amount of public criticism, but before he left the colony it was generally conceded by his critics that their adverse opinions had been too hastily formed. If the criticisms had been confined to the financial side of his administration they would perhaps have been justified The first difficulty that met Captain Kennedy on his assumption of office in July was to find sufficient money to pay the month’s salaries. Captain Fitzgerald, in a despatch dated June 28, 1855, nad stated that on December 31 of that year there would be a (estimated) credit balance of £640; in place of that Governor Kennedy found an actual debt of £14,205 and not a farthing in the Treasury Such a state of affairs was rather unfortunate for the new Governor. It compelled hirn to use the pruning knife somewhat freely, a proceeding which exposed him at the very commencement of his term to the danger of unpopularity. That danger was not lessened in 1856 when, in order if possible to airange for the gradual liquidation of the debt, he persuaded the Council to authorize additional taxation estimated to yield £5,700 a year. These, however, were matters which the responsibility of his position compelled him to take action upon, and any odium resulting from them would only have been ephemeral. The same can scarcely be said of his action in bringing forward an amended Licensing Bill. Being impressed with the laxity of the liquor laws and astounded at the prevalence of drunkenness he intro-
duced into this Bill— and succeeded m passing—very stringent clauses regarding the sale of liquor. Among these was one providing that conditional pardon men could not hold a licence. This met with very strong disapproval outside the Council, as there were at the time seveial holders of licences who were of that class, and it was contended that vested interests would be interfered with, while at the same time men who were entitled to freedom would be placed under a disability The whole question would be one of merely passing interest if it were not that the opportunity was seized by the advocates for representative government to renew their agitation. A public meeting was held on August 6, the largest held m the colony up to that time, for the purpose of considering the Licensing^ Act and the constitution of the Legislative Council. On the first subject all those stock arguments m opposition that are always used against any amendment of a licensing act were brought forward, on the second a resolution was passed affirming the necessity of increasing the number of non official members m the Council. Incidentally, the whole tenor of the meeting was a strong condemnation of the administration of Governor Kennedy. The resolutions were m due course sent on to the Secretary of State (Mr. Labouchere), who replied confirming the Licensing Act and stating that Her Majesty’s Government was not prepared to advise the introduction of elective members into the Legislative Council As a protest Mr. Samson resigned his seat on the Council in October, 1856, and Mr. M. W. Clifton followed suit in 1858 Mr. J. W. Hardey was appointed in 1855, and Messrs. S. P. Phillips and E Hamersley in 1857, while Mr. Samson was reappointed in 1859. The question of representative government was once more raised in 1858 and again in 1860, when it was stated that the absence of unofficial members from the Council as then constituted would be quite as beneficial as their piesence.
But even with all this discussion over the constitu tion of the Council the colonists did not relax their grasp on the old bone of contention—the land regulations and the necessity for some alteration in them. By the opening up of the country round Champion Bay one phase, that of leasing, had assumed an important aspect. The leadership m this agitation, too, seems to have devolved upon Mr. Marshall Clifton, who was generally to be found in the forefront of any progressive movement of that period. His first suggestion, aimed at preventing the acquisition of large estates and made in 1854, was to impose a tax of |d. per acre on all land, to be remitted when the land was cleared and brought under cultivation. This proposal failed to meet with the approval of the other members and the matter was allowed to lapse. Convinced that some alteration in the land regulations was neoessary, Mr. Clifton
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
157
returned to the charge in 1856 by proposing that the minimum price of Crown lands at auction should be £1 per acre up to 50 acres, 10s. up to 100, and 5s. per acre afterwards. Ilis objects were to try to break up big estates, to restrain squatting, and to bring land under cultivation. It was admitted that the newly opened country round Champion Bay was held in large squatting leases, the areas of most of which were out of all proportion to the stock carried, and had in many cases been selected only to prevent agriculturists from getting a footing in the district. Always ready to consider the question of altering the land regulations, the Legislative Council agreed to remit the matter to
F. P. Barlee and A. O’Grady Lefroy was then appointed to take these replies into consideration and formulate such amendments as seemed to be necessary. This Committee reported in June, 1857, and had the satisfaction of finding its report unanimously approved by the colonists. No alteration in the regulations governing town allotments was proposed, but drastic amendments in those relating to Crown lands were suggested. The price was to be reduced to 5s. per acre for cash, or 6s. for credit extending over three years ; sales by auction were to give way to sales at a fixed price; the minimum amount allowed to be forty acres; every adult paying cabin fare from England
View of King’s Park from Observatory, Perth.
the Executive Council in the hope that some satisfactory plan might be devised. The view that Mr. Clifton urged was practically the same as that put before the House of Lords Committee on the Convict System by Mr. T. N. Yule and others, and which had so impressed that Committee that it recommended the Imperial authorities to make a large reduction in the sale price of waste Crown lands in Western Australia.
The Executive Council, to which the matter had been referred by the Legislature, endeavoured by sending round a list of queries to learn the views of the inhabitants generally. A Committee consisting of Captain J. S. Roe (the Surveyor-General) and Messrs.
and purchasing 40 acres was to be allowed an additional 20 acres as a grant, such land to be selected within twelve months of arrival and the selector to reside on it for three years before he received a title; application fees were to be abolished and the cost of title deed reduced to 20s. on all grants. In regard to pastoral leases no alteration in the prices of either A or B land, as set out in the Order-in-Council of March, 1850, was suggested. It was proposed, however, to alter the boundaries of Class A in some respects and to give the Executive Council power to move into Class A any land within a mile of future purchases. In Class B the Committee proposed that the maximum lease should be
10,000 acres instead of 20,000; that the term of lease should be eight years as before, with the right of renewal, but that in case of renewal the rent should be raised 50 per cent., and another 50 per cent in the event of a second renewal; that during the first year only the lessee should have the right to purchase, and that for three years he should have a pre-emptive right over two acres for every 100 comprised in the lease; that subject to the restrictions mentioned any person could select for purchase areas of not less than 40 acres, the price paid to be fixed beforehand, and the lessee to be compensated for any improvements made on the particular block In view of the proposed reduction in the price of land the Committee recommended the abolition of tillage leases.
The report of the Committee, which to an extent was in agreement with a Colonial Office despatch of January 16, 1857, was unanimously accepted by the Council. It was considered the broadest and most satisfactory proposal put forward up to that time, and it embraced most of the requests made by the colonists during the previous twenty years In due course the land regulations thus amended were forwarded for the approval of the Imperial authorities, and the reply of the Secretary of State was considered at the session of the Legislative Council in 1858
Recognizing that the amendments represented the unanimous opinion of the colonists. Lord Stanley notified his approval of them, with only two exceptions He declined to fix the sale price of Crown lands at less than 10s. per acre, and he refused to give any right of renewal in the case of pastoral leases for eight years In coming to a decision he was guided by the opinion of the Land and Emigration Commissioners, to whom he had referred the whole question In order to assist further in preventing land monopolies, against which the amendments had in part been framed, the Secretary of State suggested the imposition of a tax on country lands and of a poll tax on sheep and cattle. The Legislative Council, strongly convinced of the wisdom of its original proposals, and equally certain that a land tax would be injurious, protested against the suggestions of the Secretary of State, but without effect In August, 1859, a despatch dated May 19 was received from the Colonial Office confirming the previous one on the subject, and directing the Governor to bring the regulations so amended into operation. This despatch also was accompanied by a long report from the Land and Emigration Commissioners in continuation of their former report, and along the same lines. They contended that if colonial lands were made too cheap every colonist would become a landowner and not one remain a labourer. The requirement of the colony was not, in their opinion, cheap land and labour, but an increase of capital, and capitalists were not tempted to
a country by the cheapness of the land, but by the return which could be obtained from it. They also supported the introduction of a land tax and approved of the alterations made by the Secretary of State. The fear that every colonist might become a landowner seems curious in these days of closer settlement, when the universal cry appears to be “Back to the land.”
The land regulations passed in 1857 had therefore to be altered in order to fix the minimum price per acre at 10s. and to make the other amendments required by the Home authorities. Though the colonists were afraid that the alterations would defeat the objects they had in view, that fear was to a large extent groundless. In an address to the Legislative Council in October, 1859, the Governor brought forward statistics which showed that the leasing provisions of the regulations were largely availed of. Where the land leased from the Crown in 1852 amounted to 2,356,239 acres, in 1859 it reached 5,003,336 or more than double, with a corresponding increase in revenue From the Blue Book we learn that in April, 1860, when the first applications for the purchase of land under the new conditions were received, land to the value of £3,050 was sold on the first day, and the receipts from that source which m 1850 were £718 had grown in 1860 to £17,342 In fact, so successful did the operation of the new regulations prove that no further attempt at drastic alteration was made for some considerable time
But while land questions and matters of government are interesting to the economist and constitutionalist, the history of the convict system, which reached its greatest development during the years 1854-60, appeals more strongly to the general reader. Up to the end of 1853 Western Australia had been made the dumping - ground for 2,598 criminals from various English prisons. In the succeeding seven years a further 2,911 were landed, making a total for the ten years ot 5,509 The list is made up as under • —
Ship Coirvicts. Date.
“General Godwin” 15 March 30, 1854
“Sea Park” 304 April 5, 1854
“Ramillies” . . .. 277 August 7, 1854
“Stag” 9 January 9, 1855
“Guide” 225 May 24, 1855
“Adelaide” 260 July 18, 1855
“William Hammond” 250 March 29, 1856
“Runnymede” 248 September 1, 1856
“Clara” 262 July 3, 1857
“City of Palaces” 4 August 8, 1857
“Nile” 270 January 1, 1858
“Caduceus” 1 February 5, 1858
“Lord Raglan” 270 June 1, 1858
“Albuera” 11 October 26, 1858
“Edwin Fox” 280 November 20, 1858
“Sultana” 224 August 19, 1859
“Francis” . . 1 November 11, 1859
Total 2,911
159
The presence of such a large number of criminals, scattered as they were over a large area of country, many of them under little or no restraint, could not fail to afford periods of excitement to the free settlers. And yet, curiously enough, acts of insubordination were comparatively few When they did occur they were generally the result of carelessness or want of tact on the part of some officer of the establishment. The first of these happened early in 1854. In January of that year the Rev. O’Neill, the Roman Catholic chaplain, preached a sermon to the convicts which the Comptroller-General deemed unwise to such an extent that the chaplain was suspended. Some of the
Catholic prisoners took offence at this action and made use of such mutinous remarks that they were ordered to their cells Before they could be seized others came to their assistance and in the end the services of the pensioner guard had to be requisitioned to quell the not. The ringleaders were punished and the chaplain was withdrawn by Dr Salvado, who was administering the diocese in the absence of Bishop Serra. The Rev T. Donovan was then appointed to the chaplaincy, and in 1856 he in turn became the cause of a much more serious difficulty. A portion of the convicts’ time was spent in school, the studies being supervised by a Protestant Bishop Serra protested to the Governor against Roman Catholic prisoners being compelled to attend any school not taught by a Roman Catholic, as such a proceeding was against the rules of the Church. The Comptroller-General was opposed to any alteration, as interference from outside was subversive of prison discipline. He objected, too, to the expense of a second schoolmaster The Bishop then asked that the whole matter be remitted for the opinion of the Secretary of State, which was done A further request that Roman Catholics should be exempt from school until the Home authorities had replied was refused. The Bishop then informed the Governor that Mr. Donovan had resigned his chaplaincy and that no other chaplain would be appointed to the vacancy. As the office was a Civil one the Governor declined to receive any resignation not forwarded directly to him, and pointed out that the chaplain was quite prepared to continue in his position, a position he could not leave without proper notice. The unfortunate Mr. Donovan was thus between Scylla and Charybdis. If he left his position he was guilty of insubordination to the Civil authorities; if he retained it he incurred the wrath of his spiritual superior, who had the power to deprive him of his priestly office. The solution was found m the grant of a year’s leave on full pay to the chaplain, and before it had passed the Imperial Government had upheld the Governor’s action. The chaplain was then reinstated without further opposition from Bishop Serra.
As might be expected from the presence of such a large criminal population, many of whom were to all intents and purposes at large, crimes both of a trifling and serious character were fairly frequent, but never so frequent as to be beyond the power of the police to oope with The question as to whether the Imperial or colonial funds should bear the expenses of main tenance of the police force was for some time a bone of contention Under the original agreement the Imperial Government agreed to pay two-thirds of the cost of the police force, but when that cost amounted in 1855 to £10,000 objection was taken on the ground of extravagance, and the Secretary of State refused to contribute more than £6,000 in any one year Real grievances being scarce, this was immediately seized by the colonists Meetings in protest were held m various centres and memorials prepared for submission to the Secretary of State complaining that the Home authorities should bear at least two-thirds of the total expense, as they had benefited by the erection of prisons, depots, quarters, and so on, while the colonists still looked in vain for their roads and bridges The memorial further directed attention to the fact that the free immigrants promised were not being sent out, while some of the convict vessels carried only men who were entitled to their tickets-of-leave immediately upon landing, and could not therefore be employed upon public works. Governor Kennedy duly transmitted the memorial, but displayed no enthusiasm in support of it. In reply Mr. Labouchere, at the time Secretary of State for the Colonies, fixed the Imperial contribution at the £6,000 previously notified, and pointed out that so far as emigration was concerned 3,786 free people had been sent out by British funds up to the end of 1855, while only 3,661 convicts had been transported during the same period He admitted that the colonists were justified in asking that the convicts should be employed on public works for some portion of their sentences, but pointed out that there was not a sufficient number of suitable convicts to meet the demands.
In addition to what one might term general offences there were many instances of petty cases of insubordination and attempted escape One of the most daring of these attempts took place early in 1859, and is described by Kimberley m his “History of West Australia.” Five convicts employed on public works at Fremantle managed to elude the vigilance of the warder and get away into the bush. Striking into the Canning district they made their way to Point Walter, where they seized a boat and pulled along, under the shadow of the bank, toward the mouth of the river. Having managed to run the gauntlet past the look-out at Arthur’s Head, they made for Garden Island, where there was a solitary cottage occupied by a Mr. Reid and his family. This they plundered, having first bound
the occupants and then set out to sea in the whaleboat, with a full stock of provisions and about £150 in cash. Nothing more was heard of them until early in February, when they were seen at Champion Bay A vessel was sent in pursuit, and after a time sighted the fugitives in Shark Bay. With the help of the men from another vessel, the “Preston,” four of the men were secured after an exchange of shots The fifth man it was said had died of dysentery, but the subsequent finding of the body proved that he had been murdered For this crime one of the men was hanged and the others found guilty of robbery under arms at Mr Reid’s house.
Another escape, possessing some ludicrous features, happened at York in 1860 One James Lilly, a ticket-of-leave man with distinct burglarious tendencies, got away from the gang, and having stolen a horse roamed the district at will, laying the settlers under obligation to supply him with food Finding firearms necessary, he sold the horse to a shepherd and bought two revolvers with the proceeds. Then he went back to the shepherd and commandeered the horse In November he wrote to The Inquirer in the following terms. “I, James Lilly, wish to inform the settlers of my going into the bush through Henry Mead asserting at the police station on the Canning, and brought accusations against me for stealing his horse and calling
me a--------convict in the presence of the policeman’s
wife and family and several more besides in the district, which I could not bear, and forced me to the bush and to take up arms, and I do not intend doing any harm at present, if His Excellency be pleased to allow me to go to my friends m another colony, and what I have done I will restore to everyone uninjured, and, if not, would sooner die than come in out of the bush, and do intend making Mead and a few others remember me I hope His Excellency will take me into his clemency, which will prevent me committing any more crime.” Shortly afterwards he met Mr. S. S. Parker and jocularly asked him to mention the meeting to the police Parker did, and Lilly was promptly captured For this little escapade Lilly received twelve months’ imprisonment and 100 lashes.
The roll of crime was not, however, restricted to the convicts The first court martial held in the colony sat in 1856 to oonsider the case of Captain Foss, who was charged with embezzlement and with selling the same property twice In 1859 the surgeon of the Convict Establishment was arrested for insubordination and ordered to England to await the decision of the Commander-m-Chief In the same year the Superintendent of Convicts was committed for fraudulent insolvency, though never brought to trial. These were only the principal cases. Many others against soldiers and minor prison
officials occurred, generally on the charge of stealing from the Establishment
Though the moral status of the community can scarcely be said to have been raised by the introduction of convicts there is little doubt that the colony as a whole benefited, and that to a great extent, by their presence Public works which had been anxiously desired ever since the foundation of the colony were built, and though the erection of bridges and the making of roads did not proceed quite so expeditiously as the colonists could have wished, considerable progress was made Many complaints of the want of permanent lines of communication were voiced from time to time, but, as the Governor somewhat sarcastically pointed out, it was no light task to provide those means m a country numbering only 11,000 people, who were so scattered that it required 11,000 miles of road to connect them. One cause of the delay lay in the fact that many of the convicts sent out were entitled to tickets-of-leave immediately on landing The “Sea Park,” which landed 304 felons in April, 1854, provided only one man for public works, the remainder seeking outside employment under ticket-of-leave Though in a way it was fortunate that such a good class of criminal was sent out, the colonists scarcely looked at the matter in that light To them the convict system represented three things—the lavish expenditure of British funds, cheap labour for their public works, and a stream of free immigration paid for by the Home authorities; and to secure those they were willing to take the risk of being saddled with an incorrigible criminal population Perceiving this the Secretary of State from 1855 onward did not exercise such great care in the selection, with the result that criminals were transported who were a curse to human society. They certainly were available for Government works for a long period after arrival, but once they were set free the colonists recognized that their services had been dearly bought.
To give some idea of the extent of the work performed by convicts during this period it may be mentioned that buildings, bridges, and roads to the value of over £50,000 had been completed, or were in course of construction, at the end of 1860. The principal of these was the Convict Establishment itself, erected at Fremantle, which now forms part of the present Fremantle Gaol Some hundreds of convicts were engaged upon it, but, as might be expected, progress was slow, as the men had no fear of being dismissed on the ground of incompetence. The prison, with the necessary officers’ quarters, pensioners’ barracks, and other appurtenances, formed for many years the principal work of the convicts, and the people of Fremantle grew accustomed to the clank of the chain-gangs as they passed to and fro. In fact, the unwonted activity seems to have made them so proud of the town that in
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1854 they seriously suggested (but without effect) to Lord John Russell that the seat of government should be removed from Perth to the port. Other works were the construction of the present Government House, estimated to cost £7,000, but which when completed in 1864 was found to have cost nearly £18,000; the erection of a new gaol at Perth on the site now occupied by the Public Library,
Museum, and Art Gallery; the building of country depots or branch convict estab-lishments and invalid depots; and various police stations, courts, and jetties. The Perth - Pre-mantle road was also permanently laid out, and a large swampy lake at the back of the capital, on which the Central Railway Station now stands, was drained into the river at C 1 a i s e-brook. All this- activity meant the expenditure, as has been shown, of large sums of money, all of
which was provided by the British Government, and a great part of which found its way into the pockets of the colonists. A wave of prosperity passed over the colony, and the settlers felt that their determination to receive convicts had been amply justified, more particularly as a large influx of free people had also resulted.
View of South Perth from King's Park.
Two important matters concerning the administration of the system called for attention during these years. It was the original intention of the British Government that convicts when on ticket-of-leave should, out of their earnings, refund £15—the cost of passage out—to the Imperial Treasury. This proved practically
unworkable, its only effect being to raise the price of labour. The convict naturally objected to pay for a voyage which he did not undertake voluntarily, and the employer did not relish having to pay higher wages in order that his employe might reimburse the British Trea sury. Up to the end of 1857 only £400 had been paid back out of £7,000 then due. When giving evidence on the subject before the House of Lords Committee, Mr. G. F. Moore and others advised that the regulation be reconsidered, as
the expense entailed by it fell not upon the convict, but upon the settler. The Committee in its report adopted the advice. Captain Wray, who acted for some time as Comptroller-General, also advised that some alteration be made, stating that the abolition of the regulation would “remove a widespread and very natural discontent among
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA
the ticket-of-leave men and relieve the colonists from a heavy tax by enabling them to reduce wages.” The Governor supported this view, and it was approved by the Secretary of State, who in order that there might not be any dissatisfaction refunded the £400 already paid
It will be remembered that early in the fifties suggestions having in view the introduction of female convicts had been made by the Home authorities, but had been strongly opposed by the settlers. The revolting condition of affairs in Tasmania consequent upon their introduction to that colony was too well known, and however anxious Western Australians might have been to secure cheap labour they had a decided aversion to that type of it. One of the reasons which impelled the Duke of Newcastle to make the suggestion in 1853 was the disparity between the sexes, there being nearly three males to every female. Strangely enough, Mr Clifton favoured an experimental consignment, but public opinion opposed it, and for a time the matter was allowed to drop. It was renewed by the Secretary of State in 1857, when the proportion of males to females had risen to 100 11. A public meeting held at Fre-
mantle favoured the introduction of female criminals, and in June of that year Mr. Clifton succeeded in passing a resolution in favour through the Legislative Council; the Surveyor-General, the Colonial Treasurer, and Messrs. Phillips and Hamersley voting against it. The Governor was on the side of the majority. This resolution led to public meetings, distinctly antagonistic to the movement, being held at various centres, and so strenuously was the idea opposed that in 1858 the Imperial Government finally decided not to transport females to Western Australia.
Ample evidence of the material advantages derived from the convict establishment may be found in the trade relations. The value of exports, which in 1850 stood at £22,134, had risen in 1860 to £89,246. The principal articles exported were, of course, wool and timber, followed by horses (for the Indian market) and whale-oil. The imports had also increased considerably and reached nearly £170,000 in 1860. This does not, perhaps, indicate an altogether healthy state of affairs, but apart from the fact that a portion of it represented materials for public works and provisions and clothing for the convicts it shows that the establishment of the convict system had brought about the introduction of a large amount of money, the benefits from which were being felt by the community generally. The revenue and expenditure, too, had grown equally with the trade. In 1850 the local receipts were £11,722 and the disbursements (including that from grants-in-aid) £16,656; in 1860 the figures were £43,399 and £61,744 respectively. The grants-in-aid from Imperial funds, which during the first twenty-one yeais of the colony’s existence amounted to £375,264, showed
a marked increase, reaching the enormous sum of £906,000 during the decennial period 1851-60. When we remember that of this amount £450,000 went in pay and allowances and a further £250,000 in payment for locally produced foodstuffs for the prisoners we readily understand that at this stage, at any rate, the colonists had no qualms of conscience over the introduction of convicts.
In addition to trade expansion, to the erection of public buildings, and the building of permanent roads further evidence of the prosperity due to the altered conditions was to be found in the acreage under crop, 24,705 (more than double the area in 1850), and the number of head of stock, 302,000 (being an increase during the ten years of over 100,000). Of the total stock, sheep accounted for upwards of a quarter of a million, showing that squatting had gained a firm hold of Western Australia, as it had done of the eastern colonies. In fact, the wool sent away from the colony in 1860—£49,000—represented more than half the value of all exports Considerable success was also gained in breeding horses, the proximity of India and the requirements of the Indian army particularly at this time affording a ready market Timber and whaling also gave employment to numbers of people, and in every centre of population there was evidence of activity and progress. The stagnant settlement of 1850 had become in ten years a hive of industry, a change which the colonists believed to be wholly due to the introduction of convicts. As Governor Fitzgerald put the matter before the House of Lords Committee, the convicts had saved the colony.
The gold discoveries of Victoria, combined with the proved existence of lead and copper, served to keep alive an interest in mining That interest was stimulated by Mr. R. Austin, one of the Government surveyors, who as the outcome of a trip through the Murchison district expressed the opinion that gold might be found there. Fuel was added by the exhibition of some specimens of gold said to have been found somewhere in the eastern districts. The locality of the find could not, however, be fixed. As a result of these reports prospecting was carried on with some degree of assiduity, but without any discoveries being made. A certain amount of activity was, however, being shown in lead and copper mining. Lead of good quality was secured from the Geraldine Mine, and other mines— principally the Wanerenooka and the Wheel of Fortune —were opened up and yielded copper of excellent quality and in considerable quantity. These mines would doubtless have had a prosperous career but for the difficulties of transit to the seaboard at Geraldton. The local Government was approached, without success, with a request for a railway or tramway, and in 1859 the Imperial authorities were asked to guarantee the cost
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
163
of construction. A refusal in this direction also, combined with a serious fall in the price of copper which occurred at the time, made profitable working almost impossible, and in consequence the mines languished.
The search for mineral wealth and the opening up of good pastoral country round Champion Bay led, during these years, to a revival of exploratory work. In 1854 Assistant Surveyor R. Austin was sent by Governor Fitzgerald to examine the country to the north and east of the settled districts with a view of discovering minerals and of opening up further pastoral and agricultural land. This expedition, which left Moumbakine, near Northam, in July, traversed and examined a considerable tract of salt marsh country and discovered several mountains and salt lakes. Further progress was prevented owing to the death of his horses through eating the poisonous box-plant, and Austin was compelled to make for the coast. On his way a halt was made at Mount Magnet and the district round Mounts Magnet and Kenneth and Lake Austin examined. This was afterwards described in his report as probably “one of the finest goldfields in the world.” Aubtin finally arrived at the Geraldine Mine in November after suffering severely from want of water, Two years later, in 1856, Mr. A. C. Gregory made his well-known journey from the Northern Territory along Sturt Creek to Lake Termination, in the north-east of Western Australia, thence returning to his camp on the Victoria River. To him is due the discovery of the Denison Plains, to the south of the Kimberley goldfield. The remaining explorations were conducted by Mr. F T. Gregory, who in 1857 returned to complete the survey of the unexamined portions of the Murchison River, and in 1858 was sent out for the purpose of exploring and reporting on the Shark Bay and Gascoyne River districts Leaving the Geraldine Mine in April Gregory followed the Murchison River to the neighbourhood of Mount Gould, proceeding thence to the head waters of the Gascoyne Tracing that river down to its mouth he made his way back to Perth and reported that there were several tracts of good, well-watered land in the Gascoyne district admirably suited for pastoral purposes, but suggested a further examination in the dry season of the year.
No further explorations of this section of the oountry were made in those years, but a good deal of attention was bestowed upon the districts lying immediately east of York and Northam. Various small expeditions, urged by the desire to secure good land, went out, and reported in fairly favourable terms upon land that is now being tardily recognized as comprising some of the best cereal-producing country in the State.
The material prosperity of the colony was in some measure reflected in the progress made in religious and educational affairs. The Church of England, which in
l2
1850 had been made an archdeaconry under the control of the Bishop of Adelaide, was erected in 1856 into a bishopric, and Perth by letters patent was constituted a cathedral town, “thereafter to be called the City of Perth.” The first Bishop, nominated by Bishop Short, of Adelaide, was the Right Rev. Matthew Hale, who had been Archdeacon of Adelaide since the foundation of the bishopric in South Australia. Bishop Hale, who was not unacquainted with the colony, arrived in 1856, but left for England toward the end of the year and was consecrated there in March, 1857. He returned, accompanied by several clergymen, in 1858 and immediately set about the organization of his diocese. The Rev. George Pownall was appointed Dean of Perth and the Rev. James Brown, one of the official chaplains. Archdeacon In the same year the Bishop’s School, the progenitor of the present Perth High School, was opened with twenty-three scholars, many of whom have since won distinction in their native land.
Other denominations were also extending their spheres of action. The Roman Catholic Church surmounted its early troubles and entered upon progressive work, its first district outside Perth being that of York. The Congregational Church entered upon its work in the colony in 1859, and the Wesleyans were rapidly launching out in the manner so characteristic of that sect. Educational interests were fostered both by the Government and the various Churches, and while little in the way of secondary education existed at that time the bulk of the children were given an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of the primary subjects of instruction.
The native troubles which had formed so prominent a feature in the early history of the Swan River settlement had practically come to an end, except in the newly established district of Champion Bay. Here the thefts and other acts of vandalism were repeated, though on a smaller scale, and called for the intervention of both the settlers and the police. Rottnest Island was again opened as a penal establishment and some thirty or forty native prisoners confined there.
In one respect the colony suffered severely during the period 1854-60. Many of the early pioneers, having reached the allotted span of life or being worn out by the hardships of the early years, rested from their labours. Prominent among these were the Colonial Chaplain, the Rev. J. B. Wittenoom, who died in 1855; Mr. H. C. Sutherland, the Colonial Treasurer (1856); Mr. R McBryde Brown in the same year; and Judge Mackie in 1860. These were all of the “first fleet,” having arrived by the ‘Parmelia” in 1829. Judge Mackie had retired in 1857 after twenty-eight years’ continuous occupancy of the judicial bench of the colony and many years’ membership of the Legislative Council He was, perhaps, the only one of all the first list of
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
officials who retained the unbounded confidence of the settlers generally.
These deaths and some resignations brought about various changes in the official life of the community. Judge McFarland succeeded to the office, but not to the popularity, of Mr. Mackie; Mr Brown, and after his death Mr. A. O’Grady Lefroy, became Colonial Treasurer ; Mr. F. P. Barlee was appointed Colonial Secretary in succession to Major Sanford in 1855; and toward the end of the same year Lieutenant - Colonel Bruce became Military Commandant. Mr G. F. Stone resigned the position of Registrar-General in 1854 to
become Advocate-General, and the former office fell first to Mr. C. Sholl and afterwards to Mr. A. Durlacher. The Legislative Council in 1860 consisted of the Governor (Captain Kennedy), the Commandant (Lieutenant-Colonel Bruce), the Colonial Secretary (Mr. F. P. Barlee), the Comptroller-General (Captain Henderson), the Advocate-General (Mr. G. F. Stone), the Colonial Treasurer (Mr A O’G Lefroy), and Mr. A. Hillman (Acting Surveyor-General during the absence on leave of Captain J S. Roe), as well as of Messrs. J. W. Hardey, S. P. Phillips, E. Hamersley, and L. Samson, who formed the unofficial section of that body.
CHAPTER XI.
1861—1868.
RESIGNATION OF GOVERNOR KENNEDY AND ARRIVAL OF DR J. S. HAMPTON -CONVICT ADMINISTRATION — INCIDENTS OF TI-IE SYSTEM — PROGRESSIVE PUBLIC WORKS POLICY — CESSATION OF TRANSPORTATION-EFFECTS ON THE SYSTEM REVIEWED.
The changes in the personnel of the Government during the period ending with 1868 were few. The principal was the retirement of Governor Kennedy m 1862 through effluxion of time Kennedy can scarcely be said to have been a popular officer A man of strong opinions and determined will, once he had marked out a line of action he pursued his course without any regard to public favour In this respect he was not unlike Governor Hutt, but it must be admitted that he had not always the same difficulties to contend with as that gentleman. The Press, which presumably reflected the general public opinion of the day, considered him entitled to “every credit for great ability, and for great unscrupulousness in carrying out his plans regardless of public opinion however expressed.” And yet to Governor Kennedy’s careful guidance the settlers owed the only system of land regulations that had up to that time given anything like general satisfaction His unpopularity seems to have been caused by an obnoxious Customs ordinance passed in 1860, an accusation of interference with the magistracy, a refusal to spend public money on roads to the Champion Bay Mines, and a generally restricted policy of public works The opposition to the Customs Act certainly had some justification, more particularly as regards those clauses requiring the lightermen to enter into heavy bonds before being allowed to discharge cargo. How ill-advised was the attempt to press a highly technical Customs Act upon a still but half-organized community was
shown on the arrival of the first boat after the ordinance was passed No one could be found to enter into bonds, and consequently the unloading of the ship had to be carried out by the Government itself. The inconvenience of such a proceeding was manifest even to the Governor, who when the Bill was under consideration had steadfastly refused to admit the possibility of such an occurrence, and as a result the obnoxious clauses were suspended and afterwards repealed Captain Kennedy incurred further displeasure in January, 1861, by the removal of the names of Messrs Drummond and Lukin from the Commission of the Peace It was generally believed that the action was due to the objection these justices had against being regarded as mere creatures of the Executive, an opinion which was strengthened by the removal shortly afterwards of Mr. Wallace Bickley’s name from the Commission. Though there is not sufficient evidence to prove the truth of the contention, there are many indications that Governor Kennedy did not view independence on the part of the magistrates with anything like favour. That may have been owing to the difficulty of handling a convict population, and the fear that leniency or sympathy might bring about an increase of crime, but it was certainly unwise for the representative of the Sovereign to interfere in the administration of justice. In refusing to spend public money in order to increase the profits of a private mining company by providing facilities for transport which the company should itself have provided, the
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Governor ought to have had the support and not the opposition of the colonists, particularly as there were many necessary public works in the centres of population which could not be carried out through lack of funds. Unfortunately there existed in the public mind an impression that the Government was not hampered by any lack of funds, but that the Governor was pursuing a policy of parsimony in order to leave a surplus at the end of his term and so secure the credit of being a successful administrator. There certainly was a sum of about £22,000 lying in the colonial chest in March,
in the fact that he was not one of themselves. Courteous in all his actions and punctilious to a degree, he never forgot, nor did he allow anyone else to forget, that he was Governor. Complaints against his administration of the convict system were to some extent justified. It lacked efficiency and was not usually in the interests of the colony. In fact, all through his term Captain Kennedy was an Imperial officer, bent on conserving Imperial interests, and where these clashed with the requirements of Western Australia he leaned in every case toward the Motherland. In this respect he dif-
Government House, Perth.
1861, notwithstanding pressing demands for roads, bridges, and buildings, but instead of that being due to economy it was brought about by the fact that so few convicts were arriving that there was not sufficient labour to absorb it. Just prior to leaving the colony Captain Kennedy authorized a scheme of public works which far exceeded the money in hand. For this he was accused of unwarranted extravagance, and of seriously hampering the operations of his successor. The colonists had apparently determined to show disapproval of everything he did, and perhaps the real reason lay
fered from his successor, Dr. John Stephen Hampton, who arrived in the colony in February, 1862. Dr. Hampton had for a time been Comptroller-General of Convicts in Tasmania, where he had achieved considerable unpopularity through being a strict disciplinarian. He had a wide experience of convict life, and there is no doubt that as regards the convict system his administration of the government of Western Australia was more successful than that of his predecessors.
The only other important official change during this period (if we except the resignation of Captain Hender-
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son, which will be dealt with later) was in the judicial office. On the resignation of Judge Mackie in 1857 Judge McFarland had been appointed Commissioner, and arrived early in 1858. His term of office was short and not altogether acceptable. In 1861 he resigned and was succeeded by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Archibald Pauli Burt as Commissioner of the Civil Court and Court of Quarter Sessions. Shortly after his appointment Mr Burt decided that under the constitution he had no power to issue writs of habeas corpus or certioian. To meet this difficulty an ordinance was passed in June, 1861, creating a Supreme Court for the colony and appointing Mr. Burt the first Chief Justice, with Mr 6. F. Stone as Attorney-General and Mr A. H. Stone as Master of the Court.
The convict system still continued to be one of the most important features m the history of the colony. In March, 1861, the Secretary of State replied to the complaint of the Legislative Council concerning the failure to keep up the supply of convicts. He explained that while the Imperial Government recognized the importance to the colony of an adequate supply of forced labour, a difficulty was created by the limited number of men who were being sentenced to periods of imprisonment sufficiently lengthy to admit of transportation The protest, however, appears to have had some effect, as from 1861 till the cessation of the whole system in 1868 a reasonable supply was maintained. No doubt the fact that Western Australia was the only place left to which convicts could be transported had also some effect in bringing about the increased supply Up to the end of 1860 the number of convicts transported to the colony was 5,509; from 1861 to 1868 a further 4,212 were sent, making the total convict population 9,721. The following list gives the names of ships, number of prisoners, and year of arrival during the period under review: —
Ship. Convicts. Year
“ Palmerston ” 296 1861
“ Lineelles ” 306 1S62
“ Norwood ” 290
“ York 51 300 1863
‘1 Merchantman ” 192
“Clyde” 320
“ Dalhousie ” 270
“Clara ” 301 1864
‘‘ Merchantman ” 260
“ Racehorse ” 280 1865
“ Vimeira ” 280
“Belgravia" 277 1866
“Corona” 306
“ Norwood ” 254 1867
“ Hougoumont ” 280 1868
Total 4,212
The Duke of Newcastle’s despatch was reassuring to the settlers, as, while it did not give any guarantee to
send out yearly the thousand convicts which the Legislative Council considered the colony could absorb, it showed that, for the time at any rate, there was no intention to abandon the system of transportation. There certainly had existed, locally, a fear that transportation might be abandoned, more especially as the inhabitants of the other Australian colonies had expressed a desire that it should cease over the whole continent, and some of the Legislatures had even passed laws to prevent persons who had been convicts in Western Australia from coming within their limits. The question was referred to by the Comptroller-General in his report for 1861, the concluding paragraph of which states: —
“Some doubt seems still to hang over the question of the continuance of transportation to this colony, and it may not be irrelevant to record once more that there exist here facilities, and an almost certainty of success of such a system as that now in force, which in all human probability will never recur An extensive territory with innumerable resources slowly but surely developing themselves, a large leaven of free settlers anxious and willing to co-operate with the Government m the progress of transportation as here established, necessaries of life at a reasonable price, an excellent climate, and a well-organized convict department with all the means and appliances necessary for the full and efficient performance of its duties in working a system hitherto successful, form a combination of facts which may hereafter be sought in vain.”
A further despatch from the Secretary of State, dated March 18, 1861, informed the Governor that a Committee of the House of Commons had been appointed to inquire into transportation generally, and that the view taken by the. Council in Western Australia would doubtless be considered. This Committee reported m the following May that “while the Committee have not thought it their duty to take evidence as to any possible changes for the purpose of increasing the supply of convict labour to Western Australia, they do not think it advisable to interfere with the present arrangements for transportation to that colony . . . when
Western Australia is anxious to receive such number of convicts as this country may from time to time be able to send there.”
Further reference was made to the subject in the report of a Commission, under the chairmanship of Earl Grey, appointed under the Sign Manual m December, 1862, to take into consideration the whole question of transportation and penal servitude Voluminous evidence was taken by this Commission, and a vast amount of information regarding the merits of the system as carried out in Western Australia was given by Captain Kennedy, Colonel E. Y. W Henderson, Dean Pownall, Major Sanford, and Captain Du Cane In its report, dated June 20, 1863, this Commission re-
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commended that with the exception of those who were physically or otherwise unfit, all convicts sentenced to penal servitude for any term of years should be ultimately sent to Western Australia. The “physically or otherwise unfit” were defined as those not fit for manual labour or those who had been convicted of unnatural crimes. This restriction upon the class of men sent out was of practical value to the colony in bringing about an improvement in the morals of those transported. That a very dangerous element had previously been sent out was apparent from the evidence given before the Commission. One witness stated that in addition to men convicted of unnatural offences, concerning whose sanity there might be doubts, twenty-eight lunatics had been introduced, while at one time in 1861 there were more than that number of murderers in Fremantle Prison.
The Commission also recommended that the system of granting conditional pardons which had obtained in the colony up to that time should be abolished. Strong objection to the system was taken by witnesses from the eastern colonies of Australia, who pointed out the dangers that might arise from an exodus of these men to the other more prosperous colonies. This objection was largely sentimental, as there was little or no evidence that conditional pardon men who had proceeded to Victoria or South Australia had ever been reconvicted The recommendation was no doubt chiefly due to the strong opinion expressed by Captain Kennedy that the practice of granting these pardons should be discontinued, as the men were subject to no special control, and it often happened that an industrious and well-behaved holder of a ticket-of-leave became a confirmed loafer and parasite on obtaining his conditional pardon.
The question of the wisdom of granting these pardons had already engaged the attention of the Secretary of State, who in a despatch of April, 1863, ordered the suspension of the privilege m the case of convicts under sentence of twenty years or upwards. Later in the year it was decided to abolish the system altogether as far as it concerned convicts sent out after September 26, 1863, and to require that every convict should remain in Western Australia under surveillance until the completion of his sentence. That the new system did not meet with the approval of the convicts is evident from the more frequent and desperate attempts at escape which took place after the end of 1863.
The principal recommendation of the Commission— the adoption of extended measures of transportation to Western Australia as a permanent policy—was, however, set aside at the earnest solicitation of the eastern colonies. Though somewhat disheartened by the temporary rebuff which the report of the Commission gave, the Legislatures and people of those places continued to urge upon the Home authorities the injustice accruing
to the eastern part of the continent through the presence of a penal settlement in the West. New South Wales and Tasmania had cast off the convict yoke; Victoria and South Australia had never come under its baleful influence; and all joined in energetic protest against its continuance m any part of Australia, even though the local authorities in that part desired it. The arguments used in the east were not always quite fair to Western Australia—it is, for example, very doubtful whether the eastern colonies in any way suffered through the presence of conditional pardon men from the West—but the overwhelming moral force exhibited in the desire to make Australia a free, law-abiding, clean land could not fail, sooner or later, to bring about the object aimed at.
No doubt the Imperial authorities were helped to a decision on this momentous subject by the discovery of further rich pastoral land in the north, around Nickol Bay. The local authorities sought consent to send batches of convicts to this district. People in the eastern colonies were also desirous of securing land there, but objected to do so so long as the chance remained of convicts being drafted to it. The local application to send convicts came before the Secretary of State at a time when various schemes for a general reorganization of the convict system were being put forward, and the Minister not only refused to assent but informed the colonial authorities that at the end of three years the whole system of transportation would cease. In a despatch dated November 26, 1864, Mr. Cardwell states: —
I need not remind you of that with which you are so familiar—the past history of this most embarrassing question You are well aware that the report of a Commission of the highest eminence, which recommended the adoption of extended measures of transportation to Western Australia as a permanent policy, was set side in deference to the earnest remonstrances of the eastern colonies, and that all the evils which that Commission attributed to uncertainty and to the limited number of the convicts sent still continued It was not possible to Increase the number of convicts, and so long as the system continued at all its probable duration could not but be most uncertain Taking, therefore, into view the interests of Western Australia, as well as the interests, the feelings, and the deep convictions of the eastern colonies, Her Majesty’s Government have ai rived at the conclusion that the introduction of convict labour into the new districts should be prohibited by the regulations, and that this opportunity should be taken for fixing a definite time beyond which transportation to any portion of the colony should not be continued. This definite period they propose should not exceed three years.
This decision, so far as it related to the introduction of convict labour or of persons under a penal sentence into the newly-discovered country, met with approval both in England and Australia, and there is no doubt that it saved Governor Hampton, who was favourable to convict labour, from committing a grave error of judgment. Having come to that decision the Home
authorities were practically compelled to face the whole question of the continuance of transportation, for reasons admirably set forth in an article in The Times commenting upon the despatch. —
“While the expediency of gradually abolishing transportation to Australia was under anxious discussion in the Colonial and Home Departments a most interesting event was reported to the Secietary for the Colonies by the Government of Western Australia. It was no less than the discovery of a fertile tract, containing between five and six millions of acres in the north-western part of that colony. Mr. Panter, the leader of the exploring expedition which opened out these new plains called the ‘District of the Glenelg,’ describes them as clothed with the finest pasturage, capable of canying upwards of 3,000,000 sheep, besides forests of timber trees and land available for agricultural purposes This discovery could not fail to mark an epoch m the history of Western Australia. When a new countiy is thrown open for settlement in Australia the admission or non-admission of convict labour becomes a matter of the first moment It is analogous to the altei-native between free and slave labour m the American ter-ritones If the latter be tolerated the former will be repelled It would have been possible no doubt to place the new settlement under different regulations from the old, but had this anangement been made the feud now existing between Western Australia and the Eastern Colonies must have ansen in an aggravated form between the North and South of Western Australia itself. There was a judicious way, and one only, of meeting the difficulty, and that was to cut the knot of it and solve the convict question by the same stioke ”
Possibly owing to the omission to state a definite date upon which transportation would cease the decision was not at first taken very seriously m the colony, but the Imperial Government wasted no time in showing their earnestness in the matter Early m 1865 the House of Commons was informed that the system would come to an end m three years’ time, and on May 12 the Secretary of State forwarded a despatch to the Governor stating ■ “The present intention of the Government is to send out two ships containing from 270 to 280 convicts, in each of the years 1865, 1866, and 1867, at the end of which transportation will cease ” A reference to the list of ships given on a preceding page shows that that intention was carried out, the last convict vessel to arrive being the “Hougoumont,” which reached Fremantle on January 10, 1868
When the intention to put a stop to transportation became known locally, the cry for compensation—so usual when a concession is withdrawn—-was immediately raised The Perth Chamber of Commerce, with a self-confidence befitting the tailors of Tooley Street, resolved that “no time should be lost m asserting the claim of the colony to compensation; that free emigration at the expense of the Imperial Government should be continued for ten years; that the Home Government should furnish a steamer for coast communication; that, as the oonvicts have been employed in the erection of buildings for their own occupation, and that now when those
buildings are completed we are to be deprived of that labour which should be available for roads, a grant of £250,000, paid annually in sums of £25,000, from the Imperial funds, be asked for.” Outside the Chamber these requests were treated with ridicule, but at the same time serious attempts were made by colonists and others interested to secure some compensation to Western Australia for the withdrawal of the convicts. Major Sanford and Mr. Mangles interviewed the Secretary of State upon the subject, but received no satisfaction beyond the assurance that some allowance, though not in money, would be made.
Apart from this the cessation of transportation appears to have come about without any great demonstration on the part of the colonists. As in the beginning opinions had been fairly evenly divided in the matter of inaugurating the system, there seemed at its close to be much the same evenness of opinion as to the wisdom of abandoning it. On the whole, perhaps, the balance was in favour of the Imperial Government’s action, as many of the colonists felt that they could not derive further benefit from the convicts, while the presence of them debarred the colony from a fuller voice in the management of its own affairs. From the standpoint of the good achieved both to and by the convict, The Inquirei gave a very fair summary of the results. We have made roads and bridges and constructed many public works which without the aid of the convict system we could not have performed. A large Imperial expenditure in the colony has maintained a trade and strengthened the hands of the settlers It has supplied the country with cheap labour—not the most suitable kind, certainly, yet not the least desirable. And, while it has thus helped us forward, it has brought us but little to detract from the good Black has not shown itself to be very black after all. We have learned that the criminal is not all evil, that the angel within is not forever expelled by the verdict of a jury, that it may and does survive many deviations from the path of rectitude, and leaves us at times to marvel at the good that lingers around the hearts of even the hardest offenders needing but little kindness from one to another to bring it out ” That there was a good deal of truth in the statement is apparent from two facts—the very great progress made by the colony under the convict system, and the almost complete absence of after ill-effects of a moral character. But that it was time for the system to come to an end there is not the slightest doubt. Public opinion on the subject of the treatment of criminals was undergoing a drastic change, and the report of the Convict Superintendent in 1865 shows that convict officials realized it. “Sooner or later,” he says, “the industrial employment of prisoners will be abandoned in all civilized countries, and for it will be substituted a system of comparatively
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short sentences to be passed in the strictest solitary confinement, on a reduced diet, without books other than the Bible and a few of the best religious works, without the possibility of communication with fellow-prisoners or friends, without any of those reliefs and consolations, whether physical, moral, or mental, which constitute the external mechanism of enjoyment, cheerfulness, and happiness to mortal man.”
Though the actual transportation of convicts ceased at the beginning of ______________________________________
1868 years passed before the final adjustment of affairs was made between the Imperial and local authorities.
One contentious matter was that of the number of free ■immigrants introduced at the expense of the Home Government. Accor ding to the arrangements made in 1850 the English authorities, in consideration of the colony receiving convicts, agreed to despatch an equal number of free immigrants. For a few years preceding 1868 this supply had not been kept up, and in July of that year the Legislative Council appointed a Committee to consider the question. By counting two children as one adult this Committee came to the conclusion that only 6,122 immigrants had been introduced as against 9,680 convicts, leaving the Imperial Government still liable for a. further 3,558 free persons. The report also claimed that the dearth of farm labourers, shepherds, and domestics showed an urgent need for an immediate supply, and asked that two emigrant ships be equipped at once by the Imperial Government. The Governor forwarded the report to the Secretary of State with a recommendation, but the only
Town Hall. Perth, 1870.
reply was one practically refusing the request. In a despatch, dated July 26, 1869, the Secretary of State wrote: “The claim put forth on the part of the colony exceeds in amount what Her Majesty’s Government could in any case recognize, partly because certain immigrants who ought to be included in the calculation of immigrants are omitted, and partly because the computation is not, as it ought to be, of the number of persons sent out, but of the number of statute adults. But
apart from considerations of detail Her Majesty’s Government feel serious doubt as to the obligation of this country to continue the emigration now in question. It has already been laid down as a condition of that continuance that the immigration should be wanted and such as the colony can provide for, but it is clear from the census returns that the large majority of those persons who reach Western Australia do not remain in it. There is, therefore, the strongest primu facie evidence that the immigration is not wanted.” This answer, it need not be said, did not give satisfaction in the colony. The Secretary’s ignorance was deplored, his good faith impugned, and his value to his country gravely doubted. The matter, however, rested there.
The number of men actually under control at the end of 1868 was 3,158, the difference between that and the total number sent out (9,721) being made up of those who had served their sentences, were out on conditional pardon, or had died. Unfortunately the sources of information are not too complete. Two fires amongst the records during the early sixties, and the
official destruction of many papers and documents on the withdrawal of the convict establishment have considerably restricted the opportunities for securing information.
The most important event in the local administration of the system was the resignation early in 1863 of Comptroller-General E. Y. W. Henderson, who left the colony in the ship “York” on January 31, having reached the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. He had, with one short absence on leave, controlled the system from the date of its inauguration, and its success was no doubt largely due to his wisdom and tact. A strict disciplinarian, he was always just, and impressed upon all who had charge of convicts that they must regard them as men who though they had transgressed man’s laws must not be regarded as necessarily for ever without the pale. To Colonel Henderson more than to anyone else is due the fact that convictism has left no degrading mark on Western Australia, and never gave rise to those horrors, so frequent and appalling, that occurred in New South Wales and Tasmania. Recalled to active military command, Colonel Henderson subsequently became Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police of London, a position which he held until his death in 1896. Captain Newland, his successor, arrived in the colony on January 14, 1863. With the system so well organized his task was not a hard one, but unfortunately continual diagreements with Governor Hampton made the position untenable and he resigned early in 1866. Pending the arrival of a successor, the Governor bestowed the acting appointment upon his son, Mr. G E Hampton. This gave rise to bitter controversy and opposition. Mr. Hampton had no particular qualifications for the post; he already held more than one lucrative office; he was personally unpopular; the general opinion was that the position should go to Mr A. O’Grady Lefroy; and, above all, there was the charge of nepotism on the part of the Governor involved. When to those reasons is added the fact that highhanded proceedings generally on the part of the Governor had caused his early popularity to wane, the strong disapprobation of public, Press, and convicts may be readily understood. This was accentuated in May by the decision of the Governor to grant his son the lodging allowance of £100 p>er annum to which the Comptroller-General was entitled. As Mr. Hampton resided at Government House it was not considered likely that he would apply the money to the purpose for which it was granted, “unless,” wrote The 1‘erth Gazette, “His Excellency intends to charge him rent for the rooms he occupies in his residence, in which case, of course, the amount will be placed to the credit of the colonial revenue under the head of 'Miscellaneous Receipts ’ ’’ That as a result of the feeling displayed charges of inefficiency should be continually urged agamst Mr.
Hampton was only to be expected. Probably many ot them were the result of this, and had no basis of justification, but there is no doubt that the efficiency of the system suffered under his control and the convicts chafed more under restraint. Attempted escapes became more numerous, due partly to sending out on road-parties men who ought to have been kept in durance at Fremantle, and partly to the fact that well-behaved convicts were for trivial offences consigned to the chain-gangs. During the eight months ending March, 1867, over ninety attempts at escape were recorded—more than three times the number of any previous period of the same length.
Evidence of the want of wisdom in the appointment and of inefficiency on the part of Mr. Hampton was not wanting. Accusations of tyranny and oppression were made, and some colour was given to them by the abolition in March, 1867, of the Board of Visiting Magistrates, the only protection against officialism which the prisoners possessed. A convict charged with attempting to murder a warder m the prison said that harsh treatment had made him callous and regardless of life. He stated that he was placed in solitary confinement m a cell with a concrete floor; that one night Mr. Hampton entered the cell, ordered the bedding and bed and his clothing to be taken away, and left him to pass the night on the bare floor without covering; that his clothes were returned the following day but the irons on him were doubled in weight. Four days later Mr. Hampton again paid him a visit at night, and then, says the report of the evidence, “for twenty-two days the man remained under the same treatment m the oold, damp cell, lying like a brute curled up on the stone floor. The impression this statement made on the jury before whom the case was tried was evidently a conviction that the man was right in attributing to it a tendency, as he said, to make him desperate, and a favourable verdict was given.” A further case happened where a convict who had barricaded himself in his cell was left in darkness without food or water for seventy-two hours. The London Review, commenting upon Mr. Hampton’s administration, gives another caBe. “Eight men having been charged with running away from the Fremantle Bridge, the magistrate before whom they were brought said he was directed by the Governor to sentence them to two years’ hard labour in irons, and this remarkable judgment having been delivered, the Acting Comptroller-General stood up and read the following additional sentence from the Governor for the same offence: ‘These men are to be kept in dark cells on bread and water until the surgeon reports they can no longer stand it without danger to their lives.’ We have no desire to shield the Australian convicts from the just punishment which their offences deserve,
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but they should not be deprived of that protection which the law allows them.”
Fortunately this condition of affairs, of which other instances could be quoted, and which smacks of the treatment meted out in Tasmania, did not long continue. The Imperial Government reproved the Governor for making the appointment, and appointed Mr. Wakeford to the position. This officer arrived m May, 1867, and assumed duty at once, making immediate inquiries into the circumstances under which special punishments had been given, and remitting many of them, at the same time greatly reducing the chain gang. The system so carefully built up by Colonel Henderson, and which had proved so successful, was, in fact, quickly reverted to, and the causes of dissatisfaction removed.
The criminal statistics show that there was an appreciable increase m crime during the years 1861-68 This, of course, was due to the larger number of convicts in the colony, the distribution of whom tended to become a means of contamination. And yet most of the cases were for drunkenness, common assault, and breaches of the regulations. Serious offences continued to be few in number; out of 3,644 convictions in 1867 only thirty-six were at the hands of the Supreme Court. This state of things may have been due to the strict supervision of the police, or to the success of the regenerative methods adopted by the convict administration. In either case it goes to show that the presence of a large convict population is not necessarily a source of danger to a community. Mention may here be made of some of the more serious offences and of the characters concerned in them, particularly as some of the compulsory sojourners in Western Australia possessed more than local notoriety. For the dascriptions of these we are in great measure indebted to Kimberley’s History of Western Australia.
The ship “Edwin Fox,” which arrived m November, 1858, brought amongst others three men, who from their undoubted gifts might easily have made their marks in more respectable walks of life—Rev William Beresford, Leopold Redpath, and William Robson Beresford, a clergyman of the Church of England and nephew of Lord Decies, was convicted of forging the endorsement to a bill of exchange and sentenced to transportation for life A man of distinct ability and of good address he became, after securing his conditional pardon, a journalist and tutor, and for some years conducted with some success The Herald newspaper, but ultimately died in an invalid depot in 1881. Beresford may have been the victim of circumstances or too weak to stand against temptation, but Redpath was the type of man who can only be described as a skilful and determined criminal. His career might almost be looked upon as romantic, and is so celebrated in the annals of crime that it may
be excusable to refer to it shortly Beginning life as a lawyer’s clerk, he afterwards joined the staff of the P. and O. Company, leaving that office to enter upon business as a broker. Of a charitable nature, more especially where other people’s money was concerned, the distribution of his client’s funds soon ended his career in that direction. We next find him as a clerk m the Great Northern Railway Company, rising by diligence to the position of registrar, m which capacity he controlled the share register. This he did to such advantage that for ten years he reigned as a social magnate, patron of art, and lavish dispenser of charity, giving the impression that his wealth was due to successful speculation. A trifling incident brought about an examination of his books, when it was found that the share registers had been manipulated and false stock to the value of £220,000 issued Redpath fled to Pans, then doubled back to London, where he was arrested, and after trial sentenced to transportation for life. He is considered to have lived at the rate of £20,000 a year during the period of his magnificence, and possessed on his convic tion property to the value of over £50,000 In prison Redpath, according to the Newgate chronicles, “behaved so* as to justify a belief that he had been a gaol-bird all hia life ’ Soon after he arrived in Western Australia he received his ticket-of-leave and later his conditional pardon Mr Howard Willoughby, who visited Western Australia in the interests of The Argu6 m 1864, described Redpath rs “a tall man, of good address,” who always maintained a position above the ordinary class of ticketers. Even in prison he never made his own bed nor cleaned out his cell; obsequious convicts, anxious for the reward of his smile, being always ready to perform those offices for him His brother ticketers touched their hats to him in token of their respect; he wrote clever letters to the Press under a nom de guerre, and was the founder and honorary secretary of the Working Men’s Association. During his term in prison he was employed as clerk in the Commissariat Stores, and by his industry and ability effected considerable saving therein. By the free classes of course he was specially shunned as a dangerous man and social agitator. Greatly desiring to get to Melbourne he applied during the early sixties to be transferred to Victoria, but without success In 1871, however, he left Fremantle for Adelaide, and was afterwards understood to be earning a comfortable livelihood m Melbourne. Another criminal of much the same type of character, but lacking the personal charm and attractiveness, was William Robson. Starting life also as a lawyer’s clerk he ultimately became manager of the share transfer department of the Crystal Palace Company, and in that capacity defrauded the company of about £27,000 Having fled from arrest he was captured m Sweden, and subsequently sentenced to two terms of transportation
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of fourteen and twenty years respectively In Western Australia he was employed with Redpath in the Commissariat Department, and secured his tieket-of-leave as quickly as good conduct would allow. Apparently hs left his good conduct behind when he was released from the prison, as in June, 1860, he was found guilty of embezzlement. His general character was not good. Dissipation formed his chief employment, interspersed with effusions of poetic fervour mostly after the style of Byron and Gray, and some of them the actual work of those authors In 1861 he established and edited The Western Australian Literary Magazine, whioh, however, was short lived, only four numbers appearing.
Other historic convicts were Moondyne Joe and John Boyle O’Reilly. Moondyne was a very ordinary criminal, successful only in prison-breaking, and his fame lies chiefly in the novel “founded on fact” recording his history and written by O’Reilly. O’Reilly was one of the band of Fenians who arrived by the “Hougoumont” in 1868; he afterwards succeeded in escaping by swimming off to an American whaler in the neighbourhood of Bunbury He reached the United States safely, and for many years was engaged in journalistic work, earning the respect of his fellow men He died in America a few years ago.
Serious offences, though never very numerous, considering the class of population m the colony, were more prevalent during this than any other period during which the system was m operation Murders, burglaries, and bushranging seem to have been the prevalent crimes; in fact, bushranging seems to have been the usual occupation of many of the escaped convicts. Escapes, too, grew more frequent and attempts more desperate. The cause of these was undoubtedly the abolition of conditional pardons, and the regulation that every convict must remain in the colony until the expiry of the full term for which he was sentenced.
Some excitement was caused by the fact that the “Hougoumont,” which was the last convict vessel to arrive, brought amongst others thirty-eight Fenians. Fearing that attempts might be made to rescue them the vessel was escorted for some distance from England by a man-of-war. Fenian cruisers were said to be on the watch to effect a rescue. The knowledge that these people were coming to Western Australia caused some consternation, not only in the colony but in Victoria and South Australia as well. The Governor promised to send to Sydney for a warship, and did so almost immediately after the “Hougoumont” arrived, with the result that II M.S. “Brisk” was sent over early in February and remained at Fremantle for several months The Fenians, however, were model prisoners—until the time was ripe, when they effected their escape in quite a dramatic manner.
The period 1861-68 was one of distinct progress as regards public works. Operations in this direction had somewhat languished during the previous couple of years, mainly on account of the fact that convicts in sufficient numbers to keep works going had not been forthcoming. It was also said by the colonists, though without reason, that Governor Kennedy was delaying the construction of necessary buildings in order to leave behind him a satisfactory credit balance. It will be remembered that as an answer to that accusation Captain Kennedy, just before leaving the colony, authorized public works to an extent which not only absorbed all the money then available, but so earmarked prospective funds as to make the task of meeting expenses during the next couple of years somewhat hard for his successor. In fact. Governor Hampton found himself not only unable to authorize new works for 1862, but had to submit measures foi legalizing £25,375 unauthorized expenditure on the part of his predecessor. In refusing requests for new works he assured the colonists that he would use every endeavour to render convict labour available for purely colonial work. To that end he increased the numbers employed on the Government House, finished the permanent road between Perth and Fremantle, built the Swan River wall, and improved the lines of road between various centres. In 1863, after the liabilities left by Governor Kennedy had been discharged, large parties were set to work improving the streets around Perth and its suburbs, making excavations preparatory to erecting the North Fremantle bridge, and building and repaning other roads and bridges. During the same year a summer cottage for the Governor was erected at Rottnest, and the large pensioners’ barracks at the head of St. George’s Terrace commenced. These when completed contained 120 rooms, with hospital, magazine, and other appurtenances attached. The activity was continued throughout the following years, as may be seen from the Governor’s Speech to the Legislative Council in 1864, in which, inter aha, he said. “The public works now in progress are bridges at North Fremantle, Perth Causeway, Greenough Flats, Beverley, and Ferguson River; jetties at Bunbury and Busselton; additions to the Poorhouse, Perth, and the police stations at Pinjarra and Newcastle , new police stations at Baylup, Staunton Springs, and the Lakes; and the reconstruction of the Swamp drain at the back of Perth. Forty-nine road parties are distributed in different districts With the exception of the Pinjarra police station and the two jetties all the works are being carried on by convict labour, which costs the colony literally nothing for supervision and maintenance, or for the tools used by them, and the material benefit thus derived by Western Australia from transportation is further enhanced by upwards of
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£90,000 Imperial money being expended annually in the colony.” The Perth Causeway and the North Fremantle bridge, both of which are still in use, were finished, the one in 1865, the other in 1867. On the latter the chain-gangs were mostly employed, particularly in quarrying the stone for use in the foundations and approaches of the bridge and in widening and deepening the channel at the mouth of the river in its vicinity. The Swamp drain was that locally known as the Clai-e-brook drain, the plans for which were prepared by Lieutenant (afterwards Sir) William Crossman; it drained the whole swamp area upon which the Perth Railway Station is now built. Another building, practically the last under the convict system, projected by Governor Hampton and commenced in 1867, was the present Perth Town Hall. Like many structures erected by forced labour, it occupied some years in building, and though it is now scarcely imposing enough for the city was at the time one of the architectural features of Perth. In the same year the main road to Albany was formed and macadamized. Thus right up to the end of the convict regime the prisoners were employed with considerable advantage upon public works of permanent value to the colony itself. In fact, Mr. Hampton proved himself in that direction a most capable administrator, and would have received nothing but praise but for the fact that the employment of convicts meant the abandonment of contracts and consequently did not meet with universal approval.
With 1868 the convict system came to an end. Reviewing it as a whole it must be admitted that from a material standpoint it conferred lasting advantages upon Western Australia. Public works -were erected, lines of communication opened, and shipping facilities provided which the colonists themselves could not possibly have procured, having neither the labour nor the money. The impulse given brought about results which without convicts Western Australia could not have achieved after years of struggling. Faith in the colony was strengthened by the presense of those large sums of
money which the system distributed, and general prosperity made itself felt with the wider market thus provided. From these points of view transportation was an undoubted success, and though it is not perhaps possible to say the same from a moral standpoint, the passage of time has proved that whatever moral taint existed was merely evanescent in character. The opponents of the system blamed it for every sign of moral deterioration and physical degeneracy that appeared; for the increase in drunkenness, crime, and lunacy—for, in fact, all those evils which were reputed to follow in the train of transportation. But statistics prove that the convict was little more addicted to drink than the free man; that serious crime has never been an outstanding feature of Western Australia; and that the colony has held, and still holds, a lower percentage of insane and imbecile than some of the other Australian States which have
always been free. Improvidence was certainly a. marked feature in the lives of convict expirees, and raised a fear that the colony might in the long run have to pay dearly for the present help. In a measure this was true, and there are still some few receiving Government assistance. But) on the other hand many men were reclaimed to society, and after completing their sentences became possessed of competences and raised themselves once again to respected positions in life. Even Mr. Willoughby, who at the request of The Argus examined the conditions existing in 1864, and who could scarcely be said to look upon the system with a favourable or unprejudiced eye, admitted that a visitor saw little that was exceptional. Captain Du Cane told Earl Grey’s Committee in 1863 that even then no moral influence of an injurious character was apparent in the colony. Even if there were it was not permanent in effect, for no one will claim that any moral deterioration exists in the Western Australia of to-day. Of course there does exist the fact that Western Australian history has been tainted by a convict period—and no material prosperity that ensued at the time will ever efface the stain. At that price all that accrued was dearly purchased.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER XII.
1861-1868 (continuedJ.
EXPLORATIONS—OPENING UP THE NORTH-WEST—TRADE AND INDUSTRY—NATIVE TROUBLES—AGITATION FOR REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT.
Perhaps the most important phase in the history of Western Australia during the sixties was the attention paid to exploration, more particularly of that portion of the territory lying northward of Geraldton, to which the term “The North-West" is popularly applied. Beyond the surveys of King and the incidental notices of earlier navigators little was known of that part of the colony, and it was therefore inevitable that the desire, apparently inherent in the British, to explore the unknown—generally in the hope of material profit— should find vent m that direction
To Mr. F. T. Gregory, one of the assistants in the Survey Department, belongs the honour of opening up this vast territory. In 1860 it was announced that he and Mr. W. Burges were in communication with Sir Roderick Murchison and were arranging to get together a strong expedition for the purpose of exploring the north country, the expenses of which were to be in part borne by the Imperial Government and the Royal Geographical Society. In January, 1861, a communication was received by the Legislative Council from Mr. Gregory in which he asked that the local government should vote a certain sum toward the cost of the work In that letter he pointed out that the intention was to land in Nickol Bay and explore the country inland from that place; that Messrs. W. and J. Burges, T. Brown, and W. Padbury were prepared to supply men and horses; and that he was ready to devote six months’ salary—£250—toward the funds After some consideration the Council voted £1,350—the amount asked for.
Arrangements having been made the party, which consisted of F. T. Gregory (leader), J. Turner (second in command), E. Brockman, Maitland Brown, J. McCourt, Harding, and Walcott, sailed on April 23, 1861, in the barque “Dolphin” for Nickol Bay. From Gregory’s journal we learn that he landed there near the mouth of the Maitland River (where Karratha Station now stands), and followed the river to its rise in the ranges. Crossing the watershed he turned southwards, proceeding until he reached the Fortescue River, a few miles below Millstream, a district marked by rough and precipitous ranges Still continuing to the south, he crossed the Hamersley Range, and followed the Hardey River to its junction with the Ashburton, and from that position he sighted Mount Augustus and the Lyons, which he had visited on a previous trip up the Gascoyne. Retracing his steps up the Ashburton
he noted the excellent pastoral country on Baring Downs, and then turned eastward back through the Hamersley Range, crossing the headwaters of the Yule and Shaw Rivers and ultimately reaching the branch of the De Grey River, now known as the Nullagine. This he traced to its junction with the Oakover, which in turn he followed to its source near Mount McPherson. In this waterless territory he got into difficulties, and but for the superior powers of endurance of Maitland Brown would probably have perished of thirst. On his return to the coast Gregory marked on the plan the fine areas of pastoral country on the De Grey and Lower Yule, the broad Sherlock Plains, and that fine stretch of volcanic country between the Sherlock and Roebourne on the Harding River, and also further west across the Nickol to the Maitland River. Then, after a trip of six months, as the weather was getting hot and the water scarce, he shipped his horses and camp equipment on to his vessel and returned to Fremantle, arriving there about the middle of November. Gregory had thus explored practically the whole of that large stretch of country unfavourably commented upon by King and Stokes, and so far from finding it hopelessly barren proved it to be capable of great development. The rivers Ashburton, Fortescue, De Grey, and Oakover were fresh and carried fish far inland; excellent land was discovered, of which over 3,000,000 acres were suitable for grazing purposes and over a quarter of a million for tropical agriculture; in addition, numbers of pearls and many tons of pearl shell were secured from the neighbourhood of Nickol Bay.
The report attracted considerable attention, not only from the leading settlers in the colony itself, but from many squatters in Victoria and South Australia, who, like all colonists of the Eastern States, had previously looked upon Western Australia as for the most part a barren desert, with here and there patches of fair arable and pastoral land.
The pioneer of settlement was Mr. Walter Padbury He secured from Mr. Gregory a definite expression of opinion to the effect that the north-west was a stony country not so fertile as Queensland, but far beyond the average in the settled districts of Western Australia, and afforded a fair prospect of success to judicious settlers. Convinced that the country was at least worth a trial, Mr. Padbury applied to the Government for special concessions. This application directed
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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the attention of the authorities to the necessity for special land regulations, which were accordingly prepared, and with the approval of the Secretary of State came into operation at the beginning of 1863 These applied to two districts termed respectively the “North” and the “East.” The North district comprises all that part of the colony lying north of the Murchison River and of a line drawn due east to the boundary through the summit of Mount Murchison. The East district was comprised of the country lying east of the meridian 121° E. longitude and south of latitude 30° S. The lands were divided into two classes. Class A included the islands olf the coast and all mainland within two miles of the sea, while Claste C comprised the remainder. Class A land could be held only on annual licence, but land in Class C could be secured on pastoral lease for eight years. In order to encourage settlement the Government offered to persons desiring to settle in these districts free pasturage for twelve months. During this time they could select land to the extent of 100,000 acres which they were allowed to occupy free of rent for a further three years, and after that under the ordinary conditions for an additional eight years. A further concession was made in July, 1864, when a remission of rent on 100,000 acres was offered to the first person who drove stock from any part of Western Australia (not within the Northern district) to any other part situate to the north of the Tropic of Capricorn. The object of this was to establish, if possible, an overland route between the settled districts in the southwest and the newly opened northern areas
So far the regulations had dealt only with leaseholds, but in January, 1865, a new set was issued dealing with the sale, letting, disposal, and occupation of waste Crown lands within the Northern district, and also for the sale and letting of mineral lands generally, auriferous land and coal measures being excepted. Under these regulations the first 150,000 acres selected were to be sold at a price of 7s. per acre, but if not purchased within twelve months then the price was to be raised to 10s. per acre or whatever happened to be the minimum price established in the colony generally. Applications for country lands had to be for 80 acres or some multiple thereof, and purchasers of 160 acres or more could obtain a town allotment of half an acre at the same price. The most pertinent clause in the whole regulations was the following: —“No convict or person holding a ticket-of-leave, or person under sentence or order of transportation or of penal servitude, shall be introduced or allowed to remain within the northern portion of the territory of Western Australia to which these regulations apply.” This was by direction of the Secretary of State, included, in spite of the opinion of Governor Hampton, at the request of settlers both in
Western Australia and the Eastern colonies. Lands deemed to be mineral lands, those bearing gold or coal excepted, were offered at £3 per acre in lots of not less than 80 acres. They could also be secured on yearly licence at a fee of not less than £8, or on lease for periods up to ten years at a rental of 8s. per acre.
While on the subject of land regulations it may be mentioned that the regulations affecting the colony generally were subjected to revision about this time. It was felt that those framed in 1860 had not proved entirely satisfactory and required some alteration. To that end a Committee, consisting of the Colonial Secretary, the Acting Treasurer, the Surveyor-General, and Messrs. J. W. Hardey and L S. Leake, was appointed in August, 1863, to rectify the defects This Committee reported m the following month, their recommendations being principally confined to mineral lands, which they advised should be sold at a minimum of £5 per acre in blocks of not less than 80 acres, to be paid, £1 on approval and £1 in annual instalments. So far as the general conditions were concerned they considered that where fee-simple grants were held the owners should be allowed free pasturage for stock over the surrounding waste lands to the extent of one head for every ten acres held. They also advised that at the expiration of a lease of Class B land the lessee should have a preferential claim to a renewal. These suggested amendments were forwarded to the Secretary of State for his consideration, and in the meantime an expression of opinion was asked for from the Agricultural Societies, The principal suggestions from these were a right of renewal for a further eight years of expiring leases of Class B land, and a readjustment of the boundaries of the lands comprised in Class A. They also asked that mineral lands should be leased at 2s. per acre for the first year and 3s. afterwards, with a right of purchase in 100-acre blocks at the end of two years for £2 per acre. Ultimately the suggestions of the Committee were in the main adopted by the Government and the new regulations were gazetted m August, 1864. As regards mineral lands they were the same as those mentioned above, which were adopted in 1865 for the northern areas.
But to return to the settlement of the north-west. With characteristic foresight, anticipating favourable concessions in the regulations, Mr. Padbury procured stock from the east toward the end of 1862 and made full arrangements to enter upon the task of pioneering in the new district. Early in 1863 he procured a small vessel, the “Mystery,” to maintain communication between Fremantle and Nickol Bay, and also chartered the “Tien-Tsin” to convey his party and the stock to their destination. The “Mystery,” with Messrs. C. C. Hunt and Turner on board, left Fremantle on April 4
and proceeded slowly up the coast, taking soundings in various harbours as they went. The “Tien-Tsin” followed on the 24th, with Messrs Padbury, Samson, Ridley, McCourt, Nairn, Brown, Jones, Swift, and five natives, and carrying the consignment of stock—11 horses, 6 bullocks, and 540 sheep. Hunt and Turner, having found that the mouth of the De Grey did not provide a suitable landing-place for stock, selected one to the west of the De Grey and named it Tien-Tsin Harbour. The animals having been safely landed the surrounding district was searched without success for satisfactory pasturage Padbury then, with Captain Jarman and Messrs. Samson, Turner, and Nairn, proceeded down the Harding, and leaving the party there returned to Fremantle in the “Tien-Tsin.” The vessel sailed again for Nickol Bay with further stock in June These were under the care of Mr McCourt, who proceeded to look for the first party After some time it was found that they had moved on to the De Grey River and established a settlement there. The next squatter to settle in the north was Mr J. Wellard, who was accompanied by Messrs. S. Hall, H Logue, W Scott, and others.
Mr. Ridley, one of the original party which accompanied Mr Padbury, was a Government surveyor charged with the duty of making a full report to the Government. This report was couched in such favour able language that it led to other attempts to find good squatting areas in the north In May, 1863, Messrs K Brown, S. Hamersley, A. Brown, B. Clarkson, F Pearce, and Dr. Martin chartered the “Flying Foam” and left Fremantle for Camden Harbour and the Glenelg. They sailed up the river as far as the rapids —about 28 miles—and there landed the stores and equipment. In July Messrs K. Brown, Clarkson, and Dr. Martin, with five horses, set out for Camden Harbour, which they reached without difficulty The country traversed was, they reported, a very fine one with abundance of grass and water Later in the month a seoond party went farther up the river m boats. They experienced some trouble with the natives, and had to use their firearms to scare them away This was the country which Grey had reported as among the finest in the world, with grass so high that he could not see over it. The later explorers not only confirmed the opinion expressed by Grey, but considered he had not done justice to the luxuriance of the grass.
Favourable as this report was, it did not result in any immediate development of that particular district, though settlement generally was proceeding apace in the north. In September, 1863, Mr C von Bibra selected a large tract of land on the Gascoyne River, and by the end of the year there were three runs of 100,000 acres each being stocked in the newly-opened area. In
January, 1864, a squatter from Victoria applied for a lease of Dirk Hartog Island, which was said to contain over 200,000 acres of good feeding-ground with excellent water. In March Mr. Withnall sailed for Nickol Bay in the “Sea Ripple” with 650 sheep, 5 horses, and 2 cows, and took up a further large area Mr. Maitland Brown, about the same time, proceeded to Shark Bay and established a station in the neighbourhood of Frey-cinet Harbour, while a month or two later the Burges Brothers tried the district round Exmouth Gulf. This proving barren, they moved on to the Gascoyne River Thus not only was extensive settlement proceeding along the north-west coast, but it was being established in such manner as to provide links of communication with the older settled districts and make an overland route practicable.
The efforts of Messrs Padbury, Wellard, and Withnall were by this time showing signs of success, and the arrival at Fremantle in August, 1864, of the first wool clip—seven bales—had the effect of establishing confidence in the possibilities of the territory. Unfortunately, carried away by the desire to become rich quickly and with little exertion, and dazzled by the Government’s liberal land regulations, many others made attempts to settle, but without the success that attended the endeavours of the hardier and more experienced men.
Another expedition went to Exmouth Gulf and Camden Harbour in 1864 as the result of a tale circulated by a convict named Wildman This man, who at one time had been a ship’s officer, stated that while repairing his ship near Camden Harbour in 1856 he had made a trip up a river and there secured gold to the value of £416, which he had afterwards sold in Liverpool He offered to disclose the locality provided the Government would, when the story was confirmed, remit the sentence of fifteen years which he was then undergoing The mere mention of gold was sufficient to rouse public expectation, and an expedition was rapidly equipped to test Wildman’s story. To this the Government, after, it is said, testing the truth of the story as regards selling the gold, contributed £150 Dr. Martin was commissioned to act as Surveyor and Botanist, and the leadership was given to the Inspector of Police, Mr. Panter, who took with him Messrs. Turner, Stokes, Langoulant, F. and H Caporn, Scott, and Du Boulay, as well as Wildman and a couple of natives As might have been expected under the circumstances no trace of gold was discovered. Wildman either could not or would not divulge the locality where he had previously found it, and independent searches by the party proved unsuccessful. In other respects, however, the trip was not without result. The surrounding country was carefully inspected, and on the
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177
way back Panter called at Roebuck Bay and made further explorations. In his report he spoke very favourably of that country, pointing out that there were thousands of acres of excellent pasturage, and that water was easily obtainable at a depth of a few feet. Dr. Martin was even more explicit and pronounced. Vegetation, he said, was luxuriant, animals, birds, and fish abundant, pearl oysters plentiful, and, above all, millions of acres of good pastoral country were available.
The outcome of these reports was the formation of the Roebuck Bay Pastoral and Agricultural Association Limited, the provisional committee consisting of
to choose a satisfactory location. With them went Inspector Panter as a guest. Meanwhile a meeting of the shareholders was held and Messrs. P. P. Barlee, G. Glyde, C. Wittenoom, S. E. Burges, E. W. Landor, G. Shenton, and Major Crampton were elected directors. Two vessels, the “Nile” and the “Hastings,” were chartered to convey the stock, which numbered some hundreds, to Roebuck Bay, where they were pastured, according to Mr. Harding’s report, upon excellent country which promised every prospect of success.
The inception of the work was followed by an appalling disaster. On November 9, 1864, Messrs. Panter, Harding, and Goldwyer left the camp with the
Mundaring Weir.
Lieutenant-Colonel Bruce, F. P. Barlee, Major Cramp-ton, G. Shenton, C. Wittenoom, J. G. C. Carr, and G. Farmaner, with R. J. Sholl as Secretary. The capital was fixed at £20,000 in £10 shares; the outlay was estimated at £10,000, £2,500, and £3,500 for the first three years, and the profit (somewhat prematurely) at 1\, 12J, and 18f per cent, on the outlay. So strong was the general public belief in the possibilities of the Roebuck Bay district that before the end of August, 1864, the share list was closed.
The company secured the “Flying Foam,” and in October an advance party consisting of Messrs. J. R. Harding, L. C. Burges, and six others was sent forward
object of exploring the country toward Lagrange Bay. They had provisions sufficient for about three weeks, and when that time passed without their return Mr. Burges became somewhat anxious for their safety. He tracked them as far as a mangrove swamp in Lagrange Bay, but there lost all trace of them. When the “Nile” left Roebuck Bay early in January, 1865, they were still missing. When the news was received in Perth a search party was immediately organized by the Government, and instructions given to the leader (Mr. Maitland Brown) to search thoroughly the whole country between Roebuck Bay and Mr. Pad-bury’s location on the De Grey. The party, which,
M
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
in addition to the leader, comprised Messrs Bnrges, Francisco, Williams, D. Brown, and two native policemen, left at once in the “Clarence” packet, and on arrival at Roebuck Bay plunged straightway into the bush. In a little while they learnt from some natives that three white men and four horses had been seen some three months before by the Wargnarry tribe at the River Boolu Boolu. The informers went on to say that the white men slept by the river and on the next day were attacked by natives, whom they succeeded in repulsing without injury to themselves. The following night the blacks, m stronger force, made another attack, in the course of which the whites were wounded, though not seriously, but over a dozen of their adversaries were killed. Knowing that Panter and his companions were wounded the natives appeared with further reinforcements soon after daybreak, and by overwhelming force of numbers speared and clubbed the unfortunate white men to death As the same story was told by other natives, two of them were seized and ordered to conduct the search party to the scene After leading the party astray they attempted to escape, but were shot by the native policemen Finally Mr Brown was rewarded by finding the bodies at Lake Ingedana, in Lagrange Bay Nothing had been stolen, showing the act to have been one of brutal murder to satisfy the savage lust for blood From Mr. Panter's diary it was evident that they were killed on November 13, only four days after leaving the settlement While returning with the bodies Brown’s party was followed by large numbers of natives, and on one occasion had to fight its way through an ambush—with disastrous results to the blacks. The remains were brought back to Perth and interred m the East Perth Cemetery on May 17, 1864, in the presence of practically the whole population. Mr Brown received the thanks of the Government and was appointed to a magistracy.
This gruesome tragedy does not seem to have deterred settlement to any considerable extent. An exhaustive pamphlet on the resources of the district, prepared by the Surveyor-General (Captain J, S. Roe), probably had some influence in directing attention to the north-west. Settlers from Victoria and South Australia determined to try their fortunes there In Melbourne there was formed the Camden Harbour Pastoral Association Limited, with a capital of ,£20,000 in £100 shares. The provisional directors were Messrs W. T Sellars, J. H. Wood, C. S Affleck, A. Mattingly, W. Harvey, S. Hart, and J. Meadow. The object of the Association was “to settle the very superior well-watered pastoral and agricultural country round Camden Harbour by placing one head of cattle on every 1,000 acres ” With the £20,000 the promoters expected to secure
4,000,000 acres of land and 4,000 breeding cattle to
stock it. Each share entitled the holder to a passage to Camden Harbour, rations for twelve months, and a lease of 20,000 acres for twelve years (the first four rent-free) and twenty head of cattle The Company also claimed to have a pre-emptive right over the area leased. This, of course, was a deliberate misstatement, as the land regulations gave no privilege of the kind The promoters were evidently of opinion that a prospectus should be glowing rather than truthful. The Secretary further stated to a meeting of those interested that the harbour was only 270 miles north of Perth, instead of 1,300, and that settlers could go back 270 miles from the coast, 40 miles of which was on the sea side of the ranges. The existence of mountainous country close to the coast was quietly ignored Probably the directors thought that anyone going there could find out such small matters for himself That public interest m Western Australia was roused is shown by the fact that by the end of 1864 seventy-three applications had been made by Victorians for land in the Camden Harbour district. Each applicant required 100,000 acres and promised to place from 40 to 150 sheep upon it. It is a pity that so much enthusiasm should have been wasted on a movement doomed to failure.
The first vessel to leave Melbourne under the auspices of this Association was the “Stag,” on November 16, 1864 Among those who went by her were Messrs Ellwood, T. C. Murray, E T- Hooley, A. J. McGrae, and J. Hindhaugh. They landed in December, perhaps the most forbidding time of the year All the country round was parched and burnt, the tall waving grass had disappeared, water was almost unobtainable, and a fierce sun beat down upon them with a most intense heat Being young and sturdy they set about improving their position at once. Some of them struck out for the Glenelg, and were surprised—and not a little disappointed—to find that it was a tidal river. On the way back they were fortunate enough to discover a small pool of fresh water, and on arrival at the Harbour learnt that Mr. Murray had discovered an excellent spring
By the end of December two other vessels with a large number of settlers and some 4,000 head of stock put in an appearance The only pasturage was that round Murray’s spring and was totally insufficient. Added to the scarcity of water was some disease among the stock The sheep died in hundreds from some unknown cause, possibly an undiscovered poison weed. To save the remnant a move was made farther inland to good dry grass and abundant water. The tropical rains, too, made their appearance and luxuriant grass sprang up like magic. Nothing, however, seemed to lessen the increasing mortality among the sheep. Hooley and others explored toward the north-east along Prince
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
Regent’s River, but could not find a. nioie suitable location While grass was abundant and the scenery majestic, the locality was altogether too rough for pastoral purposes By the end of March little more than one-fourth of their stock were alive, and by August even those had succumbed
Other causes, too, combined to make the men sad and dispirited, and to bring about total failure of the attempt at settlement. Three men died within a few days of their arrival One of the ships, the “Calliance,” struck a reef on the way to Camden Harbour and was saved only after a good deal of difficulty When she arrived at her destination the wind drove her on to another reef, and she became a total wreck, the captain (Edwards) losing his life in an attempt to secure assistance In face of all these hardships it is no wonder that many of the settlers took the first opportunity to leave the district. During January and February seventy-two departed, and many of the others remained only till they could manage to get away
The possibility of a permanent settlement being effected induced Governor Hampton to appoint various officials to exercise control within its confines Mr R J Sholl was appointed Resident Magistrate, with his son as clerk; Mr. Phelp was sent as the surveyor, and there were in addition a surgeon, a customs officer, and three policemen Mr Sholl reached his sphere of duty early in 1865, and his report of the condition of affairs was anything but complimentary to the Camden Harbour Association The members of the Association who were on the spot were, he considered, a good type of individual, but they lacked all knowledge of bushcraft and of management There was no leader, no arrange ment of the stores or settlement, with the result that every man was doing as he pleased, and the provisions were left lying on the beach at the mercy of the sun wind, and tides The sheep which might have been saved were neglected through ignorance, and no attempt made to shield them from the tropical heat or the tropical rains As to the country itself, Mr Sholl con sidered it to be very deceptive; while it appeared to be excellently grassed and in every way suitable for pastoral purposes, it really consisted of a series of rocky knolls, so covered with verdure that the stony nature was hidden. The great extent of fertile country seen from Mount Lookover, he said, “consisted mainly of grass-covered stones.”
Convinced that the venture had no chance of succeeding the Governor instructed the Resident Magistrate to assist those remaining to get away if they could not provide funds for their own passages In this way numbers were removed to Fremantle or eastern ports Some, however, desirous of making further efforts, petitioned for permission to exchange their land for m2
WESTERN AUSTRALIA 179
selections m the Nickol Bay district This was gianted, and we find that 12,500 acres at Nickol Bay were assigned to R Batten, Mr. Bolger received 34,500 and J Patterson 11,500 acres on the Harding River, J Sloss, 100,000, C Purdue, 23,000; S. Connell, 11,500; R Bell, 23,000; J Inglis, 11,500; and A Cane, 34,500 acres, on the De Grey; and J. Smith, Stirling, and Simmons, 11,500 acres each on the Fortescue River.
So much for the fortunes of the Camden Harbour Pastoral Association A failure from the very start, it had ceased to exist m May, 1865, though it was not finally abandoned by the Government Resident until the following October Within a year it had ruined most of those who had embarked upon it, had been responsible for the deaths of several, and had cost the Western Australian Government over £5,000
Being practically freed from official duties Mr. Sholl employed the time between May and October in exploring the district During April he made a trip to the south of the Glenelg, finding the country to be mostly of a rocky nature, with precipitous hills, but with grass everywhere, and here and there indications of gold His progress was stopped by the Leopold Ranges. Soon after his return to the camp the Harbour was visited by a fleet of Malay proas and canoes, containing about 300 men The visit apparently was for the purpose of securing natives as slaves
The next trip was made by Mr Treverton C. Sholl and party out to the Leopold Ranges. During this expedition, the journals of which were lost, Mr Sholl visited the Glenelg Basin, ascended and named Mount Page, discovered the Berkelman River, and crossed the Harding Range in face of almost insuperable difficulties He reported the existence of about
500,000 acres of good pastoral country round the Walcott River
The district was not finally abandoned without further disaster One of the Government boats having been stolen by natives Mr Sholl and party set out in the pinnace in the hope of recovering their property and inflicting punishment upon the thieves Next morning they went ashore at a point about ten miles south of Camden Harbour and were at once attacked by natives In the course of the fight Mr. Treverton Sholl and Constable Gee were seriously wounded Regaining the pinnace they found that the tide was too strong, and they were making no headway The anchor dragged, and finally the boat was swamped One of the party, M Quinlan, was drowned, but the others reached the shore in safety. They had then to face an overland journey of some 40 miles through unknown country back to Camden Harbour Their provisions had been lost with the boat, most of their clothing had been cast off when in the water, their firearms were lost, fresh water was
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
almost unobtainable. Under those conditions they set out on their dangerous tramp, and after three days arrived back at the settlement more dead than alive The strain proved too much foi the wounded constable, who died a few days afterwards
Satisfied that nothing further was to be gained by staying at Camden Harbour, Mr. Sholl abandoned it on October 29 and sailed -with all his party for Port Walcott, Nickol Bay, m the “Kestrel " On his way he stopped for a few days at Roebuck Bay and sent Mr Cowle the assistant surveyor, with some of the party, to proceed overland to Port Walcott Leaving the bay on January 10, 1866, Cowle arrived at Port Walcott at the end of February, and reported that for the most part the country was well grassed and quite suitable for pastoral purposes.
Another association, formed shortly after the Camden Harbour venture, met with the same fate The Denison Plains Association, established in Melbourne in 1865, proposed to land settlers on the headwaters of the Victoria River, and send them forward to Denison Plains. Neither the promoters nor shareholders seem to have had any definite idea of the exact position of Denison Plains or of the class of country comprised in them, so that the failure of the venture is not to be wondered at To break up their homes, spend large sums of money in stock and equipment, and sail for an unknown territory, are not qualifications that give evidence of the foresight necessary in those who would be successful pioneers The first band of prospective settlers left Melbourne by the “Warrior,” and arrived at Fremantle early in May, 1865. The leader of the party was Mr C. E Broadhurst, and among the names of those who embarked on the venture were Mr and Mrs Broadhurst, Mr and Mrs Wedge and family (5), Miss Anderson, Dr Baynton, Mr and Mrs Mullen and children (4), and Messrs Venn, Brodie, Edmonstone, Sayers, Hodgkinson, Han-low, Mackay, Fraser, Graham, Gardiner, Hicks, Sayes, Simson, Macintosh, Cane, Bush, Jeffrey, and Filchey During the stay of the vessel at Fremantle Mr Broadhurst was informed by the Governor of the failure of the Camden Plarbour project, and advised to proceed with very great caution On the way up the coast the party stopped at Nickol Bay and obtained land in that locality Various trips inland, west of Roebourne and along the Fortescue and Ashburton rivers, were made, principally under the leadership of Mr H W. Venn, in the hope of discovering satisfactory pastoral country. The party never reached Denison Plains Those who were competent and saw a chance of success in the northwest were not prepared to be bound by co-operative conditions, whilst those who saw nothing but failure in front of them had only one desire—to get back to the eastern colonies as quickly as possible. The association
was wound up early m the following year, and the stock divided amongst the creditors.
Notwithstanding the want of success of these large undertakings, small private bands and individuals were establishing themselves in various parts of the northwest, and were proving that it was possible to achieve good results In April, 1865, Messrs. J. E. and A. R. Richardson, Edwin Anderson, Mackenzie Grant, and John Edgar, from Victoria, landed at Tien-Tsin Harbour with 1,600 ewes, and founded Pyramid Station of
200,000 acres Two of them, Messrs. Grant and Anderson, afterwards, in conjunction with Charles Harper, established the De Grey Station, one of the most successful holdings in the north-west. About the same time (April, 1865) two of the members of the abandoned Camden Harbour Association, Messrs Hooley and Murray, landed in Tien-Tsin Harbour and examined the country in the neighbourhood of the Harding, Sherlock, Fortescue, and Ashburton rivers, crossing in their travels the Hamersley Range They found that for the most part travelling was very rough, and the range was covered with dense spinifex bush, not inviting to the pastoralist Most of these private trips resulted in the selection of new areas of country, and by the end of
1865 the initial stages may be said to have been passed and the prospects of an extensive pastoral settlement assured. From the newspaper files we learn that the following station holders had firmly established themselves •—Messrs Padbury, Withnall, Wellard, A. and J McLeod, Simson, Baynton, Loekyer, Viveash, Anderson, J. E. Richardson, W. and W H. Knight, Mackenzie Grant, and W. A. Taylor with 100,000 acres each; J Edgar with 26,000; and S. Mullen with 20,000; all at Nickol Bay. In addition, areas of 100,000 acres each had been selected or applied for on the Ashburton and Harding rivers by Messrs Anderson, Mount, Murray, Hooley, F. and C. Broadhurst, Hartley, and Holmes According to the Blue Book, 2,946,000 acres were held under lease in the north-west at the end of 1865, and that they were stocked with 16,000 sheep, 300 cattle, and 120 horses.
Settlement was further assisted by Mr. E. T. Hooley’s success in opening up an overland route from Geraldton to Nickol Bay about the middle of 1866 Starting out with 1,920 sheep, he arrived with a loss of only eight, proving that there was excellent food and water on the way, and that stock could be transported by land both more cheaply and with greater safety than by sea.
Permanent settlement being assured it was determined to form a township near Port Walcott, and in
1866 the site of Roebourne—named after the Surveyor-General—was surveyed, the first town lots being sold on September 3 at an upset price of £5 each.
Owing to various circumstances the progress of the
181
district was greatly hindered during 1867. Par away from Perth, the settlers had to depend for provisions mainly upon the small vessels that traded up and down the coast. Through various causes several of these were wrecked, with the result that the new community was brought within the reach of starvation. One of these boats, the “Emma,” was lost with all hands, amongst whom were Mr. Treverton Sholl and nearly thirty other passengers. The famine was averted by the action of Mr.
Charles Harper, who led a small party overland to Champion Bay under circumstances of great difficulty. The “Flying Foam” was dispatched at once from that port, and arrived at Roebourne not a moment too soon. As the outcome to some extent of these difficulties, selections aggregating over
1.000. 000 acres were abandoned in 1867, but over
2.000. 000 were taken up afresh, making the total under leasehold at the end of that year 5,805,000 acres. Two runs of 100,000 acres each lapsed during 1868, but the stock had increased to 38,580 sheep, 444 cattle, and 208 horses.
Together with the exploration and settlement of the north-west renewed activity was shown in examining and opening up the country to the east and south-east of the settled districts round York. Most of this work was done by Messrs. C. E. and A. Dempster, Charles Harper, and B. Clarkson. leaving York in July, 1861, they successfully penetrated the dense scrub and salt lake country to the east previously considered to be im-
passable, and traversed a large portion of the district which now forms the Yilgarn goldfield, their furthest point being Mount Georgina. In the following year they made an attempt to get still further into the interior, but after proceeding about 70 miles they found their progress barred by an unusually wet season, and were compelled to turn back.
The York Agricultural Society next took up the work
and through its efforts an expedition under the leadership of Mr. II. M. Lefroy travelled eastwards into the interior for the purpose of discovering new country suitable for sheep farming. This was partially successful, and Lefroy reported the existence of good agricultural country, but con-si d e r e d settlement out of the q u e s ti o n until wells had been sunk, as surface water was not ob-tainable. He reached longitude 122° 3' E., naming Lake Lefroy, to the south of Kalgoorlie, and traversed a large portion of the present Coolgar-die goldfields.
In the following year Messrs.
B. D. Clarkson,
C. Harper, andL. Lukin left Tood-
yay and. travelled north-easterly for some distance without finding satisfactory land, while Mr. C. C. Hunt left York about the same time, and crossing the Hampton Plains passed over the actual site of Coolgardie. He was compelled to return owing to want of water. T-wo years later he made an almost similar trip across the Hamjjton Plains, but with equally disappointing results. This latter trip was principally made with the
St. George's Terrace, Perth.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
object of cutting a track through to the plains and. sinking 'wells so that the land might be available for pastoralists. No use was made of the track at the time, but thirty years later it remained m sufficiently good order to become the highway to Coolgardie The present eastern railway practically follows the same course. The only other important trip from York was one made by the Messrs Monger, who m 1868 travelled northward m the hope of discovering good country to the east of Champion Bay. This they found between the tracks of Gregory (1848) and Austin (1854), and m the course of their wanderings they discovered and named Lake Monger. They afterwards selected 100,000 acres m the district
While these various expeditions were pushing out northward and eastward others were made into the south-east corner of the colony. Captain Delisser made two trips, in 1862 and 1865, from Fowler Bay across the borders of South Australia, and m 1865 Mr. A Dempster travelled northward from Esperance as far as the Dundas Hills, but was prevented by want of water from going further
In the meantime settlement was also extending rapidly in the settled south-western and eastern districts. Mr. (afterwards Sir) James Lee Steere took up
100.000 acres on the Blackwood m 1861, and other squatters were rapidly establishing themselves in the Warren and Donnelly River areas The acreage -under licence and lease, which m 1861 amounted to 6,500,000 acres, had increased by 1868 to a little over 11,000,000, mostly held for grazing purposes During the same period 75,000 acres were sold at or above the minimum of 10s per acre.
The expansion of the colony during 1861-68 was not limited to exploration Trade and industry showed signs of distinct revival, and with the cheap labour available every phase of development showed signs of renewed vigour. The report of Gregory’s explorations of the north-west coast in 1861 directed attention to pearling and the pearlshell industry, but no success was attained for some years The export of shell to the value of £556 in 1867 was sufficient, however, to prove that the work was worth taking up seriously, and in 1868 some ten boats were employed, the divers being principally natives—many of them women The results were beyond expectation, the value of pearls and shell exported reaching in that year the respectable total of £5,556.
Wool, of course, continued to be the staple export. In the eight years the export value totalled £620,330, that for 1868 being £98,254 as against £54,300 in 1861 The number of sheep had increased from 260,000 to
600.000 The trade in sandalwood was equally lucrative, maintaining throughout these years an average export value of over £20,000 annually, and rising in 1868 to
nearly £27,000 The same could not be said of timber generally. The value of jarrah and karri sent away, which represented £2,500 in 1861 and rose in 1865 to £13,490, had by 1868 declined to £638. The market for such woods does not seem to have been extensive at that time, though the amount exported is no criterion of the amount of output, a great deal being used locally on the various public works. Agriculture also expanded to a considerable extent The 27,387 acres under crop m 1861 had extended to 50,014 m 1868, while flour and gram, which m 1861 were only sufficient for local needs, became by the end of 1868 very appreciable items in the export trade, representing m the latter year a total of £21,467
The Champion Bay lead and copper mines were also lesponsible for a considerable value in the colonial trade, though the increased cost of production and the distance from the markets of the world were rapidly reducing them below the level of paying industries Copper showed a distinct falling off from 1864, but lead increased very decidedly, the two together being valued for export m 1868 at £14,500 Other products, such as whalebone and oil, gum, wine, and raisins, also figured on the list of exports, but not to any great extent
The actual state of the colony and the expansion that had taken place may be seen from a comparison of the figures representmg the first and last years of the period under review.—Exports, £95,789 and £192,635; imports, £147,912 and £225,614, income of colony, £67,161 and £99,495; expenditure, £81,087 and £89,726 In 1868 the colony was free from public debt
Attempts were made about this time, principally by the York Agricultural Society, to encourage the cul tivation of cotton and tobacco, but neither seem to have gone beyond the experimental stage, though the formation of a cotton company with a capital of £20,000 was attempted m London
Interest still continued to be displayed in the search for gold In 1861 parties prospected over the Darling ranges, and got indications, but not sufficient to justify actual mining Inspector Panter, after scouring the district round Northam, returned to that town m December with specimens On the strength of these £2,500 was collected in the town towards further investigations, and the Government supplemented the amount by an equal sum Five thousand pounds was also offered to the discoverer of a payable goldfield within 150 miles of Perth, the condition being that 5,000 ozs should be secured before July 1, 1863 Needless to say the reward was not paid. Being of the opinion that the country was worth besting, the Government engaged Mr E II Hargraves in 1862 to prospect for a period of six months He reported unfavourably, being of opinion that gold in any quantity would never be found in the colony. In 1864 he contributed a paper to the Royal Geographical
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
183
Society in London ‘On the non-auriferous charactei of the rocks of Western Australia.” A little over thirty years later this ‘barren” territory was recognized as one of the greatest gold-producing countries of the world1
Among the miscellaneous events of these years it may be mentioned that efforts were made, but without success, in 1860 and 1861, to establish in the colony a sanatorium for Indian troops The Surveyor-General gave evidence before a Royal Commission appointed by the Imperial authorities to choose a suitable site, but though he endeavoured to prove that the climate and situation of Western Australia could not be improved upon for the purpose nothing came of the idea.
In 1861 the Legislative Council decided to organize a volunteer military force, and m pursuance of an ordinance to that effect companies were raised in Perth, Fremantle, Guildford, York, Pmjarra, and the Vasse For a little time the work was enthusiastically entered into, but soon lapsed, except in Perth The Perth Rifle Volunteers continued in existence for some years; m fact, it may be said that the present 11th Australian Infantry Regiment is the direct descendant of that movement.
The following year saw the establishment of a Money Order Office, and m 1863 the Post Office Savings Bank was opened.
Eighteen sixty-two was remarkable for an unusually wet winter. Most of the low-lying lands on the banks of the Swan were submerged, and floods occurred m nearly all the settled districts of the south-west. The bridges over many of the rivers were carried away, buildings were demolished, and orchards and gardens destroyed The total damage, public and private, was estimated at £30,000.
With the general expansion of the material side there was also a corresponding increase in the religious establishments of the colony. By the end of 1867 there were twenty-two churches and chapels at various centres The Roman Catholic cathedral in Victoria Square was completed in 1863, and in the following year the Anglican cathedral was enlarged, and the old Trinity Church erected. The present Wesley Church, Perth, was commenced in 1867. The spread of educational facilities was equally extensive, there being in the colony m 1868 forty-three public schools in addition to the Bishop’s School.
The native trouble had by this time practically vanished from the south-western districts, but it began to crop up in the districts further east and in the newly-opened north-western areas, where the aborigines were physically stronger and much more bloodthirsty than those around Perth. We have already referred to several fatal attacks upon whites which occurred during the various exploratory trips in the north. After settlement further murders on the part of the natives were
frequently reported, calling for drastic action on the part of the police. Nine aborigines were hanged for the murder of Mr Jas. Rudd and his shepherd m 1864 at Bundeen on the Upper Irwm, and three more for the murder of Mr B. D. Clarkson at his station 80 miles east of Newcastle in 1865. Rottnest Prison was also well filled with native evildoers, the annual number being between fifty and a hundred, most of whom were either from the north or the far interior.
The agitation for representative government, which had of necessity lam dormant during the convict period, was revived when it became known that transportation would cease altogether m 1868. The Secretary of State, it will be remembered, had before 1850 stated that Western Australia would be able to secure some form of elective representation as soon as the colonists were prepared to do without a parliamentary grant, m other words as soon as the local revenue was sufficient to meet all the colonial expenses. The Imperial Act of 1850 (13-14 Viet. c. 59) for the better government of the Australian colonies provided that when that stage had arrived the existing Legislative Council could, on a petition from one-third of the householders of the colony, pass an ordinance establishing a new Legislative Council, one-third of whose members should be nominated and the other two-thirds elected. Simultaneously with the passing of that Act, however, came the establishment of the convict system in Western Australia This, the Secretary of State pointed out, made it impossible for the Imperial authorities to agree to any form of representation, as the bulk of the expenses of the colony under the circumstances would of necessity fall upon the Home Government.
This difficulty being removed by the decision to stop sending out convicts, a public meeting under the chairmanship of the Sheriff was held in Perth on February 21, 1865, and a committee was appointed at that meeting to draft a petition for presentation through the Governor to the Legislative Council. On being presented the petition, which contained 1,303 signatures, was referred to a committee consisting of the Colonial Secretary, Commandant, Attorney-General, and Mr Samson, to examine the signatures, call witnesses, and report to the Council In the course of examination the number of signatures was reduced to 898, the others being struck out as those of persons unknown, convicts, or non-householders. As this total was still in excess of the one-third householders required by the Act, the committee reported that the petition was in form and fulfilled the necessary requirements
The members of the Council, while not prepared to concede the full request of the petitioners, were prepared to do something toward introducing a popular element. An amendment to the petition was therefore carried, the effect of which was to add two additional non-official
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THE CYCL0TED1A 01 WESTERN AUSTRALIA
members to the existing four and to restrict the term of office of the whole six to three years. This amendment, which really negatived the petition, was a severe blow to the progressive party, and objections were raised against the Council's action. Mr. Samson, m a formal protest, asserted that the fulfilment of the conditions laid down in the Imperial Act made it obligatory on the part of the Council to agree. The Attorney-General, however, ruled that the Council had discretionary power.
Public opinion seems at this stage to have been divided upon the matter, though on the whole there was a leaning toward representation. A petition, circulated in September with the object of upholding the action of Mr. Hardey (who had moved the amendment), while approving the appointment of six non-official members finished by declaring that an election by the people would be preferable.
As m all progressive movements, the temporary reverse, especially as it was brought about by official action, only served to fan the flame Meetings were held and resolutions carried protesting against the rejection of the petition, so that by the following year a certain degree of enthusiasm m favour of representative government existed.
The Governor (Dr. Hampton) carefully refrained from any expression of opinion while the subject was under discussion m the Council, but in a despatch to the Secretary of State, dated July 21, 1865, he
stated that he had reason to believe that the majority of the colonists would vote against the requests contained in the petition. By the middle of August, however, his view seems to have undergone some change, as on the 22nd of that month he informed the Secretary of State that he was convinced it would be impossible to arrest the movement unless some concession was made. By December he had veered round still further and wrote, when forwarding the original petition “Such a change, to me, seems to be very immaterial, seeing that to whatever extent I might be allowed any voice in the matter, I should endeavour to nominate the persons most acceptable to the free inhabitants generally, and fairly representing every interest throughout the colony—a very difficult task which I would gladly see delegated to the electors ”
Mr Cardwell, at that time Secretary of State for the Colonies, seems to have pigeon-holed the documents and forgotten all about them. Hence some delay occurred before a reply was received. A change in the occupancy of the Colonial Office brought the documents to light again, and in September, 1867, a reply, dated July 9, was received from the Duke of Buckingham signifying the assent of the Crown to the Legislative Council’s proposal to appoint non-official members equal in number to the official and to limit the term of office to three years. No mention was made of the petition
or of Mr. Samson’s protest against the action of the Council The decision was received with mixed feelings, but the steps taken to carry it into effect were such that the new Council was practically a representative body. A public meeting, presided over by the Sheriff, was held m October, at which it was agreed to accept the concession approved by the Secretary of State, an amendment to the effect that no concession except the franchise be accepted being rejected A resolution was then passed affirming that the colonists should be allowed to select the non-official members, and a committee was appointed to carry the resolution into effect. The members of this committee were L S Leake, C. A. Manning, R King, T. Fawcett, E. Newman, S A. Barker, A. Francisco, S S Parker, J. Drummond, S. Burges, T Bulges, J G Lee Steere, F Lochee, P. Clifton, T. C. Gull, E. Stirling, J. T Cooke, W. Padbury, E Birch, II Saw, G. Glyde, B Mason, J. T Reilly, J. Hardey, T Fanelly, B. B Ranford, J G. C Carr, R De Burgh, G Shenton, W. D. Moore, and G Johnson. The com nnttee met a few days after the public meeting, and transmitted the resolutions to the Colonial Secretary with a request that the Governor should favour them with suggestions. The Governor strongly supported the steps proposed, and promised to give official assistance m securing a proper ballot As it was necessary to choose representatives quickly so as to give time for the Governor to get the consent of the Imperial authorities to their appointment, letters were sent to all the prominent settlers asking for their assistance The colony was then divided into six districts—Perth, Fremantle, Champion Bay, Eastern Districts, Guildford and the Swan, and the Murray, and each district given the right to elect one member All free males of adult age had the right to vote, but no proxies were allowed The elections resulted m the selection of J G. C Cair (Perth), W. Bateman (Fremantle), W. L Brockman (Guildford), J. G. Lee Steere (Murray), and E Hamersley (Eastern District) The Champion Bay settlers refused to take advantage of the concession to select a member, and Governor Hampton had m consequence to select a sixth man His choice fell upon J. W. Hardey, the man responsible for the amendment which defeated the original petition The six names were then submitted to the Governor and by him to the Secretary of State for approval On July 7, 1868, an order m Council was passed appointing them members of the Legislative Council of Western Australia for a period of three years.
As might be expected from a Council thus constituted, the tendency was towards representative government, and no time was lost in bringing the whole question forward once more At a public meeting held in February, 1868, at Perth, it was agreed that immediate steps should be taken to secure representation, and
185
that a second petition in favour should be circulated for signature and presented to the Legislative Council at its next meeting, A committee was appointed to carry out the decision, and Mr. Lee Steere was requested to introduce the memorial, when ready, into the Council.
The requests contained in the petition had, however, been forestalled in part by Governor Hampton, who, in December, 1867, when recommending the appointment of the six names selected, had also recommended that at the end of the three years half the Council should be elected by popular vote and the other half should consist of official nominees, the Governor to have a casting vote. To this suggestion the Secretary of
justified. His interference in matters relating to the convicts, his tyrannical methods toward them, and his action in appointing his son to the position of Acting Comjitroller-General, were strongly, and without doubt justly, resented. There certainly was not equally good ground for accusing him of delaying the inauguration of representative government, though it is questionable whether he would have urged it had not the force of public opinion become too strong to be resisted. There was one phase of his administration, however, that was eminently successful—that of the erection of public works. More than any previous Governor he applied himself to meet the needs of the settlers in that direction, and many public buildings still in use bear testi-
VIEW AT ROTTNEST
State, in March, 1868, gave his approval, but required that the electoral subdivisions proposed and the qualifications of electors should be submitted to him before being finally settled by the local authorities. When the Governor announced the course that was to be followed there was some demur on account of the casting vote, which in popular opinion left the balance of power still on the side of officialdom. Consequently signatures to the petition continued to be sought for.
This was the position in November, 1868, when Dr. Hampton resigned and left the colony. His administration could scarcely be described as peaceful, and there is no doubt that much of the public criticism of it was
mony to the success of his efforts. He used convict labour largely for these purposes, it is true; but, after all, Western Australia was entitled to any benefit she might receive from that labour as some return for consenting to allow the incubus of a criminal population to rest upon her. On the whole the benefits he conferred were lasting in nature, while his mistakes were but ephemeral.
During the period which elapsed between Dr. Hampton’s departure and the arrival of his successor the affairs of the colony were administered by the Commandant, Lieutenant-Colonel Bruce. The only matter of interest that occurred at this time was the visit of
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
the Duke of Edinburgh, who landed at Fremantle on February 3, 1869, and remained in the colony for four days, during which there was much feasting and rejoicing. It was generally believed that Sir Benjamin Pine
would succeed Governor Hampton, but about the middle of the year information was received that the vacancy had been filled by the appointment of Mr. Frederick Aloysius Weld.
CHAPTER XIII.
1869-1875.
ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR WELD—CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES—PROGRESSIVE LEGISLATION—LAND LAWS—RAILWAYS AND TELEGRAPHS—GENERAL DEVELOPMENT—EXPLORATION.
The new Governor, Mr. Frederick A. Weld, arrived in the colony on September 30, 1869. Pie was not without colonial experience, having spent many years m New Zealand, during whicn he had on more than one occasion been a Minister of the Crown. From 1864 to 18o5 he was Premier of that colony, resigning on account of ill-health. The position of Governor ol Western Australia was offered to him to mark the Secretary of State’s appreciation of his successful management of New Zealand affairs. One of his first acts m his new spheie of duty was to gam a practical knowledge of the territory he was called upon to govern, and with this end m view he travelled over most of the settled districts of the south-west and east, forming his own conclusions of the possibilities of the colony. In a despatch upon the subject he described the country from north to south, except where areas had been cleared for cultivation, as one vast forest in the sense that it was heavily timbered While the good land so far as wheat-growing was concerned was patchy and scattered, yet m most places it was possible to grow something. The lightness of the crops was “owing m a great measure to overcropping and slovenly farming.” Vine-growing, in his opinion, deserved very much more attention than it received, and the wine produced, though unscientifically prepared, was likely to possess many of the qualities of Spanish wines The roads (as might be expected where convict labour had been at work) he found wonderfully good, and the country had great facilities for the construction of roads, railways, and telegraphs.
All this goes to show not only that Mr. Weld was an accurate observer, but that he had a first-class knowledge of the things that were necessary for the country’s prosjoerity, and his administration proved that he had both the energy and ability required to put them into successful operation.
The principal matter that he had to deal with at the outset of his teim was that of representative government Successive Secretaries of State had informed
Governor Hampton that the Imperial authorities weie favourable, but the conclusion oi his term arrived before the idea could be carried into effect. The petition prepared m accordance with the resolution of the public meeting of February, 1868, was presented by Mr. Lee Steere to the Legislative Council in 1869. It was sufficient, containing as it did 1,649 authenticated signatures, to show the mind of the settlers upon the question. As the new Governor was expected to arrive within a little time Lieutenant-Colonel Bruce asked that consideration of it be postponed till he came, but agreed to the appointment of a committee to draft a Bill and divide the colony into electoral districts. Mr. Weld on his arrival took the earliest opportunity of showing his sympathy with the movement Speaking at Bunbury early in 1870 he stated that the new system of government would be introduced as quickly as possible At the same time he warned them that the natural outcome of representative government was responsible government, a consummation for which in his opinion the colony was not prepared Further, whatever scheme of representation was evolved, it would be necessary for the Home Government to have a strong voice in local affairs, at any late while large amounts from Imperial funds were being expended m the colony. To some this speech seemed too vague and indefinite to be satisfactory, but any doubts that may have arisen were set at rest soon after Mr. Weld’s return to Perth. In communicating to Mr Lee Steere the tenor of a despatch from Lord Glan-ville supporting the wishes of the colonists, he concluded . “It is unnecessary for me to say that I shall very cordially co-operate m the work that now lies before us, and I trust, with God’s blessing, and the support of the people of this colony, to conduct it to a successful issue ”
The advocates for the change did not allow public feeling to grow cold Meetings were held at various centres, and resolutions urging the introduction of the Bill were passed At Bunbury Mr Steere expressed
187
himself forcibly to the effect that ‘ he was shocked and indignant at the indifference shown to public opinion by the Executive, that it was the arbitrary will of one man prevailing over a Council of ciphers m the machinery of government.” The Governor, while advocating the desires of the colonists, did not, however, hesitate to expiess to the Secretary of State his candid opinion of the conditions existing m the colony “I see no reason,” he wrote, “to suppose that under the present system the colonists will ever become more fitted for self-government, and I greatly dread that if its introduction be long deferred they will become far less fitted At present there aie still men among them whose English education and English reminiscences would guide them in the almost forgotten path, the younger generation may grow up with less political education and far less thought, I fear, of the real responsibilities of good citizens and loyal subjects. An almost primitive simplicity and kindliness of manners, very pleasing to see, strangely enough co-exists m the same country that holds a large proportion of the criminal class; and I should be unjust were I not to point out with gratifica tion that it is not unoommon to find men formerly belonging to the latter classes who have made good settlers and have raised themselves to a position of respectability and independence. An influx of population and riches, such a ‘rush’ as has heretofore taken place in almost every other portion of the Australian colonies, would, did it find us under the present system, result in an almost irresistible demand for universal suffrage and responsible government at a time when such a concession would be unsafe and pregnant with disastrous consequences.”
By the provisions of 13-14 Viet , c 59 (1850), and certain provisions of 5-6 Viet , c. 76 (1842), and 7-8 Viet., c 74 (1844), which relate to the constitution of the Legislative Council, and under which the new Bill was prepared, the Governor was empowered, subject to the assent of the Imperial Government, to establish a new Legislative Council on providing for the payment out of colonial funds of all expenses of the civil establishment. Such Council should consist of nominated and official and elected members, the nominated and official to number together one-third of the whole, and the elected to represent electoral districts which were to be determined With any increase in elected members there must be a corresponding increase in nominees to preserve the ratio of one-third to two-thirds Every adult man of twenty one years of age was to be entitled to vote, provided he owned property worth £100, was a householder paying £10 a year, or held a depasturing license No person could be elected as a member unless he possessed property of the annual value of £100 o1 the capital value of £2,000 The nominated members were to hold office for five years, except in case of a
dissolution, and weie to be appointed by the Queen Power of appointment might be delegated to the Governor. Forfeiture of a seat followed upon absence for two successive sessions, insolvency, or fraud. The term of election was five years The Council must meet at least once m every year at such time and place as the Governor deemed expedient, and the Governor could prorogue or dissolve the Council whenever he considered such a course necessary. A member of the Council must be elected as Speaker, and the election approved by the Governor, before any business was transacted.
The Governor, who under the new system ceased to be a member of the Council, was required to transmit for the consideration of members such Bills as he desired to introduce. All Bills before becoming law must, after passing through the Council, be assented to by the Governor, who was bound by the provisions of the Act and also by whatever instructions he might receive from the Imperial authorities. Permission to make laws for the appropriation of Crown lands was specially withheld, and Bills dealing with certain other questions as, e.g , divorce, must be reserved for Imperial sanction Alterations in the Constitution also required the assent of the Crown Beyond these matters the Council had general legislative authority These were the main provisions of the Act of 1850 Any Constitution framed under it was to come into effect upon the issue of the writs for the elections.
The Bill which was introduced by Governor Weld on May 23, 1870, m accordance with the provisions of this Act, provided for a Council of eighteen, of whom twelve were to be elected, three to be nominated by tne Governor, and three official members—the Colonial Secretary, the Surveyor-General, and the Attorney-General.
The fact that the Governor retained the power of veto rather discounted the value of the concession in the eyes of some, whilst others were disappointed because the local legislature would not be able to make land laws A few were anxious, notwithstanding the financial aspect, to secure full responsible government, and a still smaller section, representing the old conservative element, could see no prospect of advantage m any change at all The Bill, as Governor Weld said, was not perfect, but there is no doubt that it was a distinct step forwaid, and provided all that could reasonably be expected under the circumstances
The Bill caused an animated discussion in the Council, opinion being very much divided upon the subject Several members failed to see that any advantage would be derived from it, while others opposed any alteration of a system that seems to have suited their particular requirements On the second reading, however, it was carried by seven votes to five, those m favour being Governor Weld, the Colonial Secretary (Mr. F P.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
Bailee), the Attorney-General (Mr. G. F. Stone), and parties m the House. The Colonial Secretary, the
Messrs. Lee Steere, Carr, Biockman, and Newman, and those against, the Commandant (Lieutenant-Colonel Biuce), the Surveyor-General (Captain Roe), the Colonial Treasurer (Mr. A. Lefroy), and Messrs. Phillips and Hardey.
The Bill was finally passed on June 1, a date already memorable as the day of the foundation of the colony and the date upon which the first convict ship arrived. Immediately after the passing of the Bill the formal opening of Perth Town Hall took place, and the occasion under the circumstances was made one of double rejoicing.
The writs for the new Council were issued on July 18, 1870. There were ten electoral districts—Perth, Fiemantle, Geraldton, York, Toodyay, Swan,
Gieenough, Wellington, Vasse, and Albany Perth
and Fremantle were entitled to elect two representatives, and the other constituencies one each The elections were held during October and the early part of November, with the following result.—
Perth—J G. C Carr and L. S. Leake.
Fiemantle—E Newman and W. D Mooie
Swan—T. C Gull
Albany—John McKail
York—J H. Monger
Geraldton—Major Logue
Gieenough—George Shenton
Toodyay—James Diummond
Wellington—Jas G Lee Steere.
Vasse —J G Bussell.
These twelve gentlemen, with the six nominees— three official and three unofficial—formed the first Legislative Council under representative government m Western Australia The official members were the Colonial Secretary (F P Barlee), the Surveyor-General (Mr Fraser), and the Attorney-General (R J Walcott), the unofficial nominees were Messrs S P. Phillips, M Brown, and W E Marmion Two old and tried servants of the colony retired from their positions on the inauguration of the new system These were the Surveyor-General (Captain J. S Roe) and the Attorney-General (Mr Geo F Stone) Both were pioneers, and had done sound and excellent work for their adopted country To Captain Roe, who had held office as Surveyor-General from 1829 and had been a member of the Legislative Council since 1832, Western Australia is especially indebted His ability, wisdom, tact, and judgment were always at the service of his fellow-settlers, and no official did more—if any did so much— to further the interests of the colony
The new Legislative Council met for the first time on Deoember 5, 1870 Mr Luke S Leake was elected Speaker and Mr J. G C Carr Chairman of Committees
leader of the Government, was supported by the nominee and official members as well as by the more conservative of the elected representatives, while the more radical section followed Mr. J. G. Lee Steere, who was the accepted leader of the Opposition. At the outset it also became plain that the Council did not intend to be a mere echo of the Executive, but was determined to exercise to the full the legislative powers conferred upon it This was especially noticeable on the introduction of a Bill to amend the representation m the Council whereby it was sought to remedy a defect m the wording of 13-14 Viet., c. 59, under which conditional-pardon men were unintentionally excluded from the franchise, and also to remove the qualification necessary for members. The Bill was referred to a committee, which enlarged its scope by allowing persons holding Government contracts to sit, but debarred those who had been guilty of felony or other infamous offences from holding office. The suggestions of the committee were adopted by the House, with the result that the Governor referred the Bill back for further consideration The Council promptly returned it without alteration, and it was then reserved for Her Majesty’s assent, notification of which arrived m the colony late in July.
The first distinct step m the direction of local government was taken during this session In the past the towns and rural districts had been subject to Roads Trusts, bodies with power to levy rates for certain purposes, more particularly the making and maintenance of roads, jetties, and other means of communication. The Municipalities Act, passed in 1871, gave the local councils jurisdiction over roads, drains, wharves, public buildings, pounds, boundaries, fences, and sanitation, with power to rate and also to borrow money for the purposes set forth Under this Act Perth was proclaimed a municipality early m January, and was followed shortly afterwaicls by Fremantle, Guildford, Albany, Bunbury, Busselton, Geraldton, and York. At the time Perth had an estimated population of 4,500 The first municipal elections were held on March 8, and resulted m the return of Messrs J. B Roe, W Adkm-son, and B Smith for the East Ward, J Dyer, J Dyson, and G Randell for the Central Ward, and J Snowball, M Smith, and B. Ranford for the West Ward Mr. Geo. Glyde, who for some years had been chairman of the Town Trust, was elected Chairman, being succeeded m 1874 by Mr. G. Randell.
About the same time a Local Roads Boards Act was passed for the government of those rural districts which were not prepared to assume the responsibilities of municipalities. Both these Acts were amended in 1876 In the Municipalities Act the right of voting was given to the owners or occupiers of property who
From the very first it was evident that there were twohad paid their rates and had not been in receipt of
189
public relief. Property rated under carried one
vote, with an additional vote for every increase of £25 in annual value up to a maximum of four votes. Any voter could become a councillor, but the Chairman must be qualified to serve as a Grand’ Juror. Under the Roads Boards Act the qualification was somewhat lower. A rateable value of £50 per annum secured the maximum of four votes.
Probably feeling that it was incumbent upon a representative body to do something in the way of developing the resources of the country, one of the early actions of the Legislative Council was to pass a Loan
gaol, £885; coast surveys, £3,000; and extension of Fremantle jetty, £1,675. These figures show, at any rate, that it was not the intention of the new body to continue in the state of stagnation reached by its predecessor.
The second session of the Council was opened in July, 1871, when several matters of grave moment to the prosperity of the colony were decided. Principal among these were those relating to education and the land regulations. For years it had been the custom of the old Legislative Council to pass an annual grant for educational purposes. There had been growing dissatis-
View atvGuildford.
Bill authorizing the raising of £100,000 for carrying out public works. This seemed to the Governor so great a departure that he reserved the Bill for the Imperial assent, which was not given until a considerable time had elapsed, and then only for £35,000, and under guarantee that the interest would be met. The amount was raised (at 6 per cent.) in 1872, and was apportioned as follows:—Telegraph stations, £1,870; purchase of telegraph shares, £12,000; railway surveys, Geraldton, £1,675; Gage Roads anchorage, £1,000; jetties, £3,340; improving the Swan River, £2,330; lighthouses, £2,500; Mandurah Estuary, £400; Albany
faction on the part of the Catholic community with the manner in which this grant had been apportioned. Addresses were presented to the Council in 1869 asking that Catholics be allowed a separate grant. Upon this being refused, a petition was forwarded to the Secretary of State requesting that a proportionate part of the grant be allotted for Catholic schools. Convinced that the matter was one for the local administration, the Imperial Government declined to interfere, leaving it to the representative Council to deal with. That body also declined at its first session to make any alteration in the existing system, but the whole question became
190
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
so acute chniiig tile recess that at the second session an Elementary Education Act was passed and a satisfactory settlement arrived at Under the provisions of the Act Government schools confined themselves to a purely secular education, while the schools founded by the various religious denominations gave instruction in accordance with their creeds These latter were entitled to receive Government aid to the amount of the income they derived from fees or subscriptions Religious teachers could also give instruction m Government schools for one hour either before or after the ordinary day’s work, the attendance of scholars being voluntary Inspectors could not examine m religious subjects All children between the ages of six and fourteen, residing within three miles of a school, were required to attend The Central Board of Education consisted of the Colonial Secretary as Chairman and four laymen of different denominations appointed by the Governor for three years This Board had control of all schools receiving Government aid, but only so far as secular instruction was concerned District Boards, subject to the Central Board, were also established; these consisted of five members elected for three years by the people of the district In order to thoroughly carry out these provisions, £6,181 was placed on the Estimates of 1871 for educational purposes. This Act met the needs of the community admirably, and with slight amendments continued in operation till 1895, when the enormous expansion of the colony due to the discovery of the goldfields rendered a more modern measure necessary
As one of the grounds of opposition to the old Council had been its ingenuity in framing land regulations that did not meet with the approval of the colonists generally, it was only to be expected that the representative body would take the subject into oon sideration at an early stage of its existence New regulations were framed in 1871, under which all land fit for the purposes of agriculture were reserved for sale as agricultural areas, the price being fixed at 8s per acre, payable in annual instalments of Is per acre under certain conditions relating to occupation and improvement In the opinion of some members of the Council the price was too high, but at the request of the Governor, who feared the Secretary of State might object, no reduction was mad© Rural sections were fixed at 100 acres, with provision for selecting smaller plots for garden purposes Under special circumstances other unreserved lands could be reduced in price Pastoral leases for twenty-one years at low rents to secure improvement were approved and the fee simple offered for clearing and fencing poison lands New mineral regulations were also framed, restricting the area to 200 acres and allow ing a right to mine for two years on payment of £1 a year rent. Leases for twenty-eight years for mining purposes could also be secured, starting at 5s. per acre
and using by 5s jier acie every seven yeais A Commissioner of Ciown Lands was appointed to carry out the provisions of the regulations Crown lands being one of the subjects that required Imperial consent, the proposed regulations were forwarded to the Secretary of State for his approval. This was given, with slight amendments, towards the close of the year, and the regulations came into force in March, 1872, remaining in operation until the introduction of the Torrens system in 1875 rendered them practically obsolete Earl Kimberley’s despatch showed how difficult it was for a man without practical knowledge of colonization to understand the conditions existing in a new country Like most of his predecessors in office he deprecated the extension of settlement into new districts, mainly on account of the increase in the administrative expenses that would necessarily ensue The despatch also refused to allow the Governor in Council to make alterations in the regulations, as that would involve the surrender by the Crown of its control over waste lands.
The stumbling-block over which the first representative Council finally came to grief was the question of Customs duties. These had been imposed only from the standpoint^ of revenue purposes, the general public opinion being always in favour of freetrade. That was still the view when the new Tariff Bill was introduced into the Council at the close of 1870, the provisions of which did not make any drastic or far-reaching alterations Under the Tariff Ordinance of 1867 spirits were charged with a duty of 15s per gallon, tobacco Is 9d per ft., and the remaining articles of import were required to pay a duty of 7 per cent on the invoice price Stock, grains, flour and meal, agricultural implements and machinery, and other goods specially exempted by the Governor were admitted free The Bill of 1871, which came into force on January 1, restricted the free list to stock, flour and meal, plants and seeds, coals and fuels, -and several other articles not in general use. The duties on wines, beers, spirits, tobacco, and cigars were raised considerably, and the remaining goods subjected to a general ad valorem duty of 7 per cent The duties were proposed not from the standpoint of protection but as a means of increasing the revenue, which was showing distinct signs of falling off owing to the diminishing convict expenditure, poor seasons, and a general fall in prices of those commodities which the colony was able to export. Several of the country members, however, no doubt looking for a good local market, were anxious to see duties placed on flour and other articles that could be locally produced; in other words, favoured a protective tariff. The question was warmly debated during the recess, and soon after the second session of the Council met in July, 1871, it formed a subject for further consideration.
Early in August Mr Logue moved that flour and
191
neal bo removed from the free list and charged with a duty of 20s. per ton. This was strongly opposed, and a rather strenuous debate, followed, the principal argument in favour of the proposal being that it would confer a distinct benefit upon the farmers and at the same time assist the revenue. In the end the advocates for protection—some of whom professed to be freetraders— won the day by the narrow majority of one. When the proposal was embodied in a Tariff Bill it passed the third reading by a majority of three, ten voting for it and seven against.
The members of the Freetrade League, which was at this time a particularly active institution, waited upon the Governor and asked him not to assent to the Bill. Convinced that the tax would not produce much
there would bo little to attract attention in the amount of work performed, there is no doubt that in a small colony (which from the standpoint of population Western Australia then was), hitherto ruled by an official class which did not always see eye to eye with the people, the results of the Parliament marked a very distinct step forward. The Survey Department had been re-organized ; more liberal land regulations passed; a comprehensive and equitable educational system brought into operation; and a useful programme of public works arranged. On the whole there was every reason to feel satisfied with the change brought about by the introduction of representative government.
The new Council met on July 20, 1872. The official members remained the same, but Messrs. W. E. Mar-
Homestead, State farm, Narrogin,
in the way of revenue, and that it would press harshly upon the poorer classes, Governor Weld on August 17 applied the veto. As the notification of the Queen’s assent to the Act to amend the representation of the people had been received just previously, Mr. Weld considered the time opportune for putting it into force, and thus by a dissolution solve the difficulty created by his rejection of the Tariff Bill, and allow the people as a whole, by means of a fresh election, to express their opinion upon that matter.
The Legislative Council was therefore formally dissolved on the date mentioned, with an expression of the Governor’s confidence in the beneficial effects of those free institutions which he had endeavoured to foster during his term of office. Though in a larger community
mion, A. P. Bussell, and W. Bicklev took the places of the previous unofficial nominees. Of the elective members nine were returned again, the other three—Messrs. W. D. Moore, T. C. Gull, and J. McKail giving place to Messrs. W. S. Pearce, W. L. Brockman, and T. C. Carey. The previous Speaker and Chairman of Committees were re-elected to those positions. One of the burning questions during the elections was that of tariff reform. The Governor was in favour of low duties, if not of complete freetrade, and chose as his unofficial nominees gentlemen who held the same views. The representatives of the larger towns also supported the Government, but those from the rural constituencies were strongly protectionist. When the question came up for consideration it was evident that the protectionist
section had a majority, and the resulting Tariff Act, though it would scarcely be called protective nowadays, had a distinct leaning in that direction The general duties were raised to 10 per cent ; corn and grains, rice excepted, were chaiged with 6d per bushel; bran, pollard, meal, and hay, 20s per ton; butter, 3d. per ft) , potatoes, 10s per ton; spirits, 14s. per gallon; beer and cider, 9d. per gallon; sugar, 4s per cwt.; tea, 4d. per ft).; tobacco, 2s. 6d per ft).; and cigars, 5s per ft) Flour, agricultural implements, and machinery, fencing-wire, and so forth were placed on the free list, though flour only remained there after a stubborn fight and by a narrow majority.
Out of these discussions upon the tariff question arose the beginnings of the agitation for responsible government. In the first place the attitude of the Governor towards the suggestion of protective duties raised the question whether officialism was not still supreme. To throw greater power into the hands of the representatives of the people, Mr. Lee Steere proposed to double the number of elected representatives. In order to prevent such a drastic step from being taken Mr. Weld compromised by offering to increase the representation by creating two new constituencies, claiming at the same time an additional official nominee. These proposals were embodied in a Bill introduced by the Colonial Secretary in July, 1873 The new districts were termed the Northern and the Murray and Wellington To this Bill Mr. Lee Steere, who seems to have been the spokesman for the more radically inclined members of the community, moved a series of sweeping amendments to the effect that the constitution of the Executive Council should be altered by the addition of elected members, so as to bring its decisions more into harmony with the Legislature and with public opinion , that with the exception of four officials—the Colonial Secretary, Attorney-General, Surveyor-General, and Colonial Treasurer, all members of the Legislative Council should be elected by a constituency; that the constituencies returning one member should for the future elect two; and that provision be made for regulating voting by proxy The suggestions were vigorously opposed by the Colonial Secretary as leader of the Government, and ultimately all of them, with the exception of that relating to proxy voting, were withdrawn, and the Bill was passed
All this is evidence of a growing feeling m favour of a wider form of government. Representative government it was considered had not fulfilled the people’s expectations. Mr. Lee Steere, one of the strongest advocates in favour of it, confessed that it was “ill-suited for the requirements of this colony or any other,” and many others who had been among its warmest advocates became bitter opponents. Such opinions, widely disseminated, were bound to lead in the direction of respon-
sible government, and by 1874 the desire for a change became the burning question of the hour In June of that year a public meeting was held at Bunbury in favour of the change, and Mr Lee Steere—who had previously doubted the wisdom of such a course—agreed to support responsible government in and out of the Council. In the following month he moved a resolution in the Legislative Council affirming that responsible government would tend to the future progress of the colony, and asking for a Select Committee to frame a constitution. After some discussion an amendment moved by Mr. Crowthei was passed, affirming the in tegrity of the existing Government and asking the Governor to introduce a Bill providing for autonomy, and to recommend Her Majesty to approve of it.
Governor AVeld, rightly judging that the wisest course to pursue was to assist rather than oppose, promised to prepare such a measure, and in case of its adoption to recommend it to the favourable consideration of the Crown. In pursuance of that promise, a Bill to establish a Constitution for Western Australia and to grant a Civil List to Her Majesty was introduced into the Council on August 3, 1874, by the Colonial Secretary. It provided for the establishment of an Upper and a Lower House, the one to be wholly nominated by the Governor-in-Council and the other to consist of twenty-five elected members. The Lower House was to have the sole power of originating money Bills and of imposing, altering, or repealing taxes It was to bQ elected for five years Judges, ministers of religion, and public contractors were debarred from sitting in either House, and any member accepting an office of profit under the Crown would thereby forfeit his seat The control of the lands was to come under the Parliament, subject to a Civil List charge of £9,729 annually. Compensation was provided, either by way of pension or retiring allowance, for those officers whose positions would be abolished by the change.
Owing to the nominee character of the proposed Upper House the scheme did not meet with any degree of acceptance Mr Lee Steere proposed that consideration of the measure be postponed until the country had been given an opportunity of expressing its opinion This was negatived by the House, but acted upon by the Governor, who dissolved the Council on the following day The result of the election showed that public opinion strongly favoured responsible government The matter was not, however, brought before the new House which met in November to pass supply, Governor Weld explaining that as he was on the eve of departure from the colony it would be more fitting to allow his successor to deal with it, especially as Mr Robinson would probably be more in touch with the views of the Home authorities. At the risk of anticipating a little, it may be said that the proposal for responsible government
193
came to nothing at that time. One of the first actions of the new Governor (Sir William Robinson) was to read to the Council a despatch from the Secretary of State mildly censuring Governor Weld for being a little too precipitate in his desire to meet the wishes of the colonists, and pointing out that the Imperial Government was not prepared to recommend responsible government, more particularly as Mr.
Weld himself had on previous occasions depre cated any such extension. After referring to this,
Lord Carnarvon continued: “It
is with some surprise and regret that I now learn that without any previous intimation that such a measure was contemplated, or any reference to the opinions of Her Majesty's Government, the Governor has publicly pledged himself that this most serious change shall immediately be made, and that a Bill dealing with many questions of difficulty, in respect of which care must in any case be exercised, has been considered by the Council.
We are dealing with a colony of vast extent, at present inhabited
by a population estimated at 26,000 persons, of whom it is stated some 8,000 are adult males, and of these, as I understand, between 5,000 and 6,000 are persons formerly transported as convicts from this country.” After pointing out the large increase in expenditure that responsible government would
King Kauri, 242 feet high, 40 feet girth
entail in the way of administration as well as in the direction of providing for the supervision of the remaining convicts, and stating that he had promised Governor Weld to give the matter due consideration if a clear majority of the people desired it, he concluded: “But on a calm review of its present circumstances and conditions, I cannot but. question whether this great alteration is not somewhat premature, and I feel it my duty, though not a grateful one to me personally, to withhold any hasty consent, and to interpose such prudent de-lays as will secure a full and dispassionate consideration of a decision which is fraught with such important consequences to the colony.” This despatch practically settled the matter for the time being. Every now and again an endeavour was made to resuscitate it, and the Press occasionally inferred that it was on the eve of being granted, but Governor Robinson gave it little or no support, and gradually the whole discussion fell into abeyance.
Notwithstanding the large amount of time and interest that
was given to constitutional questions during the term of office of Governor Weld, opportunity was also found to consider many matters of vital importance to the material wellbeing of the community. As regards facilities for communication and transit, Western Australia lagged far behind the rest of the civilized
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
world Up to 1869 there was not a single mile of telegraph line or railway in the colony. Requests had been repeatedly made to the old Legislative Council to take these matters m hand, but always without result The first move was made by two private citizens, Messrs. Edmund Stirling and Gumming, who on their own responsibility erected a telegiaph line between Perth and Fremantle and opened it for public business in June, 1869. This created such a stir that in 1870 the Government felt compelled to take the question of telegraph extension into consideration In May of that year a resolution was passed by the Legislative Council at the instance of the Colonial Secretary authorizing the construction of lines between Perth and Albany, Bunbury, York, and Newcastle. The work was to be done by an Electro-Magnetic Telegraph Company, which was formed with a capital of £12,000, the interest upon which was guaranteed by the Government. The directors were Messrs Leake, Carr, Shenton, Birch, Glyde, Moore, King, McKail, Clifton, Steere, and Monger, with Major Crampton as Chairman and A J. Hillman as Secretary A second company was formed shortly afterwards, but the two were amalgamated in 1871 Tenders were invited for the construction of the various lines, and by the end of 1872 the work was completed When the loan of £35,000 allowed by the Secretary of State was floated in 1872, £12,000 out of the proceeds was applied to the purchase of these lines by the Government, and arrangements were made for rapid extension The loan was soon absorbed, and in 1873 a further amount of £100,000 was authorized The first moiety of this was raised in Melbourne in 1874, and the second shortly afterwards It was wholly applied to railway and telegraph extension Communication by wire was established in 1874 between Newcastle and Geraldton, and in January, 1875, just prior to leaving the colony, Governor Weld installed the first pole of an overland line between Perth and Eucla This line was completed by the end of 1877, and as Eucla was already connected with Adelaide, and Adelaide with London, it brought Western Australia into touch with the outside world The length of the line is about 749 miles, and the cost of its construction about £42,000, nearly 30s per head of the population at that time.
Following closely upon the institution of the telegraph came the development of a railway system. The first efforts in that direction were made by private companies operating in the timber forests, and the lines were built primarily to facilitate the transport of timber to the coast. Towards the end of 1871 the Western Australian Timber Company built and opened a line connecting their jetty kt the Vasse with the timber forests about 12 miles away Shortly afterwards Messrs. Mason, Bird, & Co , who were working a timber concession in the "Darling Ranges, established a railway
from the Canning to Rockingham and a tramway from Canning to the jarrah forests.
Movement by private firms in the direction of railway extension seems to have spurred the Government on to take action. In 1871 a committee, consisting of the Surveyor-General, Mr Drummond, and Mr. Gull, was appointed to repoit on the subject of a railway to York and the eastern districts The public and the Press urged that this should bo undertaken, together with one from Geraldton to Northampton, so as to cheapen the cost of transport for agricultural produce and for minerals In December it was decided to accept the services of a Melbourne engineer to make accurate surveys of these lines The result of these was the decision to construct the Geraldton-Northampton line, but the want of funds delayed the commencement of the work until after the loan of 1874 had been floated. The first sod was turned on October 22, 1874, but the line was not completed until 1879 Its actual cost was far in advance of the original estimate of £50,000 By the time rolling stock had been secured and the telegraph line erected £147,217, or about £4,300 per mile, had been expended. For the first few years its earnings were not sufficient to meet working expenses
Contrary to expectation, it was not until 1873 that any suggestion was definitely made to connect Perth with Fremantle and Guildford by a railway. In that year it was discussed m the Council, and though a resolution was passed favouring a trial survey, it was apparent that the weight of opinion was against it There seems to have been a fear that it was too great an undertaking for a small community, as well as a suspicion that it would in some measure interfere with vested interests, such as the carrying trade on the river Consequently the question was allowed to lapse for the time
Notwithstanding the generally hopeful feeling that prevailed on Governor Weld’s assumption of office, the revenue and expenditure during the early years of his administration gave some cause for disquiet. The cessation of transportation naturally brought about a decrease m the convict expenditure. Added to this, the year 1870 was subject to a severe drought, greatly affecting both the pastoral and agricultural industries, and a scourge of red rust, which had first made its appearance in 1868, grew more pronounced These causes combined brought about a shrinkage in income which at first promised to be serious, and called for the use of the pruning-knife m retrenchment, more especially as the expenditure, through the operation of the very same causes, increased yearly by a fairly considerable amount. The general expansion of trade and industry fortunately acted in some measure as a counterpoise, and by the end of 1872 the balance was once more on the right side The fluctuations of revenue and expenditure and
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
195
of imports and exports during the years 1869-1874 may be seen from the accompanying table —•
Income Expenditure Impoits Expoits.
£ £ £ £
1869 103,661 103,124 256,729 205,502
1870 98,131 113,046 213,258 200,984
1871 97,605 107,147 198,010 199,120
1872 105,300 98,248 226,656 209,196
1873 134,831 114,269 297,327 265,217
1874 148,072 143,266 364,262 428,836
The income in each year included about £15,000 contributed by the Imperial Government towards the cost of the police, magistracy, and charitable relief. During the period the Imperial expenditure upon the oonvict establishment dropped from £107,023 to £78,759. This reduction was due to the fact that the number of convicts under control was yearly becoming less, and it consequently became possible to concentrate them at Fremantle and close the various depots throughout the country, a course which m the opinion of the colonists was more m the interests of the Home Govern ment than of Western Australia
In spite of the operation of these various factors, the depression was of slight effect and of but momentary duration In 1872 there were signs of returning prosperity all along the line, though it was not until 1874 that the corner was turned and the colony became an exporter in place of an importer Wool, of course, continued to be the staple commodity—even though the pastoral industry was hampered by dry seasons and other drawbacks—the quantity sent away m 1874 being valued at £215,624 After wool came sandalwood, timber, pearls and pearl shell, guano, and minerals The sandalwood trade varied with the local demand for general labour, and also with the prices ruling at Singapore and other ports to which it was sent, but during these years it reached its Highest point of development From 1869 to 1874 the total value exported was £273,838, of which £70,572 was dispatched in the latter year. The hardwood timbers were not quite so much sought after, though the foundations were being laid for the important trade in these woods which has since been developed In 1869 Lieutenant-Colonel Bruce informed the Legislative Council that over £100,000 worth of orders for jarrah from India had been refused owing to the difficulty of transport to the sea This was surmounted by railways and tramlines, and the industry began to forge ahead In 1871 a Victorian company began operations at Wonnerup, and others followed The inclusion of jarrah (1872) and karri (1873) by Lloyds among the A class of ship-building timbers brought these hardwoods more prominently before buyers, and the export trade, which in 1872 had fallen to £2,500, rose in 1874 to £24,194. n2
The development of the pearl and pearl shell industry, which had attracted considerable attention during the early sixties after the opening up of the North-West, received a strong stimulus early m 1869 through the discovery of a pearl valued at £260 Like the finding of a nugget to the mining industry, this caused a mild rush to engage m pearling, especially as shell at that time would bring £180 per ton. The number of boats engaged in the trade was largely increased, and pearling became one of the recognized industries of the colony In 1869 about 54 tons of shell were raised, and sold for £6,490; from that onward the amount increased every year, and in 1874 308 tons were sold for £61,600, as well as pearls to the value of £12,000
The principal fishing grounds were olf the coast around Nickol Bay, but inferior shell of little value was also secured in Shark Bay The diving was performed by natives, many of whom were women, and the treatment of these latter was certainly not in many instances creditable to the white pearlers. So acute did the moral aspect of the question become that in the interests of the aborigines the Legislative Council was compelled to pass an Act prohibiting the employment of women as divers To interference with the native women may h,e attributed many of the murders committed by aborigines in and around the pearling station. In January, 1873, two pearlers, R Shea and S Miller, left their camp on the coast near the De Grey to look for certain native deserters In the following month their mutilated bodies were discovered Several natives were tried for the murder, and in the course of the trial it transpired that Miller had been murdered in mistake for a well-known settler whose conduct had been such as to call for retaliation on the part of the blacks The prohibition against employing women led to the engagement (often compulsory) of Malays, who were found to be more satisfactory in the deeper waters. In 1874 some 500 divers of all classes were engaged along the coast.
The lead and copper mines in the Champion Bay district continued to be adversely affected by the difficulties of transport, and the output fluctuated considerably. In 1870 1,209 tons of ore, valued at £14,514. were raised, but in the following years there was an appreciable decrease, and it was not uutil 1874 that any evidence of progress was apparent. In that year 2,209 tons of lead and copper ore were exported and sold for £26,723 Five mines were working — the Geraldine, Wheel of Fortune, Yanganooka, Gwalla, Wanerenooka, and Gelira The first two had reached a depth of over 300 ft , and the others between 100 and 200 ft
The search for gold still continued, spurred on by the Government’s offer of a bonus of £5,000, which had been extended to cover the discovery of a payable field
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within 300 miles of any declared port. In 1869 traces were discovered at North Dandalup, on the strength of which the prospectors applied, without success, for the reward. In 1870 several reports of discoveries were received—one on the Blackwood River and others on the Murchison Gold certainly was found on the Upper Irwin, but not in sufficient quantities to make it worth mining under the extremely unfavourable conditions that existed, though several attempts were made. This district had previously been described as auriferous by the Rev. C. G. Nicolay and Mr Simpson, whose opinions have since been verified. During this year (1870) the Secretary of State notified that the Crown waived all rights to minerals on Crown lands, but the concession did not bring any payable field to light. Samples of quartz from Kelmscott, Newcastle, and Baylup, assayed in Sydney in 1872, were all found to contain traces of gold, and the Rockingham Bay Mining Company found it on the Serpentine. These discoveries over such a wide area induced the Council in 1873 to procure sixteen practical miners from Ballarat to prospect, and a private party found specimens at Kendenup, about 40 miles from Albany A company was formed to work this district, but its endeavours were without result To afford every facility a quartz battery was erected at Fremantle in 1874 to crush specimens found All efforts, however, were fruitless, and though reports of gold discoveries continued to be made known, the colony was not able at that time to add gold to the list of exports. Boring for coal was also carried on, but without any satisfactory result
Amongst all the energy and activity displayed, it is regrettable to find that the great primary industry —agriculture—suffered a serious reverse Fields that had been tilled regularly for years were abandoned and some of the smaller settlements almost deserted The reasons for this unfortunate state of things were many Foremost among them were the bad seasons and the repeated attacks of red rust in the wheat. Then ignorance of proper farming methods had almost exhausted the soil, and consequently the yields diminished even in good seasons Timber-cutting and pearling also exercised some influence, and many of the farmers turned to those callings which, though more hazardous, promised greater returns for considerably less labour and afforded better opportunities for social intercourse Perhaps, too, the absence of specie and the system of barter that obtained in most of the rural districts had some effect. There was little desire for increased returns when the increase could only be exchanged for other commodities and was rarely the means of bringing actual money to the producer.
The areas affected by red rust were principally the Victoria, Champion Bay, and Irwin districts. In 1869-70 the trouble was accentuated by drought. To prevent
the ruin of many of the small holders Colonel Bruce, as Acting-Governor, spent over £3,000 in seed wheat for distribution under a bond for repayment after the harvest. This temporarily gave heart to the farmers, and a fall m the price of sandalwood in 1871 caused many who had deserted to return to the plough as at any rate a surer means of livelihood. In that year flour to the value of £4,822 was exported. A return of the red-rust plague m 1872 brought great distress to the settlers in the districts mentioned, and the flour exported that year was reduced by half. The evil was more apparent still in the succeeding years. In 1873 the area, under wheat was 7,000 acres less than in the previous year, and in 1874 a further drop of 2,000 acres occurred In both these years, and for many years afterwards, flour and grain became articles of import in place of export. This loss of interest in agricultural pursuits is the one instance of retrogression during Governor Weld’s administration.
Settlement in the North-West received a severe setback in March, 1872, through a hurricane of exceptional violence. The district had previously been visited by cyclones, but none had done such serious damage Within half an hour the little town of Roe-bourne was destroyed by the wind and rain, and many of the townspeople were injured. Cossack —a new town on the coast—also suffered, though not to the same extent. The various station-holders round about were disastrously affected. On the Nickol River Mr. Venn lost 2,000 sheep and several horses; Mr. Mackay’s house was earned away by the flood and 1,500 of his sheep were drowned. At East Harding Mr. Withnell lost 600 sheep and some horses, and about 1,000 sheep belonging to Pyramid Station were destroyed. In fact, every squatter within the sphere of influence of the cyclone suffered to some extent; in a few hours almost, the results of many years’ privation and hard work were swept away. Fortunately the limits of the storm were circumscribed, and settlers along the De Grey River escaped It took some years to repair the damage, and in some measure the occurrence adversely affected the expansion of settlement in the North-West.
The importance of the convict establishment rapidly dwindled with the cessation of transportation. Where in 1869 there were 2,836 men more or less under prison control, in 1878 there were but 608. One serious feature was the growing number of convict paupers and infirm persons In 1871 there were estimated to be nearly 800 in the colony who had to be supported by the Government. An attempt was made to persuade the Imperial Government to bear this burden, but without success It was one of the penalties that followed in the wake of the system, and for years was a heavy tax upon the community. More than 8 per cent, of the revenue in 1872 went to support gaols, hospitals, and poorhouses
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Crime naturally diminished, though the statistics show that it was still large. Many were hanged, but not as previously, in public. This barbarous custom was abolished in 1872. Attempts at escape continued. In one case a prisoner crawled into a tub on an outgoing boat; some days later he emerged more dead than alive, only to be returned to Fremantle for a further term of imprisonment. Some trouble was occasioned by several Fenians who were allowed to leave the colony in 1869-71 on conditional pardon. The P. & O. Company refused to take them, but several managed to' get away on a steamer to New Zealand, intending to proceed to the United States. Although they were ignorant of the fact, special legislation was in force in New Zealand
to insert in all conditional-pardon certificates that the holders of them are excluded from going to any of the Australian colonies. This direction to enforce the prohibition greatly affected numerous men who were preparing to leave Western Australia for the eastern colonies.
Out of a question of convict administration there arose in 1870 a very serious case involving the liberty of the Press, which not only created widespread public interest but gave rise to a bitterness of feeling that lasted for very many years. A ticket-of-leave holder named Young was brought back to the prison on the warrant of the Comptroller-General for (it is believed) making reflections on the management of Fremantle Prison. Doubting the legality of the proceedings
LOG HAULING, BLACKBUTT, MORNINGTON.
prohibiting the landing of conditional-pardon men. They were consequently arrested and threatened with deportation back to Western Australia, but the opportune arrival of a vessel bound to California saved them; they were allowed to proceed to San Francisco. The New Zealand Government made strong representation to the Western Australian authorities for allowing these men to disregard the prohibition against entering their domains, to which the Western Australian Government replied pleading, like the men themselves, ignorance of the existence of such an Act. New Zealand then complained to the Secretary of State, who admitted their right to exclude, and in 1872 instructed Governor Weld
Young’s wife retained Mr. (now Sir) S. Id. Parker, and instructed him to apply for a writ of habeas corpus. Mr. Parker had an interview with Young, who was inclined to wait the result of an appeal for mercy to the Governor before taking other steps. This appeal failed, and when Mr. Parker applied to see Young over the matter his application was refused on the ground that Young had declined to see him. Mr. Parker visited the prison, but was refused access, whereupon he made the affidavit supporting the application himself. The Comptroller-General complained that the affidavit was materially wrong, as it did not state that Young declined to see Mr. Parker. Mr. Parker urged that the
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
point had really nothing to do with the question, as he had actually been refused access to the prisoner. Judge Burt, however, thought differently, and fined Mr Parker for malpractice and misconduct. Smarting under what he felt was an injustice, Mr. Parker wrote a letter to The Inqmt ei criticizing the judge's action and practically imputing prejudice—an imputation which an impartial review of the whole affair will sustain The Pei th Gazette also espoused his cause, and made some scathing remarks about both the judge and the Comptroller-General. Out of these remarks arose the second stage of the proceedings, which came dangerously near a travesty of justice. Stilling Brothers, editors of The Inqmier, and Arthur Shenton, editor of The Gazette, were called by Judge Burt before himself to explain their actions. The editors regretted publication, but Mr. Shenton made some attempt to justify what he had done on the giound that the actions of public men were open to fair and legitimate comment Judge Burt then, after making some attempt to explain why he sat m judgment on a case m which he was one of the most interested parties, sentenced the Stirlings to thirty days’ imprisonment, and poor Shenton to two months with £100 fine m addition At a subsequent stage Mr. Parker was also fined £100 for his share m the proceedings The editors went to gaol, but yielding to persuasion they agreed to publish apologies and were released Shenton then petitioned for a remission of tne fine, but without avail The judge threatened attachment unless the fine was paid forthwith. Both Mr Shenton and Mr Parker then petitioned the Secretary of State, but he declined to interfere Ultimately Mr Shenton’s fine was remitted, but not until after his death, when the judge’s harshness could follow him no further, though it may have contributed towards his decease. The incident then closed, but The Express, a younger newspaper, was not far from the truth when it declared that the whole community was “seriously alarmed at the discovery of what a fearful engine the laws apparently provide and place in the hands of the sole judge.” The community ought to have been more concerned about the puiity of the administration of justice.
Native troubles, except m the North-West, had by this time practically disappeared, and the efforts of the Legislature were directed rather toward the protection of the aborigines than toward repression A Select Committee in 1871 suggested grants of land under certain conditions, and m a revision of the land regulations made some years later this idea was carried into effect
A case showing the desire of the Government to afford the natives the protection of the law arose m 1872 Mr L C Burges was charged at Perth before the P.M (Mr. E W Landor) and three justices for shooting at a native with intent to kill As a
matter of fact the black was actually killed in attempting to escape after capture for stealing Burges’ saddle while the settler was making a trip from Nickol Bay to Geraldton through a district infested with savages. After hearing the evidence the magistrates reduced the charge to one of shooting with intent to do bodily harm For this Governor Weld, no doubt actuated by a desire to protect the natives, suspended Mr. Landor on the ground of ‘ want of capacity, or partiality, or both, in favour ol the accused, who was a member of an influential family The justices then resigned m protest Burges was tried at the Supreme Court m September, and the jury were instructed by Judge Burt to return a verdict of murder or manslaughter He was found guilty of the latter and sentenced to five years’ penal servitude The severity of the sentence caused a great outcry, and the Secretary of State was appealed to That official reduced the sentence to one year, and directed the Governor to reinstate Mr. Landor and replace the three justices on the Commission of the Peace, but refused to remit the sentence altogether. The wisdom of punishing Mr. Burges at all may be doubted Although m the settled districts little trouble was caused by the natives, they were still hostile in the North-West, and murders of white settlers caught nap ping were not infrequent Men who undertook the bui-dens of pioneering and went out into unknown districts cairied their lives in their hands, and to shoot quickly was often their only safeguard Such men may have been technically guilty of murder, but even that was preferable to being stalked like game and treacherously slam by bloodthirsty savages
In the matter of exploration the period under review was perhaps the most important m the history of Western Australia, embracing as it did the memor able series of journeys undertaken by Sir John Forrest and his brother, Mr Alexander Forrest, which have made the name of Forrest famous in the geographical annals of the world Up to 1869 every attempt to secure information about the great interim of Australia, stretching eastward from the coastal districts of the West to far within the borders of South Australia, had been unsuccessful Stuart fiom the eastern side of the continent, Eyre along the southern coast, A C Gregory from the North-West, and Hunt, Lefroy, and the Gregorys travelling eastwards from Northam and York, had all been forced back by the great desolation which met them on the edge of the desert, barren so far as could be gauged of everything necessary to sustain life To the men who had sufficient hardihood—perhaps recklessness—to penetrate that awful barrenness and give to science an accurate knowledge of it, Australia owes a debt of gratitude that no expression of admiration can fully repay The first attempt, that made by Western Australia’s greatest son, John Forrest, was
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primal lly undertaken in tlie hope of solving the mystery suirounding the fate of Leichhardt While exploring m the Hampton Plains district m 1866 Messrs Hunt and Roe had been told by the natives stories of white men murdered further east, on the shores of a great lake. The accounts were so cncumstantial that hopes were raised that at last the fate of Leichhardt’s party was to be set at rest. Dr. (afterwards Baron) von Mueller, who had accompanied A. C. Gregory m 1856, and was in 1866 m the employ of the Government of Victoria, offered to lead an expedition to the spot, and the Legislative Council made a grant towards defraying the expenses of the trip. Fortunately, perhaps, for Australian discovery, Von Mueller found that his engagements would not permit him to go, and the leadership was conferred upon John Forrest, then a young officer in the Survey Department. With him went Messrs George Monger (as second m command), Malcolm Hamersley, and David Morgan, as well as two native guides, Tommy Wmdich and Jemmy Mungaroo
Leaving Perth on April 15, 1869, Forrest made for the locality where the bones were said to he, questioning the natives as he wexit The result of these interrogations led him to believe that the bones were not those of white men, but those of Austin’s horses lost near Poison Rock m 1856 Satisfied that to proceed further m that direction would be fruitless, he turned his steps eastwards and continued as far as longitude 122° 50' east, naming as he went his various discoveries—Lake Barlee, Mounts Ida, Leonora, Malcolm, Margaret, and many smaller features of the country Returning by a more northerly route through bairen territory, the explorers reached Newcastle on the 4th and Perth on August 6, having been absent 113 days, and having travelled over 2,000 miles Though he failed m the main object of the expedition—to set the fate of Leichhardt at rest—Forrest “obtained a reliable survey of a district hitherto unknown, and withdrew one more district from the unexplored regions of the colony.” The country traversed was, he stated, worthless for pastoral or agricultural purposes, but would well repay thorough geological examination, as it gave every indication of being an auriferous zone
Soon after the return of the explorers, Dr. von Mueller suggested that Forrest should be placed in charge of an expedition to thoroughly examine the country between the Murchison River and the Gulf of Carpentaria Covernor Weld felt that such a journey would involve too great an expense At the same time he was anxious to secure further information concerning the southern coast, and consequently in the following year (1870) Mr. Forrest entered upon his memorable trip from Perth to Adelaide by way of Eucla Since Eyre’s trying experience no one had succeeded in traversing the whole distance, though Major Warbur-
ton had, in 1860, from the South Australian side, reached a point nearly a hundred miles beyond the head of the Great Australian Bight, and Delisser in 1865 had just crossed the bordei from the east
Funds were voted, and arrangements were made for the schooner “Azur” to meet the explorers with supplies at Esperance Bay, Israelite Bay, and Eucla The party consisted of John Forrest (leader), Alexander Forrest (second m command), H McLarty, W Osborne, and Tommy Wmdich and another native The party, with fifteen horses, left Perth on March 30, 1870, being accompanied for a few miles out by Governor Weld. Taking a south easterly course through Kojonup and across the Fitzgerald and Phillips Rivers, Forrest reached Esperance Bay, where tne schooner met them with supplies From that point an easterly stretch of 130 miles brought the explorers to Israelite Bay Starting afresh from there on May 30 they were compelled through want of water to stuke northwards to a permanent supply discovered by Eyre, and then make a dash through waterless country to Eucla, where the schooner was to await them. On this portion of the journey they suffered severely fiom thirst, intensified by the difficulties they had to encountei. After a short tjip inland Forrest left Eucla on June 24, and entering South Australian territory pressed on to Adelaide, which he reached on August 27, having accomplished the distance between the two capitals in five months Forrest’s opinion of the country passed through on the Western Australian side was distinctly favourable The land was well grassed, and m some places water was procurable at moderate depths “If,” he said, “water could b© procured on the tableland, it would be the finest pastoral district of Western Australia ” The party returned to Perth by sea, arriving there on September 27, after an absence of 182 days
In 1871 Alexander Forrest with a small party set out eastward m search of new pastoral land, but owing to the lateness of the season when they started the leader was compelled to make for the coast after penetrating for some distance beyond the spot upon which Kalgoorlie now stands After leaching Esperance he returned to Perth, having traversed some 600 miles and discovered pastoral country, much of which has since been occupied
The tale of exploration was now taken up, both officially and privately, m South Australia, and endeavours were made by travelling westward from the overland telegraph line to secure more definite knowledge of the still unknown interior The first of these expeditions was commanded by Ernest Giles, an old digger and Government official, who must always remain m the front rank of those explorers who have conferred great benefit upon Western Australia Being provided only with horses, Giles failed in his first attempt m
1872 to even reach the border, and m his second only succeeded in penetrating a little beyond it, being driven back by want of water from a district which he described as a ‘ horrible region . . . dry, stony, scrubby,
and barren.-’ The desire to penetrate the great Australian desert still, however, remained, and in 1873 two expeditious went out. One of these, promoted by the Government of South Australia, was under the leadership of Mr. William Christie Gosse, Deputy Surveyor-General of South Australia, and the other, due to the liberality of Mr. (afterwards Sir) Thomas Elder and Captain Walter Hughes, was commanded by Major P Egerton Warburton. Gosse left Alice Springs in April, and though he did not succeed m reaching the west coast, entered Western Australia near the Tomkinson Ranges, and examined those and the Cavenagh and Barrow Ranges Majoi Waibuiton’s expedition was more successful. Starting from Alice Springs on April 15 with a small party, and using camels in place of horses, he reached a tributary of the Oakover on December 4 and De Grey Station on January 11, 1871 Though the desert had been crossed little information was gleaned about the country. Owing to repeated delays provisions ran short and sickness occurred War-burton therefore detei mined to push thiough as quickly as possible, travelling by night, and thus there was little opportunity of examining the character of the surrounding desert Such opinions as they were able to offer were distinctly unfavourable the country was sterile, watercourses of a permanent nature did not exist, and any attempt to cross with horses must end m disaster.
Meanwhile John Forrest was urging the desirability of a further expedition setting out from Perth with a similar object in view: to settle the question as to the character of the great central desert and ascertain whether a practicable route could be found between Western Australia and the more advanced eastern colonies. In 1872 he offered to lead an expedition from Champion Bay along the course of the Murchison River and across the interior to the South Australian tele graph line The Governor recognized the value that such a result would have, and the Legislative Council voted £400 towards the cost of the expedition, the public subscribing the remainder The official mstruc tions were to "obtain information concerning the immense tract of country from which flow the Murchison, Gascoyne, Ashburton, De Grey, Fitzroy, and other rivers falling into the sea on the western and northern shores of this territory ” After that, the further course of the expedition was to be at the discretion of the leader The party, which consisted of John Forrest (leader), Alex. Forrest (second), James Sweeney, James Kennedy, and the native Tommy Windich and another aboriginal, left Perth, equipped with twenty-one horses
and eight months’ stores, on Maich 18, 1874. Leaving Yum a month later, and striking Murchison River, they followed it as lar as the Robinson Range, and then turned south-east to Mounts Bartle and Russell, whence they followed a north-easterly course to the Kimberley and Frere Ranges and reached Weld Springs, where an abundance of excellent water could be obtained. So far they had met witli no diliicuity, having traversed a district admirably suited in the mam for grazing purposes, but from Weld Springs eastwood the country was principally spmifex desert, with fresh water only here and there So greatly did they suffer from want of water that a return on their tracks at one time seemed inevitable. The indomitable courage of the leader, howevei, encouraged them to press forward, and ultimately they reached permanent water at Barlee Springs in a neighbourhood already traversed by Giles and Gosse From this point on, though difficulties and privations were encountered, they were not to be compared with those tiiey had surmounted, and the whole party reached the Peake Telegraph Station on September 27 and Adelaide on November 3. The course had been largely determined by the possibility of finding water Forrest was unable on this account to proceed as far into the tropics or explore as much to the south as he wished, but m spite of these drawbacks the journey will always rank as one of the most remarkable feats of endurance on record Starting with twenty-one horses to cross a desert where it had been declared horses could not live, he saved twelve of them, and that without hurrying Careful notes were made of all the country traversed, and every precaution taken to make the results valuable to geographical science. To no one does the history of Australian exploration owe more than to John Forrest
In the following year (1875) Giles, through the generosity of Sir Thomas Elder, was enabled to make a third attempt to cross the continent This time, equipped with camels, he succeeded with comparative ease, and demonstrated the great superiority of those animals over horses in exploratory work over waterless country Reaching Perth on November 18, he started on his return journey m the following January, taking a course between those of Warburton and Forrest. This journey also he accomplished in safety, thus gaining the honour of having twice traversed the continent His experiences confirmed those of Forrest, that the interior of Australia is a sandy desert unfit for settle ment of any kind The desert had been pierced in four places, and though it showed no trace of land suitable for agricultural purposes, the successes of the expedi tions were invaluable to science, and set at rest for good the question of the existence of an inland sea
Of miscellaneous occurrences the most important seems to have been the succession of storms and hurri
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
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canes that visited the coastal districts about this time Reference has already been made to the damage done by disturbances on the North-West coast. In 1869 the curious sight of a waterspout was seen on the Swan, opposite Government House, and the accompanying cyclone did considerable damage to the gardens along the banks. Three years later continuous rain for some weeks caused heavy floods on the Avon and Swan, which resulted in serious loss to the settlers along the banks of those rivers Heavy gales on the coast during 1873 created havoc among the shipping, many of the smaller craft being driven ashore
Towards the end of 1874 Mr Weld was appointed Governor of Tasmania, and left Western Australia m December for his new sphere of duty As Governor of Western Australia he was not intensely popular Several of his actions failed to meet with approval Perhaps the chief cause was to be found in the deter-
mined opposition he showed toward a protective tariff, and to the fact that during his administration the people learned how small was the kernel within the nut of representative government Viewed from a distance of nearly half a century, Governor Weld’s term of office marks the turning point m the history of Western Australian settlement The change involved by the cessation of transportation, with the necessary diminution of Imperial expenditure, was brought about without any ill results; modern methods and conveniences were brought into operation : extensive exploration was encouraged and furthered; and every effort made to bring Western Australia into line with her more favoured sisters m the east Farseeing and determined, and yet at the same time courteous and conciliatory, Frederick Weld must be considered one of the most successful Governors who had up to that time guided the destinies of the colony
CHAPTER XIV.
1875—1883.
AGITATION FOR ALTERATION OF CONSTITUTION—LEGISLATION—LAND LAWS AND REGULATIONS—IMMIGRATION—RAILWAY DEVELOPMENT—RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES—CONVICT ESTABLISHMENT—EXPLORATIONS—
MISCELLANEOUS
Governor Weld’s successor, Mr (afterwards Sir) William Cleaver Francis Robinson, arrived at Fremantle from Albany m the “Georgette” on January 11, 1875 Trained m the Imperial Service, Mr. Robinson differed from previous Governors m that he was conversant with Colonial Office methods and intentions, and had therefore a better idea of how colonial aspirations were likely to be viewed by the Home authorities We have seen how he used that knowledge to discourage the proposals for responsible government The agitation was revived with the advent of Sir Harry St. George Ord as Governor in 1877, but he was equally disinclined to give it any favourable support The same attitude was observed by Sir William Robinson during his second term, which lasted from 1880 to 1883; consequently but little headway was made in bringing the matter to a head. In May, 1878, Mr (now Sir) S H Parker, then newly elected to the Legislative Council, moved for the introduction of a Bill to amend the Constitution. The debate showed that the members were not at that time prepared to assent to any drastic change, though it was generally admitted that continued vexatious interference on the part of the Colonial Office would inevitably strengthen
the hands of those who desired responsible government Though Mr Parker’s motion was lost, he did not cease to advocate a change, and there is no doubt that the grant of full self-government to the colony some dozen years later was largely due to the earnest efforts which he put forth. An attempt was made, though without any marked success, to make the question a vital one during the election campaign for the Legislative Council in 1880, and m 1882 Mr. Parker was again defeated on moving that an address be presented to the Governor asking for the introduction of a Bill. He then moved, and this time with success, that an address be presented asking the Governor to obtain from the Secretary of State a statement of the terms and conditions upon which autonomy would be granted to the colony, as it was felt that the financial requirements of the Act 13-14, Viet , c 59, could be carried out. Here the matter was allowed to rest for the time, more especially as the Council was then, and had been for some years previously, busily engaged over questions of more immediate concern to the material welfare of the people Out of the discussions, however, there came what appeared to the colonists to be an advantage—an alteration in the
constitution of the Executive Council. In 1873 Mr. Lee Steere had urged that this body should be made consultative rather than be allowed to remain as it really was, the actual governing power of the community, and this expression of opinion was not without effect On July 4, 1878, the Governor was empowered by Order-in-Council “to appoint, in addition to the ex officio members, such persons as he may think fit to be members of our said Executive Council, but so that the number of such unofficial members shall never exceed the number of two ” Of course any such appointments were to be subject to the approval of the Crown At the same time provision was made whereby the Governor could appoint some particular member to preside in case of his absence, failing which the senior official member would act Additional Royal instructions were received m 1879 limiting the official members to six and regulating their precedence, the two unofficial appointments being still allowed. The permission to include unofficial members m the Executive Council was not really acted upon until 1884, when Mr J G Lee Steere was appointed, although Mr J H Thomas, Commissioner of Public Works, had been made an “unofficial” member m 1879 The only alteration which took place m the Legislative Council was made m 1882, when by the creation of Gascoyne district the membership was increased to twenty-four Proxy voting had already (in 1877) been abolished in favour of the system of voting by ballot m vogue m the eastern colonies
Before dismissing the constitutional question, it may be well to note certain changes of importance m various official positions which took place during these years Mr. R J. Walcott, who had succeeded Mr Stone as Attorney-General, gave place to Mr. H. H Hocking, who held the office until 1879, when he returned to England The position -was temporarily filled by Mr G W. Leake and Mr E A. Stone m turn, no permanent appointment being made until 1881, when Mr A C Onslow arrived from London to take up the appointment, only to resign it two years later to Mr. A. P. Hensman Many of these changes were due to recurring vacancies m the judicial office. Sir Archibald Pauli Burt, the Chief Justice, died towards the end of 1879, and until the arrival of his successor, Mr. II T Wrenfordsley, the position was filled by Mr G W Leake Mr Wrenfordsley resigned in 1883, and Mr A C. Onslow was then appointed Chief Justice. In 1875 Mr, F P Barlee, who had for several years been Colonial Secretary and had been the leader of the Legislative Council since the establishment of representative government in 1870, went to England on leave, and resigned his position in 1877 Mr R T Goldsworthy was appointed to the vacancy, and remained in office until 1880, when he gave place to Lord Gifford, who was in turn succeeded in 1883 by Mr Malcolm Fraser The
vacancy in the Survey Office created by Mr Fraser’s promotion was filled by the appointment of Mr. John Forrest as Surveyor-General and Commissioner of Crown Lands.
In the matter of legislation the period 1875-1883 was not particularly prolific The tariff question, which seems to have become a hardy annual in Australian politics, was again raised m 1876, when a Committee, consisting of Messrs H H. Hocking (the Attorney-General), J G. Lee Steere, G Shenton, and W E Marmion, was appointed to report upon the advisability of revision This Committee recommended that corn, flour, meal, salt meat, and various minor commodities should be placed upon the free list Although these were the very articles over which the advocates of protection and freetrade had had some very warm argu ments, the report seems to have been agreed to almost without remark, and freetrade to have been recognized as the accepted policy, duties being restricted to the requirements of the revenue. But as the taxation amounted to almost £3 6s. 8d per head, the freetrade principle must have been considerably modified by protectionist practice. This became more apparent m 1879, when the colony was faced with a depression, and customs duties were looked to as a means of securing sufficient revenue These duties, imposed at the instance of the Government, had, it was explained, nothing to do with the principle of freetrade, but were merely a matter of expediency and would only last for three years. The Speaker, Sir Luke S. Leake (who had been knighted m 1876), and Mr S II Parker, strongly opposed the proposals, but m face of the necessity of securing money by some form of taxation they were agreed to The cry that the duties were a burden upon the working classes was quickly raised, and during the succeeding two years efforts were made to have them reduced, but without avail In fact, when the three years for which they were imposed had expired, instead of being abrogated the duties were confirmed and made permanent, the general feeling then being that if money for the necessary public works was to be secured the policy of the country must be one of protection
Besides the tariff, the only matters of importance from a legislative standpoint were a reform in the method of issuing land titles and various revisions of the land regulations. Colonel Torrens, in South Australia, had evolved a simple method of transferring land titles which had been found to work admirably By its operation the whole complex system of conveyances was swept away and its place taken by a simple document, which not only showed at a glance the various transactions that had taken place with regard to land, but also disclosed at once to the purchaser any encumbrances in the way of mortgage or charge that might be in existence, “everything was concentrated into one plain and
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portable compass.” A Bill based upon the South Australian Act was introduced into the Council in 1874 and became law in July, 1875; amendments have been made from time to time, but the principle still remains in operation. The establishment of this system was considered a favourable opportunity for a complete revision of the land regulations, and a Committee was appointed by the Council to draft necessary alterations. Included in these was one made at the instance of the Surveyor-General, providing that persons holding a special occupation licence or the fee simple should have the right to depasture four head of stock on adjoining Crown lands for every 100 acres, with a maximum of twenty head.
settlement than any English Minister was likely to possess.
The new regulations, under which the Surveyor-General became in addition Commissioner of Crown Lands, divided the colony into four districts—the Central, Central-Eastern, Northern, and South-Eastern— the lands in each being classified as town, suburban, rural, and mineral. All rural lands in the Central district were available for sale in lots of not less than 40 acres at a minimum of 10s. per acre; in the other districts 400 acres was the minimum section and 5s. per acre the upset price. Pastoral lands were divided into two classes instead of three as formerly; first-class land
Apricot Orchard, Mount Barker District.
If the land owned or licensed was cultivated, then the owner or licence® could depasture one head (up to twenty) for every seven acres under cultivation.
The draft regulations were considered during 1876-77, and were forwarded during the latter year for the approval of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. This assent, which was notified in 1878, was much more easily gained than in previous years. The Imperial authorities seem to have been slowly learning that the colonial legislatures were fairly competent to deal with local matters, and that as regards land regulations particularly they had a more intimate knowledge of the conditions necessary for the development of successful land
was that comprised in the area bounded on the south and west by the sea coast, on the north by the Murchison River, and on the east by a line drawn from the summit of Mount Bompas through the summits of Wongan Hill and Mount Stirling to the mouth of the Fitzgerald River; while the second-class comprised the remaining pastoral lands in the colony. First-class land could be secured by annual licence in blocks of not less than
3,000 acres, except where other boundaries intervened, or could be leased for fourteen years in blocks of 10,000 acres or over. Second-class land could be leased for fourteen years in blocks of 20,000 acres, the rent to be 5s. per 1,000 acres for the first and 10s. per 1,000 for
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA
the second seven years. Lessees could also under certain conditions secure a pre-emptive right during the currency of the lease over blocks of not less than 1,000 acres, but m such cases an annual rental of £5 per 1,000 acres had to be paid in advance The cost of the fee simple of such land in the northern district was 5s. pei acre during the first seven years and 10s per acre afterwards; m other districts 2s fid. and 5s. per acre according to the time of purchase. The regulations also provided for timber licences at the rate of £20 for each 640 acres of timber country; such licences, however, did not permit the cutting, hewing, and removing of logs and piles. For cutting and removing timber in bulk or for piles, a fee of £3 per month for each man employed was required, and for each sawyer 5s. per month. Licences to cut sandalwood or bark cost 2s. 6d. per month Special leases for fourteen years for cutting timber could also be procured. Little or no change was made in the existing regulations regarding poison and mineral country, but special grants were allowed to volunteers who had served two years or more and to immigrants This latter concession was not, however, sufficient to induce suitable persons from the United Kingdom to emigrate to Western Australia.
The opening up of the Kimberley district made it necessary that special regulations should be framed dealing with the lands of that area These were issued in November, 1880, and provided that the price of the fee simple in rural sections of not less than 200 acres should be 10s. per acre. A bonus of 500 acres m fee simple was offered to the person or company producing tropical or semi-tropical products, with an additional 500 acres to the first two persons who earned the bonus The minimum areas of pastoral leases were
50.000 acres with a river frontage and 20,000 without, the leases to extend to the end of 1893. The rent was to be 10s. per 1,000 acres, on condition that before the expiry of two years from the date of the lease each
1.000 acres was to be stocked with two head of cattle or twenty sheep.
In 1882 these special regulations were included in a revision of the land regulations generally, when certain modifications were made in those published in 1878. Instead of four the colony was divided into five districts, Kimberley being the fifth The limit of two years for stocking in the Kimberley district was increased to three, but no drastic alterations were made in the general regulations
These regulations were condemned without hesitation by the Commissioner of Crown Lands (Mr. John Forrest) in 1883, who pointed out that the right of free and unfettered selection by purchase permitted, if it did not compel, leaseholders to buy up the springs and waterholes on their leases in order to secure their runs from outside purchasers. The result was that the whole
country was being spoiled by small fee-simple locations being dotted all over it. It would have been better, he considered, to have given leaseholders reasonable protection and longer leases if necessary, but not a pre-emptive right over any portion of them. When necessity arose the squatter should be required to give way to the agriculturist, but until that state of things actually happened, he should be made secure in his lease. A Committee, of which Mr. Forrest was a member, was appointed in 1883 to consider the matter, and recommended, though not unanimously, that the squatter should be entitled to a renewal of his lease for a further term. As the recommendation meant leasing the land until 1901 at the same rent as was paid at the beginning, considerable diversity of opinion was shown, but in the result the principle of renewal m the case of Kimberley pastoral leases was conceded by the Legislative Council and approved by the Secretary of State.
Though these two matters—the Tariff Act and the Land Regulations—constituted the bulk of the legislative work during these years, the Government was particularly active in the directions of immigration and of public works, especially railways Provision for encouraging immigration had been made in the land regulations, but had not achieved any distinct result; the growth of industries and the development of an export trade, which might reasonably have been expected to bring new people, had not done so, neither did any influx follow the cessation of transportation. Not only were these causes looked to as means for bringing about a satisfactory addition to the population from outside; they were reasons why such addition was necessary. The cessation of convicts meant that ticket-of-leave men were not available to supply the labour market; the development of industries could not proceed without labour; and land settlement could not be extended unless farmers with some means and agricultural experience could be induced to make Western Australia their home Other means having failed, the suggestion of assisting immigration was mooted in 1873, and in 1874, after some discussion, the Legislative Council voted £10,000 for immigration purposes, £1,000 of it to be spent in bringing out Chinese or Javanese coolies Steps were at once taken to carry out the purpose of the vote, and between 1875 and 1877 nearly 2,000 persons were brought to the colony at a cost of nearly £18,000 To hold them after they arrived, it was provided that each adult immigrant of the labouring class would, after two years’ residence, be entitled to select up to 50 acres of the unimproved Crown lands open to selection, while those between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one were allowed 25 acres. No family could, however, receive in the aggregate more than 150 acres Certain improvements had then to be effected within three years to secure the fee simple. The inducements, however, do not seem to have proved
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sufficiently strong. A large proportion of those assisted, attracted no doubt by the superior advantages and more settled conditions of the eastern colonies, made their way thither, and it became evident that practically Western Australia was paying away money to increase the population of Victoria and New South Wales. To prevent this all immigrants landed after 1876 were, at the suggestion of Governor Robinson, compelled to enter into an agreement to remain for three years in the colony or refund the whole of their passage money Even with this restriction, the number of people who arrived was far from satisfactory, and m 1878 it was decided to spend £2,500 on obtaining Chinese or coolie labour, and £4,500 on German immigrants On account of the decided opposition manifested towards the idea, only a few Chinese were imported, and these under a three years’ contract. The conduct of these was deemed by some to be so satisfactory that it was proposed to spend an additional £2,000 in 1879 on the introduction of others This was very warmly debated, and though ultimately approved by the Council was never carried out, as Governor Ord, evidently impressed by the arguments of the Opposition, considered the introduction of contract aliens would be extremely un satisfactory The general question of introducing^ Chinese into Australia was considered at an Intercolonial Conference held in Sydney in 1881, at which Chief Justice Wrensfordsley represented Western Australia Though instructed not to enter into the discussion, he unofficially pointed out that a policy of nonintroduction which suited Victoria and South Australia might not be agreeable to either Queensland or Western Australia, both of which bad tropical areas to develop. The Conference, being strongly opposed to the importation of Chinese into Western Australia, decided to refer the matter to the Secretary of State, who replied that he would require definite information of serious injury to the eastern colonies to justify him in interfering with the arrangements of the Western Australian Government Other immigration was not successful; any increase through arrivals was more than counterbalanced by departures, the population, which in 1878 stood at 28,166, had only reached 31,700 in 1883, an increase which the births would fully account for
Even if it did not in every way give that satisfaction which was expected from it, representative government certainly justified its establishment by the energy with which it undertook a progressive public works policy, more especially in the direction of railway extension. The Geraldton-Northampton line, the first Government line in the colony, was, after many vicissitudes caused through questions of gauge and unexpected expenditure, opened for traffic in 1879. Before that was accomplished it had also been decided to construct a line from Fremantle to Guildford through Perth, to
form the first section of a trunk line to the eastern districts It was originally suggested that this line should be built by a private company, the Government guaranteeing 6 per cent, interest on the capital for a term of years. The Secretary of State (Lord Carnarvon) did not look with favour upon the proposal, as in so many cases of private construction of national utilities the ultimate burden fell upon the public purse, and often meant larger outlay than would have occurred in case of Government construction. He intimated that he would be prepared to authorize a loan for the purpose if he were satisfied as to the necessity for the line and were furnished with an estimate of the cost The Governor replied that the Director of Public Works (Mr
J. H. Thomas) had prepared estimates showing that a line along the south bank of the river would cost £99,121, as against £87,098 for one on the northern side, and that the estimated balance of profit upon working, after paying interest and expenses, would be over £12,000 As usual in such cases, a battle of routes was entered upon, and after much discussion the northern route was fixed, and a contract for the work let to Mr John Robb, of Adelaide, for £74,591. The first sod was turned on a spot near the present Perth station by Governor Ord on June 3, 1879 To pay for the con struction a loan of £200,000 was authorized The rail way was formally opened by Governor Robinson on March 1, 1881, and up to the end of the year earned a profit of £105 over and above expenses and interest Its failure to earn more was due principally to the continued popularity of river carriage for the transport of goods The total cost of construction, exclusive of surveys, was £123,504 The loan of £200,000 authorized in 1878 having been floated at 4| per cent , it was determined to continue the line eastward in the hope of securing better returns for the Guildford-Fremantle section The question of route again became a matter of moment. Three were advocated—one to Northam by way of Spencer’s Brook, a second to the same destination by way of Chidlow’s Well, and a third via Chitter ing to Newcastle The Act finally passed hy the Council authorized the construction of a line to Chidlow’s Well and then on to York, provided the Secretary of State would approve a further loan of £150,000 This money was required for other purposes m addition to the railway. Through some error m the method of bookkeeping a false idea of the state of the finances existed. In 1876 Mr Lefroy assured the Council that there was a surplus of over £26,000, and a portion of this money was devoted to the erection of the Eucla telegraph line In 1879 it was asserted by Mr. Carey that the figures were wrong, and that as a matter of fact there was a deficiency in 1876 An examination of the accounts proved that he was right, that in 1876 there was really a deficit on general account of £17,885, which had in-
206
creased each year until m 1879 it steed at £35,000 At the end of that year it was found that even the later figures were short of the mark, and that the actual indebtedness was close upon £80,000 This was reduced by July, 1881, to £59,844, and with the help of an improved revenue and the repayment of sums properly chargeable to loan account, the ledger was balanced by the end of July, 1882
Meanwhile tenders for the second section of the line—from Guildford to Childlow’s Well—had been called, and that of J. Wright for £53,043 accepted Certain private lands had to be resumed, and this caused some slight delay, but the work was started in the following March The construction was pursued with as much rapidity as straitened finances would allow, and the line was opened in March, 1884, the actual cost being £80,472. To pay for this and provide money for the further extension to York, another loan of £254,000 at 4 per cent, was authorized by the Council in 1882 Mr Clayton T. Mason, then acting as Commissioner of Railways, estimated the whole cost of the Guildford-York section at £192,350, which proved to be not far wide of the mark, as the tender for the Chidlow’s Well to York section was let to Edmund Keane in 1883 at £105,312 The whole line from Fremantle to York was opened for traffic at the end of June, 1885, and though the expectations of greatly increased revenue were not at first realized, there is no doubt that the railway cheapened production and assisted very materially in the development of all the eastern districts
The trade returns, disclosed by the following statistics, show, however, that development was not confined to those districts which were favoured with railways —
Imports Exports
£ £
1875 349,840 391,217
1876 386,036 397,292
1877 362,706 373,351
1878 379,049 428,491
1879 407,299 494,883
1880 353,669 499,183
1881 404,831 502,769
1882 508,755 583,055
1883 516,846 444,764
Thus the colony until 1883 held its positii
exporter rather than an importer, a fact of no little moment in a consideration of its financial condition, especially since, during all these years, enormous quantities of material for railways and telegraphs had necessarily to be imported. The principal items of export are given, with their values, in the subjoined comparative statement, and show that wool, timber of various
kinds, and pearls and pearl shell, still continued to be the principal items, minerals rapidly diminishing in value until they became almost a negligible quantity for the time: —
Wool. Sandal- wood. Other Timbers Pearls and Pearl Shell. Minerals. Guano. Hoises and Stock.
£ £ £ £ £ £ £
1875 182,112 66,456 23,965 76,642 30,359 — 2,758
1876 165,151 65,772 23,743 83,292 30,483 367 10,822
1877 199,624 31,850 30,979 22,450 48,268 6,060 8,775
1878 150.592 35,064 63,901 37,652 43,545 66,095 11,638
1879 175,284 35,000 69,742 98,405 33,300 54,184 12,425
1880 271,412 51,970 66,252 51,710 15,468 6,650 8,975
1881 256,689 77,165 79,277 50,923 11,204 — 11,125
1882 301,234 96,050 93,650 53,670 14,348 — 8,643
1883 225,279 56,250 79,760 49,416 7,266 2,961 12,064
The one omission of importance from this table is the item comprising wheat, gram, flour, and agricultural produce generally. Unfortunately the blight that had overtaken farming since 1869 still continued, and the area under crop remained stationary or showed a slight decrease This, m conjunction with the increase of population, made the importation of flour, grain, and other produce a necessity, and from 1875 to 1883 the value of these commodities imported reached some hundreds of thousands of pounds. In other avenues of trade and industry, however, the table, notwithstanding a temporary depression in revenue between 1876 and 1880, shows that solid progress was being maintained in every other direction except the raising of lead and copper ore, where the cost of production, m face of a falling market, made mining operations less and less lucrative Pearling, particularly during the years 1875, 1876, and 1879, yielded a rich harvest, in spite of the many disastrous storms and the restrictions placed by the Government upon the employment of natives and Malays as divers. That these restrictions were necessary is quite evident from the many recorded instances of cruelty and ill-usage. The trade seems to have had the effect of brutalizing those connected with it, and though pearlers were nominally compelled by the Pearling Act to observe certain conditions in the treatment of their divers, supervision in such out-of-the-way places was fairly lax, and there were not wanting disreputable traders whose only aim was to get every possible ounce of work, short of actually killing him, out of the unfortunate native who had signed on as a diver for the period of twelve months allowed by the Act So unhealthy were the conditions under which the divers worked and so cruel their treatment by unscrupulous white masters that the Dutch Government at Timor was compelled to make regulations governing the conditions under which Malays could be secured for the trade. It must not for a moment be thought that all white pearlers were guilty
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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of inhuman treatment, but the reputation of the pearling industry suffered greatly from the acts of those who were, and every effort was made to formulate conditions of employment stringent enough to include the worst cases. An inspector of Pearl-shell Fisheries (Mr. B. E. Mayne) was appointed to see that the Act was carried out, and by that officer’s vigilance considerable improvement in the treatment of native divers was effected.
The most serious trouble that the industry had to face was the loss of life and damage to property resulting from the periodical cyclones which swept over the pearling grounds. In 1876 one of these storms caused the loss of four schooners with practically the whole of their crews, and a still more severe visitation in 1881 wrecked over a dozen boats and was responsible for a serious loss of life. In this case the storm was accompanied by a tidal wave said to have been 30 ft. in height, which submerged Twin Islands and materially altered the position of the various shoals and banks, while the wind travelling up the Ash-burton River did considerable damage among the stations in the locality. For-tunately these storms, which still cause great loss and suffering amongst the pearling fleets, are restricted in operation, and consequently the whole extent of the fisheries, which spread from Shark Bay along the north-west coast, is never devastated at the one time.
A new source of export during these years was found in the guano deposits on the islands off the northwest coast. Some attempt had, it will be remembered, been made in 1850 to turn these deposits to profitable account, but without success, and practically nothing further was heard, of them until 1876. In that year an American named Roberts landed at the Lacepede Islands from a French vessel, and claimed them as an American possession on the ground that they were more than a. league from the mainland. Some time previously the Western Australian Government had given a Melbourne firm (Messrs. Poole, Picken, & Co.) permission to remove the guano, with which the island abounded, on payment
of a royalty of 10s. a ton. Vessels were at the time being loaded by Mr. Geddes, the firm’s representative. Roberts, on the authority of the American Consul at Melbourne, laid claim to the cargoes of these vessels, a claim which Geddes strongly disputed. Geddes then proceeded to Roebourne to complain to the Government Resident, and being sworn in as a special constable returned to attach the French vessel chartered by Roberts, who publicly proclaimed American sovereignty over the islands and asked for £30,000 as compensation. The Government Resident, untroubled by any question of sovereignty, fined Roberts £100, and ordered the captain of the French barque to pay the costs. The captain discreetly sailed for Fremantle, and having paid the royalty of 10s. per ton, made off with the cargo for Mauritius. The next step was taken by the American Consul.
One of Poole, Picken, & Co.’s boats, carrying-guano, arrived at Melbourne and was attached on behalf of the American Government, instructions being given to take the same action at Mauritius in regard to the French barque. The Consul then visited Perth to discuss matters of compensation. Arrangements were made for remitting the question of sovereignty to the Governments concerned, Roberts being in the meantime permitted to load guano on payment of the royalty, such royalty to be refunded if his contention was upheld. The American Government at once admitted that the Consul’s claim was without foundation, and the only result of the whole proceedings was a good advertisement for the guano industry. To prevent the recurrence of trouble, legislation was passed in 1877 dealing with trespassing on Crown lands, which Lord Carnarvon (the Secretary of State) approved, though he considered the penalties for illegally removing guano were very severe. The amount of guano exported from the Lacepede Islands during 1878 and 1879 was very large, but unfortunately for the Government the supplies were not inexhaustible. A contract was made with Beaver and Co. to take away a certain number of full cargoes, but
Wheat Stacks, Fremantle Wharf.
208
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
when the time for fulfilment of the contract arrived it was found that only inferior guano remained, and not sufficient of that to load the ships. In consequence the firm claimed compensation, and a Select Committee of the Council appointed in 1881 awarded £6,968, remarking that the Government was entirely to blame and had been guilty of a want of business acumen that deserved to be called by a harsher name. During 1881 and 1882 no guano at all was exported, but the trade was revived in 1883 by Mr. Charles E. Broadhurst, who secured a lease of the Abrolhos Islands, on which were large deposits of phosphatic guano, and continued to export until 1904, when the lease expired, and further export was prohibited.
As may be seen from the table the trade in sandalwood reached its highest point of development during this period; thereafter it began to decline, but its place was more than taken by the increasing demand for hardwood timbers, which were being recognized as being perhaps the best possible woods for certain classes of work, as they were impervious to the attacks both of white ants and sea worms New mills were opened and the old ones extended, and the early stages of the enormous trade which has since been developed were laid. Tramways and other means of transport were provided and greater endeavours made to meet the demands of a continually increasing industry
The pastoral industry, to the success and development of which Western Australian progress was still chiefly indebted, received an immense impetus through the discovery of the Kimberley pastoral country in 1879 as a result of an exploratory trip made by Alexander Forrest, accompanied by Messrs Fenton Hill, Matthew Forrest, John Campbell, James Carey, Arthur Hicks, and two natives Forrest was instructed to examine, map out, and report upon the country between the De Grey River in Western Australia and the Victoria River in the Northern Territory. Leaving the De Grey River Station on February 25, he reached Beagle Bay on April 10, and started upon the actual work of the expedition. Proceeding eastward to King Sound he followed the Fitzroy River for some distance, finding it deep and rapid, and then tried to penetrate the rugged passes of the Leopold Range Realizing this to be an impossibility, he was compelled to go round and steer a course up the valley of the Margaret River, discovering on the journey the well-watered Nicholson Plains, which he deemed the finest part of Western Australia he had seen. Still keeping an eastward course he came to the Ord River, which seemed likely to repay examination, but want of provisions and sickness amongst the party compelled him to make all speed for the overland telegraph line, which he struck at Daly Waters Station after much suffering and privation in the beginning of October.
Mr. Forrest reported that about 25,000,000 acres
were suitable for pastoral development or tropical agriculture, while at Beagle Bay there was a good site for a township The country along the Fitzroy was liable to floods during the wet season (from December to March), but from the river across to the South Australian border this drawback did not exist, though the whole area was well watered. The scientist (Mr. Hill) found traces of copper, and hazarded the opinion (to be afterwards confirmed) that gold would probably be found among the ranges and toward the headwaters of the Fitzroy.
The discoveries made by this expedition were of the greatest possible importance to the colony, and the opening up of the Kimberley district for pastoral and grazing purposes, which resulted from the reports made by Mr Forrest, marks a new era in the development of Western Australia. Good country such as this could not remain unused, and the Government was besieged with inquiries as to the conditions under which settlement would be permitted. These conditions were set out in the special land regulations for the Kimberley district issued in November, 1879, to which reference has already been made. Though the regulations were not considered entirely satisfactory, they did not prevent extensive occupation of the territory during the succeeding years Within the tropics, and a long distance from the settled areas, life in the Kimberleys was even more trying than in the North-West district, but the land was richer and results more certain; consequently many were found to endure the trials, and their endurance was rewarded with success.
. Settlers were attracted from all parts of Australia, but more particularly from Victoria. Pastoral associations to work portions of the land were proposed, and though they were generally abandoned, private settlement spread rapidly. Large selections were made in 1880, and in 1881 leases to the extent of 5,500,000 acres were taken up, an amount which, though large, was according to the Surveyor-General’s report more than trebled by June of the following year The task of surveying these leases, many of which were larger than some European principalities, was one of no little difficulty, and partook largely of the nature of exploration. So actively was it carried out that in July, 1883, the Governor reported to the Legislative Council that lands to the extent of 43,000,000 acres were leased and were producing an annual rental of £21,348.
Following out the suggestion of Mr. Forrest, the settlers fixed upon Beagle Bay as the first landing place, the pioneer pastoralist being Mr. J. Brockman, who landed there in 1882. The Murray River Squatting Company (Messrs. A R. Richardson, S. R. Elliot, W. Patterson, and H. Cornish) followed with 2,000 sheep, and took up a run on the Meda River. Then came Messrs W. Lukin, Lowe, F. Monger, Bostock, and
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
209
Brown (acting on behalf of Messrs. W. Lukin and J. II. Mongei), who chose the Lennard River as then location This party had started with 4,500 sheep, 2,700 of which were lost through various causes before a landing was effected at Beagle Bay The Kimberley Pastoral Company, consisting of Messrs. Marmion, Sholl, A. Forrest, and others, with Mr. J. P McLarty as manager, landed
3.000 sheep at Roebuck Bay in 1883 and formed a station on the Fitzroy River. Some residents of the Williams district, styling themselves the Meda River Pastoral Company, took up a lease on the Meda River in the same year, and about that time Mr G. C. Rose, acting for Mr J. A Game, of London, settled on the Fitzroy with 2,000 sheep, and subsequently bought the interests of the Murray River Company The Ord River district was pioneered by Messrs. Osborne and Panton with stock driven overland from Queensland, a journey which occupied over two years Out of
6.000 cattle which started the trip, 4,500 were safely landed by Mr. Buchanan, who had charge of them. Messrs. Durack and Kilfoyle chose the same district, and settled there with 5,000 cattle in 1885. These are the more prominent of those who opened up the Kimberley district, and the number of cattle and sheep established there by them shows that from the pastoral standpoint the Kimberley was by far the most important territory discovered up to that time in the colony.
The Surveyor-General (Mr. John Forrest) visited the district in 1833 and furnished an interesting report of the progress of settlement. From it we learn that there were at the time eight stations in the Kimberleys employing some fifty-two white men besides numbers of natives. These eight stations were owned and stocked as follows • —J A. Game, 10,000 sheep, 50 cattle, and 45 horses; Kimberley Pastoral Company, 8,000 sheep and 30 horses; Meda River Pastoral Company, 4,000 sheep and 8 horses; Lukin & Monger, 2,800 sheep and 12 horses; Daly, 600 sheep and 4 horses; Poulton and Riley, 1,400 sheep and 6 horses; Roy, Cowan, and Company, 600 sheep and 14 horses; and Hogan and McDermott, 600 sheep and 8 horses; making in all
28.000 sheep, 50 head of cattle, and 127 horses
This, although the principal factor in the expansion of the pastoral industry, was by no means the only one. Development of a satisfactory nature was taking place in the North-West (Gascoyne) district, which would have shown even better results than were apparent had it not been for the repeated occurrence of cyclonic storms Some of these, particularly those of 1881 and 1882, caused considerable damage to stations on the Ashburton and to the districts round Roeboume and Cossack, on one holding alone—that of Forrest, Burt, and Company—over 1,000 sheep being destroyed.
Strenuous efforts were also made to settle pas-toralists in the Eucla district, concerning which very
o
favouiable reports had been received. Messrs Mun, Kennedy, and McGill pioneered the way, but there was no eagerness to follow their example, though by the end of 1883 about 35,000,000 acres had been leased at a rental of £9,067. The great drawback was the absence of permanent water This reduced the chances of success to a minimum. Artesian boring it was thought might overcome the difficulty, but there was little inclination to undertake the expense, especially as ample land of the same quality was available in districts not by any means so aiid The time for seriously working land in the neighbourhood of Eucla had not then arrived.
Exploration during these years was practically limited to the expedition of Mr. Alexander Forrest which has been alieady referred to, and to the success of which the opening up of the valuable Kimberley districts was due. A surveying trip which partook largely of the nature of an exploration was, however, made through the same district in 1883 by Mr John Forrest, accompanied by surveyors H. F Johnston, J S. Brooking, G. R. Turner, and G J. Walsh Landing at Roebuck Bay they examined most of the Kimberley division. From La Grange Bay they made their way to the Fitzroy River and tested the country as far as St. (reorge’s Range, finding it to consist in the main of well-elevated, richly-grassed, and well-watered plains Round the lowest part of the Ord River the land was equally good In the course of their travels the party examined the Fitzroy, Margaret, May, Lennard, and Richenda Rivers, and made accurate surveys of the country through which they passed. With them was the Government Geologist (Mr. E. T. Hardman), who compiled a valuable geological map of the district, and reported that there were distinct indications, in various parts, of the existence of gold The surveying work was continued in 1884 under the command of Mr. Johnston and the triangulation from Mount Pierre to the junction of the Negri and Ord carried out The course was some distance to the south of Alexander Forrest’s track in 1879, and led to the discovery of several rivers and watercourses, among them being Hall’s Creek, upon which is located the township of that name, the headquarters of the East Kimberley goldfields. Mr. Hardman’s second report regarding the possibility of gold discoveries was confirmatory of his former one.
In the year 1883 an expedition was also undertaken by Messrs. W. J O’Donnell and W. Carr-Boyd Starting from the overland telegraph line, they crossed in the direction of Roebourne, and added further areas to the already large amount of good country discovered in the Kimberley district
The existence of the convict system was rapidly drawing to a close, and in 1886 the establishment was disbanded and the few remaining convicts handed over to the control of the Colonial Government The
210 THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
Comptroller-General and all the organized machinery disappeared, and the Sheriff of the colony and the local prison system took its place Most of the convicts had served their terms and were free men in Western Australia or other places. The few remaining became ordinary prisoners until such time as they had completed their terms Road parties and other convict bands vanished from the country districts, and only the buildings and a few dissolute and debauched paupers remained to show that Western Australia had ever suffered from the harassing effects of a penal colony. Long years before its actual disestablishment it had disappeared from the place of importance it formerly held, but there still remained various matters of administration that required settlement before the colony could be said to be wholly free From the inception of the convict system the proportion which the Imperial Government should contribute toward the expenditure upon the police and magistracy had been a matter of contention. In 1853 an arrangement was arrived at under which the Home authorities agreed to pay £1,000 a year toward the expenses of the magistracy and two-thirds of the cost of maintaining an efficient police force, with a maximum contribution of £6,000. This arrangement held for a number of years so far as the proportion was concerned, but the actual amount paid from the British Treasury at the time of the cessation of transportation was considerably over £15,000 The largeness of the sum attracted attention in 1864, when it was suggested that the Imperial proportion be reduced to one-half, but in view of the contemplated cessation of the system consideration was deferred until after that event had taken place Either by accident or design the question was not raised again until 1877, when Governor Robinson proposed that the sum should be £15,000 for 1877-8, and should decrease by a certain amount annually until 1893, in which year it would expire. The Assistant Comptroller-General recommended as an alternative that there should be an immediate drop to £10,000 and a diminution of £1,000 a year until 1887, when the contribution would finally cease Neither of these suggestions quite met the view of the Lords of the Treasury, who decided in November, 1877, that the grant for 1877-8 should be £14,000, that it should sink by £1,000 a year till 1883-84, and then by £2,000 annually until 1887-8, when—twenty years after transportation had come to an end—it would cease altogether. The terms were in themselves fair and equitable; the sting lay in the concluding portion of the despatch. “My Lords have only to add, in regard to both these grants-in-aid for magistrates, police, and chaplains, that payment of them will depend absolutely upon the colony not being given . . responsible
government. If such form of government be insisted
upon all payments will cease ” The Treasury also proposed to disband the pensioner force, as its continuance seemed unnecessary since all the remaining prisoners were confined in Fremantle Gaol. On further consideration, however, it was decided to retain the services of the pensioner guard until 1887. The terms, or rather the conditions attached to them, were not altogether palatable to the local authorities, but it was ultimately agreed to adopt them, and thus another phase of convict administration automatically came to an end in 1888.
In the meantime the various establishments necessary to a convict system had by arrangement been transferred to the colonial authorities The pensioner force which it had been decided should continue till 1887 was disbanded in 1880, and in its place a contribution of £4,000 was made toward the cost of maintaining order. In 1883 the Lunatic Asylum, built originally for the care of insane convicts, was handed over to the colony, a payment of £42 per annum per head being made for each convict lunatic. In the same year negotiations were commenced for the transfer of the prison itself This building, erected to hold 600 men, contained only seventy-five at the time, and the Governor suggested that the Colonial Government should accept control in return for an annual payment of £45 for each Imperial convict and the transfer to the colony, free of charge, of all buildings and stores remaining under the charge of the Comptroller-General At the same time Imperial officers were to be pensioned by the Home authorities and allowed, without loss of pension, to accept office under the local government. The Secretary of State (Sir William Harcourt) asked in reply that the Legislative Council should submit definite terms. A committee was appointed in 1884 to consider these, and in its report, dated July 13, 1885, advised that the terms suggested by the Governor be adhered to, with the addition that the Imperial Treasury should pay the cost of the water police between 1881 and 1885 The date suggested for the transfer was December 31, 1885 The Secretary of State, after some hesitation, approved of the terms generally, and the transfer was effected on March 31, 1886. There were at the time barely 200 convicts remaining, and less than half of these were under actual control, the rest being at liberty under ticket-of-leave or conditional pardon. Those in prison were of the type likely to remain a charge upon the colony, and, as a matter of fact, after gaining their liberty had to be maintained in the old men’s depot From 1886 they, with the colonial prisoners, were employed pumping water from wells within the prison enclosure in order to provide an efficient water supply for Fremantle. Thus, after thirty-six years’ existence, an end was put to the colony’s Esau-like method of improving its position.
The only incident of interest in connection with
211
the Establishment itself during these years was the escape of six Fenian prisoners in 1876. This was effected through the instrumentality of an American (John Collins), assisted by Captain Antony, of the American whaler “Catalpa.” Arriving at Fremantle late in 1875 Collins secured employment in a carriage factory and quietly made himself thoroughly conversant with the methods of the Convict Establishment and the nature of the country to the south of Fremantle. Through the medium of a Fenian expiree (James Wilson) he was brought into communication with six Fenian convicts who, on account of their good behaviour, were not subjected to strict supervision. A favourable moment for escape arrived when the “Catalpa” put into Bunbury. By arrangement the six men left Fremantle in buggies on April 18, 1876, for Rockingham. When their depar-
territorial waters. The two ships met outside Rottnest. The Superintendent of Police demanded the convicts and threatened to fire. The captain of the “Catalpa” denied that any convicts were on board, and quietly pointed to the American flag. The police, ehagrjned, had to return empty handed to Fremantle, after intimating that the United States Government would be communicated with. Governor Robinson forwarded a full account to the Secretary of State, who after investigating the circumstances decided that the matter was not one for diplomatic negotiation, and the Fenians remained under the United States flag. The incident created great irritation in the colony, which felt itself flouted, but no doubt the British Government was not displeased to get rid so easily of men who, after all, were only political prisoners.
ture became known they were hotly pursued by the police, who found on arrival at Rockingham that the convicts had been picked up by a whaleboat in waiting, which had then put out to sea. The “Catalpa” being the only whaler known to be on the coast, the police returned to Fremantle and put off in the police boat in search of her. After sighting her they fell in with the steamer “Georgette,” also in search, and learned that the “Catalpa” had been spoken to, but denied having convicts on board. Deciding to watch they saw the whaler move northward, and on following observed a whaleboat making toward her. An exciting chase ensued, but the police were unsuccessful in preventing the “Catalpa” from picking up the boat and had to return to Fremantle. The “Georgette” was then sent out armed in the hope of meeting the whaler in o2
The natives in the north-west and in the far southeast still continued to give considerable trouble, though the more enlightened methods pursued in regard to them and the earnest endeavours to conciliate them were not without effect. Henry Clarkson was murdered while driving sheep overland to Nickol Bay in 1875, and some two years later John Eakin was speared by natives at Mr. Wittenoom’s station on the Murchison, while in the same year Mr. John Moir, a station-holder at Esperance, was killed by two natives whom he had punished for some fault. In this, as in most cases of native murders, the desire to retaliate for some injury or some outrage to native women seems to have been the underlying cause. Unfortunately the sufferer was often some innocent selector or shepherd who had not even a knowledge of the crime.
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA
In 1881 and 1882 serious allegations of depredations by natives in the Murchison district were made by the squatters, and Mr. Robert Fairbairn was sent by the Government to make inquiries. He found that the losses suffered were in many instances greatly exaggerated, and were usually due to either laxity of supervision or laxity of morals on the part of the white settlers. Thefts were only to be expected where sheep and cattle were placed in the care of native shepherds far away out in the bush, while reprisals were not to be wondered at when white settlers failed to let the native women and girls alone. Mr. Fair bairn’s report, though unpalatable to many of the settlers who desired to be a law unto themselves, was warmly approved by the Governor, who was anxious to put a stop to the intercourse that was going on “Their women,” he wrote, “are surely as valuable to them as our flocks and herds are to us, and so long as we outrage those feelings which human nature has planted in a greater or less degree in even the most savage breast, what right have we to expect that they will respect the property of the aggressor ? What right have we to be surprised when we hear that a native, ‘sulky’ with a shepherd for taking his woman away, has put the white man to death * Let us set them a good example, and then, perhaps, we may talk of the iniquity of their proceedings—proceedings which, after all, considering the utter savages we are dealing with, have not been so black as they are painted.”
How to put a stop to the practices that were going
on was, however, a difficult question Some attempt to solve it was made by mcieasing the police protection and by appointing an itinerant magistrate (Mr. Foss) with power to deal with cases of wrongdoing as they arose. This had some effect in reducing the trouble within limits, but it was impossible to put an end to it. Cases of native depredation and murder and of intercourse between white and black continued to occur, and are not unknown even now, though the march of civilization and a more enlightened public opinion has brought their number down to a minimum.
The population of the whole colony at the end of 1883 was only 31,700—an increase of less than 5,000 during the eight years under review—not more than that of an ordinary English town More than half of these were resident in the towns and villages, which clamoured for recognition as duly organized municipalities Perth, with a population of about 5,000, was raised to the dignity of a mayoralty in 1881, the first occupant of the chair being the present Chief Justice (Sir Stephen Henry Parker) His successor was the late Sir George Shenton Fremantle became a corporation in 1883, and others followed shortly afterwards.
In ecclesiastical affairs, beyond the general development resulting from a progressive community, little of moment occurred beyond the resignation of Bishop Hale in 1875 and the appointment of Bishop Parry as his successor, under whose episcopate the foundation-stone of the present St George’s Cathedral was laid in 1880
CHAPTER XV.
1883-1890.
GOVERNOR BROOME’S ADMINISTRATION—LAND REGULATIONS—TARIFF REVISION-FINANCES—RESOURCES, INDUSTRIES, AND TRADE—PUBLIC WORKS-RAILWAY AND TELEGRAPH EXTENSION—GOLD DISCOVERIES. KIMBERLEY AND YILGARN GOLDFIELDS — AGITATION FOR AUTONOMY CONTINUED — RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT
After the departure of Sir William Robinson in February, 1883, the Chief Justice, Sir Henry Wrens-fordsley, administered the government until June, when the new Governor (Sir Frederick Napier Broome) arrived. With a short recess from November, 1884, till June, 1885, during which he visited England for the purpose of floating a public works loan of £525,000, that officer held the reins until the end of 1889, when he returned to London, leaving Sir Malcolm Fraser in charge. Sir Malcolm continued to act as administrator until October, 1890, when Sir William Robinson was again appointed
Governor and entrusted with the task of inaugurating responsible government in the colony
Governor Broome arrived at the time when settlement in the north and north-west was rapidly extending and agitation for more liberal land regulations was becoming more pronounced, aided and furthered by the known opinions of the Commissioner of Crown Lands, Mr. John Forrest. In order to delay any further alteration, the Governor in 1884 suggested that as a general election was pending it would be unwise for an expiring Council to take so important a question into consideration. When
213
the new House met in July, 1885, he deprecated any unnecessary interference with the regulations, but pointed out that as many of the older leases were coming to an end the time might be opportune for a reconsideration of the whole subject. He was no doubt assisted toward this decision by a complete scheme for a more liberal system which Mr. Forrest had put forward just previously. The object of this scheme was, as the Commissioner stated, to settle population —“a bold peasantry — on the soil; to see the country utilized and occupied; to encourage the agricultural progress of the colony ; and, while doing this, to give as much security as possible to the pas-toral tenant, especially in centres not suited for agricultural development.” To do this he advised that the tenure of leases be extended, that improvements be compulsory, and that rents be reduced. Governor Broome was doubtful about the wisdom of some of these recommend-ations, but remitted them in full to the Council in order that the fullest possible consideration might be given to the whole question. The Legislative Council appointed a Select Committee, consisting of the Surveyor-General (Mr. Forrest), Messrs. Brown, Harper, Burt, Crowther, Grant, Marmion, Lee Steere, Venn, and Wittenoom, to report upon the proposals. The report of this Committee, which was not on all points unanimous—Messrs. Lee Steere, Brown, Venn, and Wittenoom dissenting—was
presented on September 9, when final discussion was postponed till the following session. During the recess the Governor gave the Committee’s draft close consideration, and when the time came for discussion upon it in 1886 was prepared with certain amendments. These were considered in conjunction with the draft, and certain of them adopted. Other alterations were made, and the whole draft regulations, thus amended, were then passed
and forwarded by the Governor for approval of the Secretary of State. This was given in due course, and on March 2, 1887, the new regulations—the most liberal and satis-factory yet frame d—w ere proclaimed. Under them land could be acquired, subject to certain conditions of residence and improvement, upon very liberal terms, and pastoral leases could be secured without the harassing limitations that had previously existed. The colony was divided into six distr icts—the South-West, Gascoyne, North-West, Kimberley, Eucla, and Eastern. The South-West comprised the originally settled areas in the south-western portion of the colony, and the Eastern district comprised the central portions. Eucla was formed into a division in the hope that the inducements offered would bring about settlement in the far south-east.
Town and suburban allotments in all divisions were to be sold by public auction, at such upset price as the Governor-in-Council deemed reasonable, and any pros-
Photo by C. P. Parr. Perth from King's Park.
£14
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
pecfcive purchaser could apply to have a surveyed allotment put up for auction on depositing 10 per cent, of the upset price. Land m the South-West district, which was recognized as the agricultural portion of the colony, could be obtained under four different modes of conditional purchase —(1) By deferred payment, with residence, within agricultural areas, (2) by deferred payment, with residence, outside agricultural areas, (3) by deferred payment, without residence, irrespective of the location; and (4) by direct payment. The Governor-m-Council had power to declare agricultural areas of not less than
2.000 acres No one could secure selections of less than 100 or more than 1,000 acres, the price being determined by the Governor, but not to be less than 10s per acre, payable m twenty annual instalments of 6d. per acre On the approval of any application a licence was m the first instance granted for five years, the licensee being compelled to reside upon the land within six months and to fence the whole selection within the five years Provided the conditions were carried out a lease was then granted for fifteen years, and the Crown grant could be secured during its currency oi on its termination, on proof that improvements to the value of the purchase money had been made and the full purchase money paid In case the applicant did not intend to reside, the cost was 20s per acre instead of 10s and the yearly payments Is m place of 6d per acre. The other conditions neces sary to secure the full grant were the same. Under the fouith mode a maximum area of 1,000 acres within and
5.000 without an agricultural area might be secured at a price fixed by the Governor-m-Council. The land had to be fenced within three years, and improvements to the value of 5s. per acre effected within five years Garden land in plots of from 5 to 20 acres could be secured at 20s per acre on the condition that the plot was fenced and one-tenth of it planted with vines, fruit, or vegetables within three years In the other districts the area that could be secured on conditional purchase was not less than 100 or more than 5,000 acres, the price and conditions being the same as m the declared agricultural areas.
Squatting leases were granted for twenty-one years at a rental that varied according to the district and the class of land. The rental for every 1,000 acres was — South-West division, in blocks of not less than 3,000 acres, 20s . Gascoyne and Eucla divisions, in blocks of not less than 20,000 acres, 10s for each of the first seven years, 12s 6d for the second seven, and 15s. for the third, North-West division, in blocks of not less than
20.000 acres, 10s , 15s , and 20s for each year of the three periods; Eastern division, in blocks of not less than
20.000 acres, 2s 6d , 5s., and 7s. 6d ; Kimberley division, in blocks of not less than 50,000 acres with river frontage and 20,000 without, 10s., 15s , and 20s The Kimberley squatter (if within five years he had placed ten sheep or one head of cattle for every 1,000 acres upon his run) and
the Eucla squatter (if he had fulfilled the same condition or had spent £8 per 1,000 acres upon water conservation) could obtain a reduction of rent to the extent of one-half for the first fourteen years, while m all divisions except the South-West double rent was imposed where the stocking conditions were not carried out within seven years. Mining leases (not auriferous) could be secured over lots of from 20 to 200 acres on payment of 5s. per acre yearly rent, the leases to run for seven years and to give way to a Crown grant when machinery to the value of £3 per acre had been erected New timber regulations were also provided, and the Government was permitted, with the approval of the Legislative Council, to make concessions of land in return for the construction of railways, the establishment of industries, or the promotion of settlement These land regulations, with trifling amendments, remained m force for many years.
As soon as the land regulations were settled in 1886, the question of tariff revision called for attention. Since 1882 no change had been made m the Customs duties except to impose a special charge of 20s per ft. upon opium The burden upon the finances, however, due principally to the borrowing policy necessitated by railway extension, began to be so heavy that means had to be sought to increase the revenue As m the past, indirect taxation through the Customs was considered the most feasible method, especially as, in the opinion of several members of the Council, it had the effect of fostering local industries A Tariff Commission appointed in 1887 recommended a general increase ' to promote the establishment of new industries and encourage the development of industries and manufactories already established.” A Customs Bill was introduced m December, 1887, and m the course of its passage through the House Mr Alexander Forrest, the leader of the few who acknowledged themselves to be protectionists, succeeded m increasing the duties on live stock m order to piotect the local grower The new tariff, which was assented to in 1888, materially increased the duties all round, and was an undoubted admission that the future policy of the colony must be one of protection
An Agricultural Commission was also appointed in 1887 to consider the whole question of agricultural development, and suggest, if possible, a means of ending the stagnant condition into which the industry had certainly fallen during the previous fifteen years, during which the acreage under crop had for all practical purposes remained stationary The members of the Commission made a close study of the subject, and their report, published in 1891, forms a valuable record of the progress of agriculture in the colony. They expressed the opinion that though agriculture as a pursuit had not all the elements in its favour necessary to make it a thoroughly prosperous industry, Western Australia under a fair system of farming was not behind the other
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF AVESTERN AUSTRALIA.
215
colonies in the productivity of certain soils. “Close observers of cause and effect," says the report, “will be able to trace many conditions under which agricultural pursuits have suffered, but these conditions are incidental to the peculiar circumstances of the colony; its early settlement, its isolation from general commercial intercourse with the other colonies; to the absence of those attractions which have taken people past our shores to the sister colonies; and are not directly traceable to any inherent infertility of soil ” Stagnation in enterprise was attributed to “the absence of cash sales and the establishment of a barter system” which provided only a precarious market, and not one likely to stimulate production. The commissioners also drew attention to the question of bonuses such as those in operation m Victoria, to State aid to farmers, and to all matters likely to be of assistance in the development of farming or the diffusion of agricultural knowledge.
The industry seems to have received some slight impetus m the two years following the publication of the report, but it was not until many years later that agriculture in the colony began to receive that serious attention to which its importance and the capabilities of the soil entitled it But though increasing requirements made further taxation necessary, and though no assistance was received from the great primary industry, the returns of the revenue and expenditure of the colony from 1883 to 1890 as shown m the attached table prove that the public finances were m a distinctly healthy condition —
Revenue Expenditure.
1883 £284,363 £240,565
1884 290,319 291,306
1885 323,213 308,848
1886 388,564 394,675
1887 377,903 456,897
1888 357,003 385,129
1889 442,725 386,001
1890 414,314 401,737
The indebtedness under loan authorizations had, it is true, grown from nothing at the establishment of representative government to £1,367,444 at the end of 1890 This was a fairly heavy burden for a population of 46,290 persons to bear, but as the greater part of it was invested m reproductive works which, if not revenue producing, at least met the working expenses and interest, the weight of debt did not press too heavily AVhen, however, the ordinary income failed to meet the expenditure m 1889 Governor Broome thought it necessary to sound a note of warning concerning new expenditure “Loans,” said he, “cannot be looked upon as a remedy for depression or as a substitute for real progress and development ” This was brought home to the Government in the following year, when another deficit was followed by a loan authorization to meet it. To this the Secretary of State refused his sanction, but agreed to the issue of Treasury
bills. The returns for 1889, howevei, showed a balance on the side of revenue which went a long way toward adjusting the accounts.
The comparative statement of imports and exports is not so reassuring . —
Imports. Exports.
1883 £516,846 £444,764
1885 650,390 446,691
1886 758,011 630,393
1887 832,213 604,656
1888 786,250 680,345
1889 818,217 761,392
1890 874,447 671,813
In every instance the value of imports was greater than that of exports, showing that the colony had lost its position as an exporter. This was in part due to the fact that the discoveries of gold at Kimberley and Yilgarn had attracted considerable increase m population, consisting chiefly of miners or those interested in mining These had at least to be fed and clothed, and this necessitated larger importations of foodstuffs. An examination of the schedules of imports shows that in every year the excess of value m imports is represented practically by the amount paid to outside sources for agricultural produce—commodities that the colony itself could easily have produced in abundance, and probably would have done but for the lethargic condition into which the farming industry had fallen, a condition from which not even the existence of so excellent a market at their very doors seems to have aroused the farmers
In other avenues of industry steady progress is evident. Wool, pearls and pearl shell, sandalwood, timber, guano, and lead and copper ores continued to form the principal articles of export, wool accounting for nearly half the total value, and pearls and pearl shell averaging over £100,000 a year for the years 1886-1890 In 1887 another of those distressing storms to which the North-West is so subject swept over the pearling areas, carrying ruin and disaster with it, and flooding a large part of the Kimberley district. In the course of the tempest it is estimated that from 150 to 300 persons, mostly Malays, perished
A comparative statement of the values of the principal articles exported each year from 1884 to 1890 is given in the following table • —
Year. Wool. Pearls and Peail Lead and Sandal* wood. Tunbei Guano. Gold. Tin.
Shell. Copper
£ £ £ £ £ £ £ £
1884 249,255 25,312 6,642 5,047 20,960 68,936 7,560 — —
1885 248,400 58,496 36,216 67,850 3,432 — —
1886 332,578 119,964 8,012 5,175 27,450 50,092 66,023 1,148 —
1887 333,786 125,425 34,533 28,384 20,527 18,517 —
1888 423,762 84,311 6,848 33,525 42,060 12,440 13,273 —
1889 395,904 118,355 4,404 57,465 63,080 8,488 58,872 300
1890 261,352 126,293 2,271 51,355 82,052 7,983 86,664 3,400
From this it will be seen that m 1886 gold and m
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1889 tin—two commodities destined to play an important part in the history of Western Australian development— made their first appearance m the list of exports
Turning from financial matters to questions affecting the internal polity of the colony, it may be mentioned that early in the eighties were heard the first whisperings of that desire which twenty years later was realized in the establishment of the Australian Commonwealth. In 1880, at the instance of Sir Graham Berry, a conference of representatives of New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia was held m Melbourne to discuss the question of border duties. Other questions of wider importance being raised, it was decided to adjourn the conference till January, 1881, and invite representatives from all the colonies. Western Australia being a Crown colony, the only one remaining m Australia—the Cinderella of the group,, as Sir'William Robinson with curious foresight termed her—it was impossible to send from there a representative with power to speak upon any subject with finality, as all doings of the local Government were subject to Imperial approval. This difficulty was explained, and it was finally agreed that Chief Justice Wrensfordsley should attend as delegate from Western Australia for the purpose of watching the proceedings and expressing an opinion on behalf of the colony, on the understanding that such opinions would be subject to the approval of both the local and Imperial Governments. The principal matter affecting Western Australia that was dealt with was the erection, at the joint expense of all the colonies, of a lighthouse on Cape Leeuwin, but from a general standpoint the importance of the conference lay m the introduction by Sir Henry Parkes of the Federal Council of Australia Bill, really a proposal for a modified form of federation Owing to general lack of interest in the subject the Bill lapsed at the time, but its proposer had sounded a new note m Australian politics— one destined to have far-reaching results. A further convention was held m Sydney in 1883, when the proposal to establish a Federal Council for Australia was approved The necessary provisions to enable Western Australia to become a member of the Council were passed by the Legislative Council m 1884, and during 1885 the Federal Council Act (49 Viet , No 24) was passed and came into operation at the close of the year. As all the colonies did not join in the scheme its usefulness was considerably restricted, but it helped to pave the way for the wider movement which followed, and which was foreshadowed by Governor Broome when proroguing the Council in 1885 : —“It will be a matter for congratulation m the future that the Legislature of Western Australia has from the first heartily supported a scheme which, as I believe, will in the course of time result in uniting the whole of this portion of the Empire in a political organization similar to that which has given strength and greatness to the Dominion of Canada.”
The first meeting of the Council was held at Hobart in January, 1886, Mr. J. G. Lee Steere, a member of both the Executive and Legislative Councils, being commissioned to represent Western Australia. Its deliberations were confined chiefly to simplifying legal processes between the colonies and facilitating legal proof of official documents. Defence was also considered, and on the motion of Mr. Lee Steere it was agreed that King George Sound and Torres Straits should be fortified for the general protection of the continent
A second session of the Federal Council was held at Hobart in 1888, when the only question of importance discussed was one relating to the Queensland beche-de-mer fisheries.
In addition to this movement a Colonial Conference was held in London in April, 1887, in order to give the representatives of the colonies an opportunity of discussing matters of general import with the Imperial Government The delegates from Western Australia were the Honourable John Forrest and Mr. Septimus Burt.
Although Sir Frederick Broome displayed many qualities of statemanship in dealing with large issues, more particularly those arising during the latter portion of his term, his internal administration was marred by repeated disagreements with prominent officials and others who occupied important positions in the community. A man of strong will, imperious disposition, and combative to the last degree, he resented any apparent encroachment upon his functions, and was inclined to reject, upon many points, the advice of those whose intimate local knowledge fully qualified them to venture an opinion With the Surveyor-General, Mr. John Forrest, he was continually in conflict, and that the official generally got his way was probably due to the fact that he possessed the same qualities as the Governor in an even more marked degree. The Attorney-General (Mr A. P Hensman) next incurred the Governor’s opposition, and deemed it wise, after justifying his own position, to retire from the Executive The most serious disagreement took place between the Governor and the Chief Justice, Mr (afterwards Sir) A C. Onslow. Mr. Onslow was not then sole Judge, Mr (now Sir) Edward A. Stone having been appointed Puisne Judge in 1883. The trouble began to assume a serious aspect in 1884, and was perhaps influenced to some extent by the relations between the Governor and Mr Forrest The Chief Justice had on one occasion declined to advise the Governor upon an ad misertcordiam appeal for a remission of sentence Sir Frederick Broome, doubting the stand taken by Mr. Onslow, referred the point to the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Sir Henry Holland), who decided that the Judge was right in the particular case, but that it was his duty to advise upon petitions other than ad misericordtam. Certain other petitions were now referred by the Governor, but Mr. Onslow again refused
217
to advise and appealed to the Secretary of State. Pending a reply to his communication he unwisely retained possession of the petitions and refused to allow the Governor to have access to them. The Governor then charged the Chief Justice with detaining important State documents in disobedience of direct orders, and called upon him to show cause why he should not be suspended. The Judge thereupon returned the petitions and forwarded the whole correspondence to the Press.
In September, 1887, the correspondence was published showing that Mr.
Onslow had made serious accusations against the Governor to the Secretary of State. “I protest,” he wrote,
‘‘against the manner in which the Governor persists in harassing me, as being calculated to lower and insult myself and my office and degrade the administration of justice in the colony.” Sir Frederick Broome, naturally incensed, declared the statements were untrue, and called upon the Chief Justice to withdraw them in writing within a given time. In reply the Judge took up the attitude that the matter was in the hands of the Secretary of State, and that the Governor could not legally take any action. Governor Broome, however, was not the type of man to sit down tamely and wait.
The Executive Council was appealed to, and the Chief Justice was informed that he must retract or he would be suspended. Continuing to be recalcitrant,
Mr. Onslow was “interdicted” by the Governor from exercising the functions of his office, and Mr. G. W. Leake was appointed Acting Chief Justice. By this time the dispute had become a matter of national concern. The legal fraternity expressed their sympathy with the deposed official, and the public generally took sides for and against. A public meeting held in Perth indignantly demanded the removal of the interdict and the recall of the Governor, whom it considered to have been guilty of “a gross interference with the inde-
pendence of the Bench and an attack upon the liberties of the people.” To conclude the proceedings, which must have been fairly interesting in themselves, a torchlight procession was formed and the Governor burnt in effigy. Similar meetings were held in the other centres of population. That the unofficial portion of the community should favour the Chief Justice is not surprising. From the date of the colony’s foundation there had practically been two sections in the community, the Governor and officials forming the one and the ordinary population
the other. Every Governor had fallen more or less under the ban of popular displeasure. In this case it was more pronounced because, probably, something-in the nature of a reason existed.
Governor Broome, undeterred by ebullitions of popular feeling, called a meeting of the Executive Council for December 5, and summoned Mr. Onslow to show cause why he should not be suspended. That gentleman demanded that, as the proceedings would be of the nature of a criminal trial, the case should be heard in public, and that he should be allowed to employ counsel. These requests were refused, and he declined to appear. The Council met as summoned, and decided to suspend the Chief Justice on half-pay.
Public feeling became more acute after this second development. The West Australian supported the case of the Governor, while The Inquirer, true to its traditions as an opposition journal, sympathized with the Chief Justice. Early in 1888 information was received that the Secretary of State had referred the whole matter to the Privy Council, the decision of which was received by cable in the following May. The three phases of the dispute were considered in turn. On the first the Privy Council was of opinion that there was not sufficient ground for a formal charge against the Chief Justice, though he had certainly acted indiscreetly in refusing to return the documents; on the second the decision stated
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that though, through irritation apparently arising irom the first charge, the Chief Justice had used improper language m his letter to the Governor, there were no adequate grounds for a charge intended to lead to suspension; on the third the Council looked much more seriously, inasmuch as the letter last referred to, and the letter to the Secretary for the Colonies, couched m language of great animosity to the Governor, had been handed to the newspapers for publication, together with confidential information which the Chief Justice had not the right to give. Taking these facts into consideration, the Committee of the Privy Council had some hesitation m not confirming the suspension, but as no moral laxity m the exercise of his judicial functions was imputed to the Chief Justice, it decided to remove the suspension, at the same time remarking that the relations between the Governor and the Chief Justice must be prejudicial to the colony, and if continued would lead to deplorable results. The Privy Council decision having been confirmed by Ordei-in-Council and the suspension removed, Mr. Onslow took his seat on the Bench as Chief Justice on May 15 amid the congratulations of the Bar, voiced by Mr. llensman Unfortunately this was not the end of the trouble. Several libel actions pending against Messrs. Harper and lTackett, the proprietors of The West Aus-tralian, were tried before the Chief Justice. Mr. A. P. Hensman, who had been the advocate for Mr Onslow all through the dispute with the Governor, obtained damages against the newspaper, and an application for a new trial was refused. Their being only two judges, in case of a disagreement between them in Pull Court cases, the opinion of the Chief Justice carried the day. Another libel action (referred to later), brought by the Rev. J. B. Gribble, was also tried by the Chief Justice, who was accused of showing partiality toward the plaintiff.
From these and other instances the proprietors of the newspaper were convinced that Mr. Onslow’s decisions were not impartial. They therefore drew up two documents, couched in almost similar language—the one a petition to the Legislative Council and the other a memorial to the Secretary for the Colonies. The concluding paragraph, practically the same in both, shows how acute the position must have been — For nearly five years have we suffered as we have set forth Our business, our properties, our reputations are imperilled The baser kind of journalist and public speaker assails us confidently and with impunity We cannot obtain justice in the Supreme Court Persecuted, plundered, and insulted, we are helpless and without relief before the chief tribunal of our Queen. To Your Honorable House [Your Lordship] we appeal to aid in ending a state of things which is a scandal to the Bench, a menace to the welfare of the colony, and a dishonour to the Crown ”
The petition to the Legislative Council, which asked that the Governor be requested to appoint a third Judge,
was presented by Mr. Parker. After a long and not always courteous debate it was decided to refer it to the Chief Justice for his answer. When that was received, further consideration was deferred, pending the reply of Lord Knutsford to the memorial. Mr. Onslow about the same time forwarded his side of the case to the Secretary of State, accusing Messrs. Harper and Hackett of making outrageous and malicious statements.”
In January, 1889, the Executive Council held an exhaustive inquiry into the whole matter in the presence of the parties, but came to no decision, preferring to leave the question, which was really of a judicial character, to the Privy Council. The Secretary of State then requested the Legislative Council to consider it, and on April 10 lengthy resolutions were carried by that body to the effect that in certain cases the Chief Justice had used language not becoming the dignity of his office, and had shown decided sympathy with the plaintiff m the Gribble case, which ought to have been left to the second Judge; that there was no reason to impugn His Honor’s integrity of purpose, but that his warm, impulsive temperament led to hasty and unconsidered condemnation, and that as the community had been divided into hostile camps over the matter, peace and harmony could not be hoped for so long as Mr. Onslow remained in the position of Chief Justice These resolutions were forwarded to Lord Knutsford, and^t the same time the Chief Justice applied for and obtained twelve months’ leave of absence to visit England, Sir Henry Wrensfordsley being appointed Acting Chief Justice. Mr. Onslow remained in London till 1891, during which time the Privy Council considered the whole question and finally exonerated him from the charges laid against him. In that year he returned to take up his position again as Chief Justice of the colony, to the apparent satisfaction of everyone and without any sign of a recurrence of the old trouble Meanwhile Sir Frederick Broome’s term of office had come to an end, and a third Judge, Mr. A. P. Hensman, was appointed shortly after Mr Onslow’s return
The Gribble case referred to above arose out of an article published in The Inquuu and a lecture delivered in Perth by the Rev. J B. Gribble on the ill treatment and cruelty meted out to the aborigines in the Gascoyne district Mr Giibble had travelled the district for some months as a missionary, and was deeply impressed with the unsatisfactory condition of affairs His enthusiasm, and perhaps lack of judgment, led him to make serious accusations against the squatters without due consideration of all the circumstances. These utterances were strongly resented, and resolutions condemnatory of them were passed by the Legislative Council. That they had, however, some effect is shown by the passing during the year of an Act for the protection of the aborigines, providing for the punishment of those guilty of offences against the natives The Act was not wholly successful,
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and the Governor in the following year expressed a desire to amend it
Notwithstanding the resolutions of the Council, Mr Gnbble continued on every possible occasion to reiterate his views. The West Australian then published an editorial reflecting upon his character, terming him a liar and a canting humbug. In return the missionary instituted proceedings for libel Contrary to ordinary practice it was decided that the two Judges—the Chief Justice and Mr Justice Stone—should sit together, without a jury, to hear the case The trial lasted a month, and the verdict was not given till some weeks afterwards. The decision declared that the defendants had proved their plea of justification and were entitled to a verdict. The proprietors of the newspaper, however, considered that though the Chief Justice gave a verdict for them he delivered judgment in favour of the plaintiff, and his action in the matter was made one of the charges in the petition and memorial presented against him
Matters such as the foregoing are, however, only of passing interest. The outstanding features of permanent value to the development of the colony and of paramount importance m its history were the progressive public works policy, particularly m the direction of railway extension, the gold discoveries at Kimberley and Yilgarn; and the successful consummation of the long-continued agitation in favour of responsible government
The financial results of the railways m operation up to the end of 1885 had by no means equalled the expectations—on the Eastern line there was a profit of £65 and on the Geraldton to Northampton line a loss of £899— but the convenience afforded convinced both the Government and the public that further extension was both necessary and desirable. Proposals had been made to build branches on the land-grant system from the main line to the various agricultural and pastoral centres, but the Government, no doubt keeping in mind the Secretary of State’s opinion, decided that any extensions or branches must be part of the Government policy. This decision did not, however, refer to suggestions then in the air to build a railway on the land-grant system from Albany to Beverley or York, thus connecting with the existing Eastern line. When these suggestions came to be considered as practical proposals it was found that the concessions asked for the York-Beverley portion were too great to be granted, and the Legislature therefore passed an Act authorizing the construction of this section from loan funds. The contract was let to Mr Edward Keane, the price being £59,878, on April 21, 1885, and the line was opened in August, 1886 In order to give equal facilities to Northam and Newcastle, and so bring the whole of the then existing agricultural area within reach of the railway, it was decided in 1886 to throw out a branch from Spencer Brook to Northam and m 1887 from Clackline to Newcastle The first of these was
opened to traffic m October, 1886, and the second in January, 1888. Authority was also given for the construction of a line from Geraldton to G reenough and of a tramway from Roebourne to Cossack. These were opened in 1887.
The desire to build railways to almost every township and village in the colony irrespective of the results likely to accrue seems to have actuated many of the colonists during these years. Suggestions, mostly on the land-giant or other principle advantageous to the proposers, were made to connect Busselton, Albany, Eucla, Geraldton, and even the far north by railway with Perth. Most of the suggestions were, wisely, not heeded by the Legislature, but a Parliamentary Committee advocated the construction of a line through Pinjarra to Busselton by a private company under a guarantee of interest. The Council itself listened favourably to the proposal, but the Secretary of State vetoed it
The idea of a land-grant railway to connect Albany with the terminal of the Eastern railway was first mooted m 1880, and in reply to Governor Robinson the Secretary of State promised to give Imperial sanction to any scheme proposed by responsible and competent persons the terms of which were advantageous to the colony In September, 1881, the Colonial Secretary requested the Legislative Council to vote £600 for the purpose of securing information about the country through which the line would pass, and of bringing the idea before English capitalists. The Surveyor-General (Mr. Fraser) suggested in a report “that m consideration of European capitalists constructing a railway of a similar class to the New Zealand lines (3 ft 6m), and undertaking the settlement of not less than, say, 5,000 people m the colony, the Crown shall grant m fee 2,000,000 acres of land, to be selected by them between Beverley and King George Sound.”
Offers to construct the line were quickly forthcoming. In January, 1882, Mr. Jules Joubert, on behalf of a syndicate m the eastern colonies, proposed to build and equip the line and hand it over to the Government by the end of 1885 on the following terms —The contractors to introduce not less than 2,000 European immigrants who should accept land in part payment for their services; the Government to grant to the syndicate in fee
10,000,000 acres, one-half along the line of railway, one-fourth east of the line toward the South Australian border, and the other fourth westward toward Geographe Bay The cost of construction was estimated at £1,000,000 The Governor, who favoured the acceptance of the offer, submitted it to the Council, which after long consideration decided that the offer was not in the best interests of the colony, and wisely declined it.
The next proposal came from Mr Audley Coote, who, on behalf of a Tasmanian syndicate, offered to build the line provided the Government would guarantee 3£
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per cent, interest on XI,000,000 for twenty-five years. The net profits above 7 per cent, on capital was to be divided between the Government and the syndicate, the former to have the option of purchase at any time on giving one year’s notice Much as the Western Australians desired the railway, they were not prepared to assent to terms so onesided, and the Council without much ado rejected the proposal.
Three other offers on behalf of separate syndicates were put forward during the following year. The most important of these was that made by Mr. Anthony Hordern, which, after amendment, was ultimately accepted by the Government. Mr Hordern offered to construct, equip, maintain, and work a line of railway from York to Albany upon the same gauge as the Government railways, the line to be completed within five years from the date of acceptance of the conditions. In return the syndicate asked for alternate blocks of land in sections of 12,000 acres along the line of route for every mile of railway construction, the grants to be made upon the completion of each 20 miles, with the option of selecting land south of Perth and east and south of York, when the land along the route was unsuitable. To enable this to be done the Government was to withdraw from sale for eight years all land within ten miles of either side of the line. The syndicate also asked for the privilege of declaring alternate townsites along the route and for the admission of all materials of construction free of duty and free of railway freight charges. The syndicate further proposed, after completion of the York-Albany section, to continue the line on the same terms along the western seaboard northward to Cambridge Gulf, and conjointly with the scheme to introduce 50,000 European immigrants, for doing which they would require 120 acres for each adult and 60 acres for each child over fifteen years of age.
Mr Hordern’s proposal was referred forthwith by Governor Robinson to a committee consisting of the Colonial Secretary, the Director of Public Works, Messrs. W. E Marmion, G. Shenton, G Randell, J. Morrison, J. H. Monger, W. T Loton, and Sir T. Cockburn Campbell, with instructions to make full inquiry into the matter This Committee reported m March In the first place the members pointed out that most of the land between York and Beverley was already alienated, and that it was impossible to compensate with grants of land any syndicate for constructing a railway between those places Such a line ought to be built by the Government, and Beverley made the starting-point for any proposed land-grant railway to Albany. In regard to Mr Hordern’s proposal the Committee considered that the route should be fixed by the Government, and no deviation that would lengthen any section of 20 miles by more than three permitted without the approval of the Government engineer; that the permanent way and
rolling-stock should be equal to that used on Government lines; that one train should start from either end daily, the tariff being subject to Government approval; and that materials for construction be admitted duty free, but freight at a reduced rate charged for carriage over Government lines. So far as the provisions for land grants were concerned, the Committee advised that all un-alienated land within 30 miles of the railway on either side be withdrawn from sale until the full amount agreed upon had been assigned to the syndicate, which should have power to declare townsites along the route; that
12.000 acres for each mile constructed was fair compensation, but that it must be selected in blocks of not less than 60,000 acres within the limits set out by the Committee, and that 25 per cent, of the land should not be handed over until the satisfactory completion of the contract. With regard to the immigration proposals, the Committee felt that there was not sufficient data to warrant their immediate acceptance, but advised that the syndicate should be paid £10 per statute adult for 5,000 immigrants, to be introduced within five years from the commencement of the railway.
Following upon this report Mr. Hordern submitted an amended proposal, practically embodying the conditions laid down by the Committee, but suggesting in addition that upon the agreement being signed the syndicate should be allowed 240,000 acres, representing the first 20 miles of the line, so that land might be immediately available for immigrants and workmen. The idea of building a line to Cambridge Gulf was dropped, but the large immigration scheme was further urged at considerable length. At the same time negotiations were commenced with the South Australian and Western Australian Governments with the object of constructing on the land-grant principle a transcontinental line from Albany to Eucla, but as the South Australian authorities declared themselves averse to the proposal it necessarily lapsed.
In the meantime two other offers to construct the Beverley to Albany—known as the Great Southern—line were received by the Government. Colonel McMurdo offered to construct the line to Albany, and thence to the border of South Australia, m return for a grant of
10.000 acres per mile (to be selected in alternate blocks along the lines), and power to issue mortgage bonds to the value of £4,000 per mile upon which the Government should guarantee 3 J per cent, in interest for thirty years. In lieu of taxes, stamp duties, and other charges the Government was to receive 10 per cent, of the net earnings yearly. The syndicate also agreed to introduce forty selected immigrants for each mile of the lines.
A more ambitious scheme was put forward by Sir Julius Vogel and Mr Audrey Coote. They offered to build a railway from Beveiley to Eetakup, and thence easterly and northerly to Eucla, skirting the coast as sur-
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
22]
veys to be made might suggest. The conditions were in the main those laid down by the Committee, the most important exceptions being that trains should be run twice a week unless additional services were required to connect with mail steamers, and that twelve years be allowed for the completion of the work. An amended proposal offered as an alternative a line from York through Hampton Plains to Eucla. The syndicate also proposed to undertake the improvement of Fremantle Harbour in return for payment partly in land and partly in debentures, or wholly in debentures.
The three proposals were referred by the Legislative Council to a Select Committee, consisting of Sir T.
Coekburn-Campbell (chairman), the Commissioner of Railways, the Commissioner of Lands, and Messrs.
Brown, Randell, Lee Steere, and Shenton. This Committee recommended that negotiations be entered into for the construction of two lines: (1) From Beverley
to Albany and (2) from York through the Hampton Plains to Eucla.
These routes were likely to be most beneficial in promoting the internal development of the colony, and the latter would be the most direct for communication with the Eastern colonies. Recognizing that the completion of a line through Eucla to Adelaide would possibly make Fremantle the terminal port of call for mail steamers, and that in such case the harbour facilities would be required there, the Committee inclined toward the proposal submitted by Sir Julius Yogel and Mr. Coote.
At this stage Governor Broome asked for and obtained permission for the Government to conclude negotiations, on the understanding that if radical alterations were made in the terms they would have to be ratified by the Legislative Council. The receipt of Mr. Hordern’s amended proposals made it necessary to appoint a further Select Committee. This consisted of the same members as the previous one, except that Mr. Shenton was omitted and Messrs. Marmion and S. H. Parker included. The report of this Committee favoured
the schemes of Sir Julius Vogel and Mr. Hordern, but as the South Australian Government had shown itself opposed to a transcontinental line on the land-grant principle the York to Eucla section was allowed to drop. This left Mr. Hordern’s Great Southern Railway proposal to be considered by the Legislature. After discussion terms, consisting in the main of those recommended by the Committee, were agreed to, and the contract was signed on October 25, 1884. The line being 243 miles long, the syndicate was entitled to 2,916,000 acres of land. They deposited £10,000 as a guarantee for the fulfilment of the contract, and agreed to introduce 5,000
immigrants at the rate of not under 700 or over 1,000 a year.
Mr. Hordern’s schemes for the development of the colony were not confined to building railways. In 1884 he proposed, on behalf of a syndicate, to erect a college of agriculture, the suggested curriculum of which would really have made it a technical school. The syndicate asked for the right to select in any district of the colony
25,000,000 acres of land upon a ninety-nine years’ lease at an annual rental of not more than 40s. per
1,000 acres for first-class and 20s. per 1,000 acres for second-class lands, with the option of purchase at any time during the lease at the upset price fixed by the land regulations of 1882. The college was to be built and an experimental farm established upon the first land selected, and the syndicate required the right to sell or lease other areas to students or farmers who might desire to cultivate them under the guidance of the college authorities. As a guarantee, the syndicate proposed to make a first selection of 100,000 acres and expend a sum of at least £5,000 in erecting buildings and other improvements, failing which the whole would revert to the Crown at the end of five years. If successful the scheme would be enlarged by the erection of further colleges and the establishment of butter, cheese, and oil factories and wine-making plants. After fully considering the proposals the Legislative Council decided not to agree to them. The same course was taken
Photo by G. E. Farr.
Hay Street, Perth.
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in the case of suggestions by Mr Hordern to build tramways between Perth, Fremantle, Bunbury, Busselton, and Kojonup.
In order to carry out his agreement to build the Great Southern Railway Mr. Hordern formed m London the Western Australian Land Company, with a capital of £300,000 and a debenture issue of £500,000, Mr T. W. Powell being the first Chairman of Directors. Mr. Hordern then left London with the intention of organizing operations in the colony, but unfortunately fell a victim to the heat of the Red Sea and died before reaching Albany. His contract was transferred to the Western Australian Land Company by the Legislative Council in April, 1888, with the exception of the clauses relating to immigration. Several large bands of immigrants were introduced in 1886 and 1887, but in June of the latter year the Company declared itself unable to absorb any more and asked to be released from the obligation Judging from the ideas put forward, Mr. Hordern’s death, at a comparatively early age, was a dis tinct loss to Western Australia A man of large outlook and immense business capacity he would almost certainly have done much to develop the colony’s resources and raise it to a position of prominence in keeping with its undoubted possibilities To the withdrawal of the guiding mind may be ascribed the want of success of the Land Company.
The contract to build the Great Southern line was secured by Messrs. Millar Brothers, of Melbourne, who commenced at both ends and proceeded so rapidly that the line was opened to traffic on June 1, 1889. While under the direction of the Company it was only a modified success, caused probably by the failure of the Company to dispose of the lands along the route Only a small portion was sold or leased, and still less cleared and cultivated. Townsites were declared at Lakeside, Mount Barker, Cranbrook, Broomehill, Katanning, Wagin, Narrogin, and Pingelly Apart from the interests of the Company the line proved a great convenience to established settlers along the railway, and was of considerable service to the colony The Company’s property, including the railway, was purchased by the Government in December, 1896, for £1,100,000, and formally taken over on January 8, 1897.
Other schemes for land-grant railways followed upon the agreement with Mr Hordern Between 1885 and 1889 several attempts were made by a syndicate holding land in the Esperance Bay and Hampton Plains districts to secure an agreement to connect the two by railway under conditions similar to those adopted for the Great Southern line, but the Legislative Council declined to give its assent. A provisional agreement was entered into in 1889, but was never carried out Another proposal was made in 1888, by pr. Boyd, to build a line from the eastern terminus of the Government line to Eucla
The offer was referred to a Select Committee, which recommended that the gauge should be 5 ft. 3 in., that
20,000 acres should be allowed for each mile constructed, and that £50,000 be deposited as a guarantee that the work would be carried out. The conditions proving too stringent the proposal lapsed, and another—the last for several years—opportunity of connecting east and west by railway was lost Other offers were made by syndicates to build lines from Derby and from Wyndham to the newly-opened Kimberley goldfields on either the land-grant principle or Government guarantee, but the authorities declined to approve of them
The only other railway on the land-grant principle that was built was the outcome of a proposal made by Mr John Waddington in 1884 to construct a line from York to Geraldton by way of Northam and Newcastle. The terms were based upon those in the agreement with Mr. Hordern. The proposal was referred to a Select Committee consisting of the Commissioner of Railways, the Commissioner of Lands, Sir T C Campbell, and Messrs Marmion, Lee Steere, Loton, Brown, Randell, and Crowther, which advised that the line should start from Guildford and run via the Victoria Plains, Upper Irwin, and Dongara to Walkaway, the southern terminus of the Government line from Geraldton On the recommendation of the Committee the Government was empowered to negotiate with Mr Waddington on the same terms as with Mr Hordern, except that the land taken for the railway in passing through townsites and freehold property should be only one chain in width, and that no land should be reserved from sale until the agreement had actually been concluded The area of 12,000 acres for each mile of railway was to be selected in alternate blocks within 40 miles of either side of the line and so as not to interfere with freeholds already granted The agreement was signed in February, 1886, and the contract for building the railway was let to Mr. Edward Keane. The cost of the work, complete with rolling-stock and other appurtenances, was estimated at about £1,000,000 sterling Want of success on the part of Mr. Waddington in obtaining the necessary capital caused the suspension of operations in 1887, but they were resumed m 1888 with the assistance of certain English capitalists, and the whole line was opened to traffic in 1894 It still remains the property of the Midland Railway Company, which during recent years has fallen into line with the Government m the endeavour to extend the agricultural possibilities of Western Australia.
Concurrently with the building of railways there was considerable extension of the telegraph system, all of which was carried out by the Government with the assistance of money derived from loans. The only offer made to build a telegraph line on the land-grant system was one to connect Geraldton with Roebourne, which was declined In 1882 the Council authorized the work out
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP
of loan funds, and the contract was let to Messrs. J. & W Bateman The line was opened in 1885, the total cost being £56,531. By it Shark Bay, the Gascoyne, Ash-burton, and Fortescue were all linked with Perth, and an extension was almost immediately made to Cossack In 1889 the line was continued to Derby, a distance of about 500 miles, and eventually carried on to Wyndhain and Hall Creek
In 1883 Sir Julius Vogel proposed to lay a cable to the North-West coast to connect with the European system, but afterwards abandoned the idea. Messrs. Millar Brothers then suggested (in 1888) running one from the North-West coast to India or Ceylon, but before negotiations were concluded the Colonial Office arranged with the Eastern Extension Company to extend its system from Banjoewangi, m Java, to Broome This was opened in February, 1889, and under agreement Western Australia agreed to transmit all cables to and from the eastern colonies over local lines at half rates, £1,000 a year in receipts being guaranteed In 1887 the Perth Telephone Exchange was opened, and the same convenience given to Fremantle in 1888
We have already seen that in connection with various land-grant railway schemes offers were made to construct harbour facilities at Fremantle. Other suggestions had been made from time to time during the history of the colony, but none of them had inspired confidence m their practicability During the seventies plans were submitted to Sir John Coode, who proposed two possible schemes—one to provide 29 ft of water m a safe anchorage at a cost of £638,000 and the other to provide 20 ft. at a cost of £242,000 To consider either in the then financial condition of the colony was out of the question The matter was therefore allowed to rest until 1886, when Sir John Coode was invited to visit the colony and make suggestions after an exhaustive inspection In his report he expressed the opinion that the difficulties attendant upon the formation and maintenance of suitable and safe approaches in Cockburn Sound were so great, and would be accompanied by so large an expenditure, that there would be no alternative but to consider the utilization of the shelter and deep water as entirely unattainable With regard to a proposal to build moles and cut a canal through to Rocky Bay, he considered that the cost of sheltering moles erected in suitable positions would be so great as to make the idea inadmissible. There was a grave objection to a corresponding treatment of the existing entrance to the river, as the limited tide and consequent small backwash for scouring purposes would probably cause a sandbar to form at the improved entrance and thus materially affect its utility. The Rocky Bay project he did not think was feasible To provide for the unimpeded movement of the sand it would be requisite that any sheltering work at Fremantle must be detached from the mainland, connection with the
shore being effected by means of an open viaduct, so arranged as to admit the unrestricted passage of the sand without causing its deposition Altogether Sir John Coode’s report was not favourable to the construction of a harbour at Fremantle, and the Government felt compelled to drop the matter for the time, and do what was possible toward the improvement of existing anchorages The belief that at some time gold m payable quan tities would be discovered in Western Australia seems to have existed almost from the inception of the colony. The ‘colour” had repeatedly been found, now here, now there, but beyond intermittent attempts at prospecting no strenuous endeavour had been made to discover payable metal Specks of alluvial from Dardanup, small scraps from somewhere east of Northam, “colour” from the Blackwood, and the suggestion of it from the Darling Ranges comprised the total result up to 1850. Zest was then added to the search by the discovery in Victoria of goldfields rich beyond description, and the flame of desire kindled anew. The old navigators’ reports that the North-West seemed to be a land wherein the precious metal might lie hidden were remembered, but at that time it was “undiscovered country” so far as Western Australian colonists were concerned, and no one was hardy enough to brave its possible dangers. Being of opinion, however, that the territory within reach should be tested, the Government imported half a dozen prospectors from Ballarat and engaged a geologist of more or less competency to advise upon mineral areas. In 1854 Surveyor Robert Austin, passing through the Murchison, expressed the view that around Mount Magnet lay possibly one of the richest goldfields of the world But the renewed activity was doomed to disappointment, and for a further thirty years the treasures remained beyond the ken of man. The only result was the careful preparation of papers for learned societies on the non-auriferous nature of Western Australian rocks Little further was done for many years After the opening up of the North-West the Government Resident (Mr R F Sholl) and some of the settlers occasionally drew attention to what appeared to be promising mineral areas, and in 1882 a small nugget weighing 14 dwt was found between Cossack and Roebourne by Mr Alexander McCrae. After that Governor Broome, in a despatch to the Colonial Office, predicted that the discovery of payable gold was almost certain, and suggested that regulations should be framed “for immediate application in case of necessity.” The actual discovery of gold was due to the advice of the Government Geologist, Mr E T Hardman, a scientist of proved ability and experience. Mr. Hardman accompanied Mr. II F Johnston in the Kimberley surveying expeditions of 1883 and 1884, and in each case issued comprehensive reports on the geology of the country. In the first report, dated April, 1884, he regretted that the hurried nature of the survey made a
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systematic examination for gold impossible, but he considered it extremely likely that that part of the district occupied by the metamorphic rock would eventually prove to be, in some degree at least, auriferous. He recommended that a thorough search be made in the country between the Napier Range and Mount Broome, on the Lennard and Richenda Rivers, particularly about 10 or 12 miles up, where the slate country commenced. He stated that he had observed continuous exposures of metamorphic rocks and numerous quartz veins, varying in width and apparently bearing north-west.
The survey of 1884 passed through the Ord River country, and Mr Hardman was especially careful to examine it, as repeated discoveries of fine alluvial gold had been made by settlers along the course of the river His report was more hopeful than before, and, curiously enough, though he never secured sufficient gold to cover a threepenny piece, the places pointed out by him as probably gold-bearing were afterwards proved by practical miners. The gravel along the bed of the Ord, Elvire, and Panton Rivers yielded good prospects wherever tested, and the granite rocks stretching for many miles from the McClintock Ranges were intersected with quartz veins in which gold was here and there visible He found that it was possible to secure indications over a distance of nearly 150 miles.
Mr. Hardman’s report—the first from a competent authority—led to preparations for a prospecting party. By resolution of the Legislative Council the horses of the Kimberley surveying expedition were lent, and Messrs. John Slattery, Chas Hall, J McCoque, John Campbell, Alex. Nicholson, and H. A. Poult—who came from the eastern colonies—left Yeeda Station at the end of August, 1885, for the locality named by Mr Hardman. Following the Panton River to its junction with the Elvire, they prospected in the neighbourhood for some days, and succeeded in collecting about 10 oz. of gold They then tried the Margaret, Ord, and Panton Rivers, finding indications everywhere, but were compelled to leave the spot through lack of provisions and make for Derby, some 400 miles away. Their claim to be regarded as the discoverers of the Kimberley goldfield was, however, disputed by Mr Carr-Boyd, an explorer, who prior to their advent had sent a parcel of stone from the district to Melbourne to be treated In any case the finding of the gold was a much more important matter to Western Australia than the question of who found it The success of Slattery and party was quickly noised abroad, and other prospecting parties followed in their wake. The reports which from time to time were received from these roused general excitement throughout Australia, and in 1886 the Kimberley rush set in Men came from the eastern colonies to try their luck, and most of them were, at anyrate, rewarded by the sight of gold By April, 1886, 400 oz. had been received at Derby, and soon after
Carlisle and party arrived with 56 oz., Keelan with 24, and others with smaller quantities. In May the Kimberley goldfield was proclaimed, and by June it was estimated that between 200 and 300 miners were scattered over the area embraced within its boundaries Derby being somewhat distant from the field, a new port—Wyndham—-was established at Cambridge Gulf in August, and the Government officials stationed there.
At the opening of the Legislative Council in June Governor Broome reported with satisfaction “the discovery of an extensive goldfield of rich promise” in the Kimberley district, and advised that an Act to control it be at once passed. This (50 Viet., No. 18) was assented to in August, and provided that miners’ rights should be issued on payment of £1 per year, but that no right be issued to an Asiatic or African alien during the first five years after the proclamation of any goldfield Consolidated miners’ rights could be obtained by companies on the basis of the number of individual rights under which the claims were first taken possession of. Leases could be granted for twenty-one years at a rental of 20s. per acre, and could be surrendered with the consent of the Warden provided the conditions had been carried out up to the time of surrender Business and residential licences could be secured at a rental of £4 per year for ten years, and these could be transferred on payment of 5s. No lease could be for more than twenty-five acres or be granted until two years after the field had been proclaimed. Any portion of Crown lands could be proclaimed a goldfield by the Governor, and pastoral leases existing over it suspended or cancelled. The administration of the Act was carried out by a Warden, who had the general powers of Justices in Petty Sessions The Governor-in-Council could reward discoveries of a goldfield with a sum not exceeding £1,000. A few days later an export duty of 2s 6d. per oz was imposed.
Before the end of 1886 the excitement in Western Australia, and indeed throughout Australia generally, was intense. Nearly 2,000 men were at work throughout the district, and the Government was busily occupied in providing proper means of communication. Derby and Wyndham were both used as landing ports, and became for the time busy and prosperous centres Late in the year Mr C D Price was sent by the Government to the district, and reported that when he arrived at McPhee’s Gully, four miles from the point where cart traffic from Derby stopped, he found numbers of men camped, some of them prepared to give the field a trial, but more about to return to Derby or Wyndham, disappointed and disheartened Crossing over to Elvire Gorge, the terminus of the Wyndham road, he found men scattered all over the area, but congregated chiefly at Hall Creek, the Twelve-mile Camp, Elvire Gorge, and the neighbouring gullies. He was not pleased with the prospects of the field. There was no alluvium, no lead; the usual prac-
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tice was to scrape the surface of the ravines and test the soil by dry-blowing or to seek for grains in the bars of the creeks. The average result was about a pennyweight a day; occasionally more was found in isolated pockets, but the majority of the men barely secured enough to keep body and soul together. They stayed merely in the hope that the rainy season would bring about an improvement. Finding that it did not, their only desire was to get away. Mr. Price reported that the loss of valuable property was very great—■ expensive outfits were sacrificed to enable the owners to leave, horses were sold for one-fourth of their value, and in many cases waggons and carts were abandoned. New arrivals were discouraged from the outset, and
returned so little (£30) by the end of June, 1887, that the Legislature decided to repeal it.
Mr. Price’s opinion was somewhat modified in 1887, but he still felt sure that the field would not realize the expectations formed of it. By February there were only about 600 men remaining, and these were congregated chiefly at Twelve-mile Camp and Brockman’s River. In the latter place water was difficult to procure; for domestic purposes it had to be carried about seven miles, and the fact that two or three hundred men were prepared to walk that distance for it every day led him to believe that they were, at any rate, securing payable results, but he was unable to get any reliable information. After the
View in King's Park, Perth.
many of them never ventured farther than the end of the cart track. So adverse were the reports that met them that they had only one desire—to get rid of their impedimenta at whatever price was offered and leave the country in disgust. Mr. Price intimated that the average cost of outfit was at least £100 per man, and that very few took that amount away in gold.
Notwithstanding Mr. Price’s gloomy report, a certain amount of gold was secured. The Blue Book gives the export in 1886 as 302 oz., valued at £1,147, but this does not by any means represent the whole output. The miners objected to the export duty of 2s. 6d. per ounce, and whenever possible got out of the country without declaring their gold. In fact, the duty had v
December rains rich patches were occasionally discovered, and of course led to those rushes to the spot on the part of less fortunate diggers in other places which are so common a feature of mining camps. The heaviest pieces of metal were found on the Panton River, the coarsest on the Brockman, and the finest near Mount Dockrell toward the south-west. The prospects of alluvial mining were not, however, in themselves sufficient to keep the men on the field. The real inducement was the existence of quartz outcrops giving fair indications of gold. These encouraged the prospectors to continue the search. The first reef to be opened up was the Jackson, at Hall Creek, on the Elvire, in September, 1886. Gold was then obtained from the Lady Broome,
Lady Margaret, and Brockman reefs, and m places sufficient of the metal to pay expenses was secured by “dollying” the surface stone But the ore did not improve with depth. The Jackson reef was traced for a considerable distance, and showed gold all along the way. Two reefs north of the Panton were tested; rich leaders were discovered at Mount Dockrell, Spear Gully, and at Two Mile Gully, east of McPhee Gully From the last-named 130 oz. of gold were quickly secured Mr. Carr Boyd took 11 cwt from the Jackson reef to Melbourne for treatment, and reported that it yielded 43 oz. to the ton By the middle of June, 1887, thirty-four quartz claims had been registered—twenty-four at Hall Creek, four at Brockman River, five at Mount Dockrell, and five at Panton River, the number of men employed being 147. It was found that the leasing clauses of the Goldfields Act were very unfavourable to quartz mining, as no lease could be procured until two years after the proclamation of the field. The Government Geologist, Mr. Hardman, strongly advised that the clause should be repealed. Mr Price, to whom the suggestion was referred, just as strongly opposed it The object of the clause, he pointed out, was to prevent large areas of untried ground, which might maintain numbers of individual miners, being taken up by speculators who had no intention of working them, but whose only object was to float bogus companies As an instance he quoted the Northern Territory of South Australia “There, with equally stringent regulations, hundreds of acres are locked up, and have been for years; not a man at work, and costly machinery utterly destroyed through neglect ” All this, he considered, was dtae to the fact that leases were granted when the field was first discovered Notwithstanding this adverse view, the Act was amended in 1888 so as to allow leases to be granted immediately
As usually happens in new mining settlements where men are intent upon the one object, the finding of gold, the men at Kimberley suffered greatly from want of proper sanitary precautions and from scarcity of provisions Disregard of sanitation in an area so well within the tropics brought in its train fever and ague, scurvy and dysentery, diseases that were increased in severity by the want of proper nursing and nourishment, and the mere fact that so many stayed there is evidence either that they were making more than a competency or were strongly inoculated with the virtue of perseverance. The prospects certainly improved during 1887. Good alluvial gold was discovered in various places and small nuggets occasionally brought to light One party conveyed over 1,500 oz. to Derby in one trip Companies were formed to work the quartz mines, and machinery for one of them—the Nicholas, on the Margaret reef—reached Hall Creek in November. The Lady Carrington Mine was purchased by a London syndicate, conditionally upon the first crushing yielding
2 oz. to the ton—not usually a difficult condition to fulfil. Other mines were also successfully floated, and a belief in the permanency of the field began to arise. The official returns show that 4,873 oz , valued at £18,517, were entered at the Customs for export during the year.
Developments were continued m 1888, and at the same time the search for alluvial gold was carried on. The returns were not so large as for 1887, the total export being 3,493 oz., valued at £13,273, not quite all of which came from Kimberley. Further extensions of plant in the way of batteries and so forth were made during 1889 and 1890, but it became evident that the cost of raising the ore and treating it was greater than the value of gold secured The returns show that in 1889 the district yielded 2,494 oz , and 4,074 in 1890, but by the end of that year the “Golden Crown” was the only mine paying expenses, and most of the others were shut down Though gold had been proved to exist both in reefs and as alluvial, the want of capital and the cost and difficulties of transit made it impossible to work the field on a large scale at a profit. Doubtless when these obstacles can be overcome attention will once more be directed to the district, with better prospects of success. After 1890 the population of the field dwindled to about 300. These eke out a living more or less comfortably m searching for alluvial, or in the hope of securing a Government bonus are testing the old reefs from which rich stone was formerly obtained. But though the Kimberley field, from which so much was expected, must be regarded as a comparative failure, it served an excellent purpose in directing attention to the fact that gold did exist in Western Australia, and that there was every reason to expect that the country would well repay examination by those whose experience and ability fitted them for the task. This impression was strengthened by an incident that happened in 1887. In that year Mr. Chas. Glass, of Mugakine, while digging a tank on his property situated about 100 miles east of Newcastle, found a large speck of metal which on examination proved to be gold. This, combined with the fact that from time to time indications of gold had been reported from the country east of Northam, led to proposals to equip a prospecting party to thoroughly test the question. At the instance of Mr. (afterwards Sir) George Shenton, the Legislative Council voted £300 toward such a project, and with this assistance the Settlers’ Association of the Eastern districts fitted out a party under the leadership of Mr. B. N. Colreavy. Colreavy worked over all the country between Newcastle and the Yilgarn Hills, a distance of some 200 miles, but his labours were practically fruitless, though he was so much impressed with the appearance of the country that he immediately set out on a trip on his own account. While Colreavy was out on his second trip quite a sensa-
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.ion was caused by the return of Mr. Harry Anstey from Yilgarn with some rich specimens of quartz. Mr. Anstey, on behalf of a syndicate, had gone out in the same direction as Colreavy, and had discovered an out-3rop at Lake Deborah, from which a member of the party lamed Paine had broken off the first specimen. Anstey returned to Perth with the stone, while the rest of the oarty remained, and in course of prospecting found four other reefs, one of which was traced for 1,200 yards. Another party under Mr. Seabrook also discovered quartz reefs in the same neighbourhood, and some excellent specimens were obtained by Mr. von Bibra. Unfortunately it was found that Anstey’s reef, though good at surface, soon pinched out and showed no indication of gold upon sinking a shaft. This happened just about the time that Colreavy, who was prospecting at Golden Valley some 30 miles to the south, discovered a reef that carried gold throughout, and Mr.
W. J. Parker, some 40 miles farther south, again discovered good indications at a place which he called Parker Range. This caused a mild rush, with the result that various new reefs were struck to the south and east by Riseley and others— representing the Phoenix Company—who named then-principal find — some 30 miles east of Golden Valley —Southern Cross, by reason of the fact that they had used the constellation as a guide when travelling by night.
In February, 1888, Mr.
H. P. Woodward, F.G.S., who had been appointed Government Geologist in succession to Mr. E. T. Hardman (who died in 1886), visited the fields and reported very favourably upon their prospects, deciding that Colreavy’s claim was well worth developing. The Government at a later date awarded Mr. Anstey £500, and Messrs. Colreavy and Huggins £250 each, as rewards for the discovery of the Yilgarn goldfield.
The chief difficulty that faced the prospectors was want of water. To surmount this the Government spent £1,000 on water conservation during 1888, and on Octo-
p2
ber 1 of that year proclaimed the district as a goldfield. Mr. A. F. Thompson was appointed Warden (being shortly afterwards succeeded by Mr. J. M. Finnerty) and Mr. E. A. F. Compton Mining Registrar. Very little development took place until the following year, and then not so much around Golden Valley as in the neighbourhood of the newly-discovered Southern Cross. Here true lodes, holding rich quartz, were found, and companies to work them were formed in Perth and Fremantle and in Adelaide. The Central, Central Extended, Fraser’s, and Fraser’s South Mining Companies were floated and machinery ordered. Condensers for
supplying fresh water were erected, stores set up, and the beginnings of a mining township soon in evidence. The Government Geologist, convinced that the district would prove productive, advocated the building of a railway. The activity abated toward the middle of the year, as from want of machinery no returns had been secured by the companies. Mills were started at the Central and Fraser’s toward the close of 1889, and after some difficulty the pure gold was separated from the black muddy amalgam caused by the action of the salt water on the refuse from the machinery. The results gave confidence in the prospects of the district, and combined with continual new discoveries of quartz brought about an air of permanence, though the unpleasant nature of the climate and the uncomfortable conditions under which work had to be done led the Government to grant exemption to the mines during the heat of summer. As an instance of the primitive conditions prevailing it may be mentioned that the court-house was a bush structure and that the Warden dispensed justice while sitting on a gin-case, a candle-box being provided for his clerk. During the year seventy-one leases, representing 684 acres, were applied for; two claims and eighteen protection areas were occupied; and nineteen business licences and 394 miners’ rights issued. The output of the field for 1889 was 1,858 oz. A breakdown of
Wellington Street, Perth (south side).
228 THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
the machinery at Fraser’s Mine during the early part of 1890 had a tendency to lessen public confidence in the prospects generally, but the declaration of a dividend— the first on the field—of 6d. a share in the following November did much to restore it. The Commissioner of Crown Lands visited the district m June, and was met with quite a number of requests, most of which, being impressed with the possibilities of the locality, he recommended, but they were not carried out at the time owing to constitutional changes being imminent. The amount of gold exported from Yilgarn in 1890 was 2,277 oz., valued at £8,662.
Yilgarn did not, however, show such encouraging results as another gold-producing area discovered about the same time. In 1888 a lad named Withnall, at Mal-lina, some 70 miles east of Roebourne, found a speck of gold m a stone he was about to throw at a bird. The Kimberley excitement having made everyone alert, the district was prospected, and two promising reefs—the Mallina and the Pedawah—were discovered, and shortly afterwards several others were found. In July a rich alluvial find was made at Pilbara Creek and a large quantity of gold secured in a very short time Several nuggets of from 30 to 40 oz. each were unearthed, and in November Mr. A Villars secured one weighing 127 oz. The Pilbara goldfield was proclaimed on the same day as the Yilgarn—October 1, 1888—and Mr C. W. Nyulasy appointed Warden until June, 1889, when Mr. W. L. Owen took up the position. The discovery of rich alluvial at points scattered throughout the district caused quite a rush during 1889, the excitement extending beyond the confines of the liolony Syndicates were formed in Melbourne and other centres to work the mines at Pilbara and Mallina, and prospectors were soon scattered over the whole field The chief centre of the goldfield was called Marble Bar, from the fact that at the place where it was erected a bar of mottled quartz, believed at first to be marble, crossed the Shaw River. Most of the miners were to be found where alluvial gold was richest Early in the year a party of prospectors discovered good alluvial diggings on the Oakover, from which some hundreds of ounces of gold were gathered in a very short time. At Nullagine many alluvial claims were returning handsome yields In August a new field was discovered 11 miles east of Roebourne by a Chinaman, and named the Nickol field. It was only of small area, and being near the sea was covered with water at high tide No great results were obtained from it.
In the same year gold was found near Lake Austin on the Murchison, and also on the Ashburton, but no returns were secured sufficient to justify any excitement Gold was also taken from the district south of Cudding-warra, and specimens were obtained from the Wongan Hills, some 60 miles north-east of Newcastle, but during 1889 and 1890 the principal yields came from Pilbara.
In 1889, out of a total export of 15,492 oz., 11,170 came from that field, and in 1890, out of 22,806 oz., it accounted for 16,055.
Another commercial metal—tin—was also discovered in 1888, owing probably to researches made by Mr. E T. Hardman some years earlier. On one occasion, when engaged officially in the Blackwood district, he was accompanied by Mr. Stinton, to whom he suggested the probable occurrence of tin-bearing deposits. Having this in mind, Mr. Stinton in 1888, while out kangaroo hunting at Greenbushes, found a small quantity of stream tin in a gully near the Blackwood River, just off the main road, and about nine miles from Bridgetown Several leases were taken up, but as the mining regulations did not at the time contain any labour clauses, very little work was done In 1891 Mr Stinton’s discovery was rewarded by a grant of £250 from the Government.
We now turn to the last phase of the long-drawn-out struggle for responsible government. It will be remembered that in 1882 Mr. Parker asked that the Governor should obtain from the Secretary of State definite information as to the terms and conditions upon which autonomy would be granted. Feeling convinced that the finances of the colony warranted the step, he did not wait for a reply, but in 1883 moved in the Council “that the time has arrived when it is desirable that the colony of Western Australia should adopt a system of responsible government ” The motion gained considerable support, mainly because there was an impression that the Government was holding back funds that ought to be spent in various works of development. It was, however, defeated by an amendment proposed by Mr. Lee Steere to the effect that having asked for the opinion of the Secretary of State no definite steps ought to be taken until a reply had been received.
The then Secretary for the Colonies (Lord Derby) appears to have been disinclined to commit the Imperial authorities to any decisive course of action So far from encouraging the idea of autonomy, he seems to have thought it his duty to stand in the way. In his despatch, dated July 23, 1883, he followed the line of Lord Kimberley and pointed out the difficulty of administering the northern and southern parts of the colony together, inferring that this could be more satisfactorily done if Western Australia remained a Crown colony. After pointing out that the separation of Queensland from New South Wales became unavoidable long before its districts in the latitude of Kimberley had been occupied, and that most probably the same would occur between the northern and southern portions of Western Australia almost immediately after responsible government had been granted, Lord Derby proceeded: “I am therefore not disposed to anticipate that the request for responsible government will be pressed at this time, or that, if urged by the residents in the southern part of
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the colony, it would be equally acceptable to those who are now developing the tropical districts in the belief that their interests are protected by the Crown. And while I am of opinion that under responsible government the control of the Crown lands generally would have to be vested in the Colonial Parliament, it appears to me, as at present advised, that it would be necessary to make an exception in respect of those northern Crown lands which would be likely to form a separate colony at an early date. With a view to meet a contingency (which, however, I hope may not arise for a considerable time, as there appears to be no reason why the colony should not continue to prosper for a further period under its present form of government), I think it desirable that a separate account should be kept of the revenue raised and expended in each district of the colony; and it will also have to be considered whether, in any future loan Bill, it must not be declared that the lands and revenues of the Kimberley and some other portions of the northern districts will not form part of the security for the loan.”
The despatch concluded by requesting that a full statement of the condition of the colony, with exhaustive tables and financial returns, should be forwarded by the Governor to the Colonial Office, in order that if the demand was persisted in the Imperial authorities might be in possession of all possible information.
As the Colonial Office, almost from the inception of the colony, had been looked upon by the settlers as the chief obstacle in the way of progress, this despatch, which was not only aimed at discouraging the desires of the colonists but seemed to contain a veiled threat as to what would happen if the agitation were continued, had the almost immediate effect of stimulating public interest in the question. Many of those who had been more or less apathetic awoke to an active interest in the situation. Governor Broome compiled the report asked for, and forwarded it on April 9, 1884, giving not only tables and other necessary data, but a clear expression of his own opinion. “Though I see no valid reason,” he
wrote, “for withholding free institutions from the colony after its inhabitants shall have expressed a general and decided wish to take upon themselves the burden and the responsibility of that form of government, I am strongly of the opinion that until such a wish shall have been expressed, which certainly it has not been as yet, it would be a mistake to make this great and irretrievable change. Furthermore, while I concede that the colony has reached a stage at which a claim to its birthright, if deliberately insisted upon, should not be refused, I nevertheless think that Western Australia would do well to delay its majority for a time, until its wealth and
population shall have still further increased, and until (what is hardly the case as yet) the community contains within itself a good ballast weight of public opinion, and a sufficient-complement of qualified public men to govern on the party system. By qualified public men I mean not only men of ability and capacity for public affairs (for these already exist in full proportion), but men in whom good social standing is joined to means and leisure sufficient to allow them to devote themselves to political business. It is in this respect a deficiency would, I think, be felt. But the deficiency is not so serious as to be absolutely prohibitive. With respect to the class of politicians to whom the affairs of the colony would be confided under responsible government, the constituencies at present place in the Legislative Council gentlemen who are among the most leading, most intelligent, and most public spirited men of the colony, and who would be a credit to any community. There is no reason to suppose that the electors would cease to do this under responsible government.”
The Governor then proceeded to advise “that Her Majesty’s Government should intimate that responsible government would not be refused if a very decided and general wish for it should find utterance at the elections which must take place not later than next year”—a wish that had not so far been expressed—but concluded
230
by pointing out that he did not consider a change necessary or desirable so long as representative government gave reasonable satisfaction.
Governor Broome’s estimate of the existing state of affairs was both accurate and impartial; there was not at the time any decisive public desire for autonomy, but his report and the reply of Lord Derby to it went a long way toward creating one. In a despatch dated July 14, 1884, which was vague, indefinite, and unsatisfactory, the Secretary of State wrote —‘ I am not prepared at present to authorize you to announce that responsible government could be granted, if at the general election of next year there should be a strong expression of opinion m favour of the change, because, as I pointed out in my despatch of last year, there are important political and financial questions which would have to be satisfactorily settled before any such steps could be taken, and I confess that I anticipate considerable difficulty in dealing with some of those questions If, however, the electors should declare themselves very generally and decisively m favour of a change m the Constitution, having had before them the considerations explained m my despatch of July 23, 1883 [regarding the possible separation of the northern portion of the colony], Her Majesty’s Government would not refuse to examine the details of the arrangement which it would be necessary to make if responsible government should be introduced, but, without full and careful inquiry, they would not be prepared to give any definite assurance that the introduction of responsible government is now practicable ”
But few references were made to the subject during the 1884 session of the Legislative Council, which was held before the receipt of the foregoing despatch The opinions that were voiced were mainly from opponents, and were designed really to raise the bogey of possible separation of the northern districts if the agitation for autonomy were continued At no time does there seem to have been any desire for separation evinced by the settlers m those districts, but the fact that the Secretary of State’s despatches hinted at the possibility was sufficient for the opponents of responsible government to use it as an argument To stiengthen their case they quoted the dissatisfaction that existed over the land regulations, the small amount of public money spent in the Kimberley and Gascoyne districts, and the useless way in which the money that was voted was expended. The discussion was, however, purely academic; the settlers in the north took no interest in it, and it must be admitted that at that time, at any rate, it had no practical bearing on the question of autonomy All that the northern settlers wanted was better representation in the existing Legislature, and this they secured in 1886, when the Kimberley electorate was formed, of which Mr. Alexander Forrest was the first elected representative,
Mr. D. K. Congdon being at the same time nominated to a seat in the Council.
The elections referred to in Governor Broome’s despatch were held in October and November, 1884. The desire for responsible government was made as far as possible a test question, but the results were not markedly m favour of any change. The official members of the new Council consisted of M. Fraser (Colonial Secretary), A. P. Hensman (Attorney-General), C. T. Mason (Director of Public Works), and John Forrest (Surveyor-General); the nominees were J. G. Lee Steere, G. Randell, W. T. Loton, and T. Burges; and the elected representatives consisted of Sir T. C. Campbell, W. E Marmion, W. S. Pearse, M. Brown, E. H. Wittenoom, C. Crowther, S. Burt, McKenzie Grant, A. C. McCrae, Sir Luke Leake, S. H. Parker, H. Brockman, G. Shen-ton, G. Layman, H. W. Venn, and C. Harper.
In the absence of any definite mandate from the people no pronounced movement was made by the Council m 1885. Certain information as to the terms under which Queensland and Victoria were separated from New South Wales was obtained, and questions bearing upon the possible separation of the northern districts were asked, but beyond that the agitation was allowed to slumber. Before the Council met in 1886 certain changes had taken place in its personnel which had probably some effect in making the demand for autonomy more insistent. Sir Luke Leake, who had been Speaker ever since the introduction of representative government, died in London, and Mr J. G. Lee Steere was elected to the position Dr E. Scott was elected to represent Perth in the place of the deceased knight, and about the same time Mr. Maitland Brown and Mr. Septimus Burt gave place to Mr. R. F. Sholl and Captain T Fawcett The Attorney-General (Mr. A. P. Hensman) resigned his office early in the year owing to a serious disagreement with the Governor, who formally interdicted him from exercising the functions of his position. As usually happened when Sir Frederick Broome exercised the power of interdict the Colonial Office cancelled it, but Mr. Hensman did not again take up the Attorney-Generalship. For a time it was held by Mr. S. Burt, and then by Mr. G W Leake until a new Attorney-General (Mr C N Warton) arrived from England
No reference was made to the question of autonomy by the Governor in his opening address to the Council m 1886, but later in the session a motion proclaiming that the time had arrived when Western Australia should adopt responsible government was moved by Mr. H. W. Venn, whose views seem to have been received with distinct favour by the audience, if not by the Council. The motion was seconded by Dr Scott and strongly supported by Captain Fawcett, both of whom were convinced that by responsible government alone could the prosperity of the colony be assured Mr. Crowther op-
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posed the motion on the ground that seven-tenths of the people were averse to any change, and Mr. Charles Harper and Mr. George Shenton moved and seconded an amendment to postpone consideration till the following session, mainly on the old cry that the time was inopportune. Mr. Parker, the acknowledged leader of the move ment, objected to postponement, but m the end it was carried by eleven votes to eight, the official members at the request of the Governor abstaining from voting. The vote was probably affected by the fact that it was not moved by Mr. Parker, and was not regarded as the official utterance of the party favourable to the change The reason for this was that important alterations of the land regulations were under consideration at the time, and it was felt that they ought to be disposed of first as being of more pressing necessity than prospective alterations of the Constitution
The discussion had, however, one important result It led the people to consider the question in all its bearings and to take an active interest in it Both newspapers—The West Australian and The Inquirer—were on the side of change, and the former, which had come under the direction of Mr. (now Sir) John Wmthrop Hackett, began to assume that leading position m the affairs of the colony which it has ever since held
The Governor communicated the substance of the Council debate to the Secretary of State, and ventured the opinion that from the indications available the advocates for responsible government appeared to be gaining ground The presumption of mere colonists m daring to suggest that they knew enough about their own colony to govern its affairs seems to have angered the Colonial Office, and the Secretary of State replied sharply, reiterating the statement of his predecessor, “that if responsible government were introduced it would not be practicable for Her Majesty's Government to surrender to a Parliament, representing a small population principally resident in the southern districts, the control of all the vast territory now included in Western Australia ” Plow it could be better done by practically one man removed by thousands of miles from the spot, and absolutely ignorant of local conditions and requirements, he did not attempt to explain
Governor Broome referred to this despatch at the opening of the session of 1887, and gave it as his opinion that though he was not opposed to responsible government, separation would be too great a price to pay for it, particularly if by waiting a year or two the threatened division of the colony could be avoided. At the same time he was prepared, should the Council adopt an address m favour of it, to transmit such address to the Secretary of State and request the views of the Imperial authorities on the matter. Upon the receipt of those views he would make them public and at once dis-
solve the Legislature so that the constituencies might pronounce their judgment.
In agreeing to transmit an address, if presented to him, Sir Frederick Broome had probably a fairly good idea of what was likely to occur. On June 24 Mr. Parker presented to the Council a petition from residents, principally of the southern districts, asking for responsible government, and on July 6 he followed the petition up by moving—‘ That in the opinion of this Council the time has arrived when the Executive should be made responsible to the Legislature of the colony; and that it is further the opinion of this Council that Western Australia should remain one and undivided under the new Constitution.” A long and interesting debate ensued, m which every possible argument for and against seems to have been adduced, m the result the first resolution was carried by thirteen votes to four, and the second on the voices. The official members again refrained from voting, and Messrs. Shenton, Marmion, and Harper took the same course, as they were not convinced that the time was ripe. These resolutions were then embodied in an address and forwarded to the Governor, by whom they were dispatched to the Secretary of State on July 12, with a covering letter strongly supporting them, but advising that adequate provision be made for the protection of the aborigines in the north, and that power be reserved, independently of the local Legislature, to erect any portion of the territory into a separate colony should future events render that course necessary. The separation question he discussed at some length, believing it to be (as, indeed, it subsequently became) a very important factor m the discussion. As to the details of the new Constitution, he suggested a Legislative Council of not less than fifteen members, and a Legislative Assembly of thirty, the first Council to be nominated for a short term but to be elective afterwards Questions of franchise ought, he considered, to be left to the local authorities. Finally he asked for the earliest possible intimation of the views of the Imperial authorities. Some fortnight later the Governor (on July 28) forwarded a second despatch, urging that as a second session of the Council would be called in December to deal with the Estimates and the question of further loans, it was absolutely necessary that the members should know the intentions of the Imperial Government on the question of possible separation of the northern portion of the colony. At the same time he stated that he was engaged with the Attorney-General in preparing a draft Bill for a new Constitution, which would not, however, be submitted to the Council without the Secretary of State’s consent In August a cable was received from Sir Henry Holland to the effect that he was prepared to accept both resolutions of the Council, with the reservation of special provisions for the protection of natives and the government of the north This was fol-
232
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
lowed in September by a further cable stating that legislation for the next session was premature, and that nothing should be done until the views of the Home Government were known.
Up to the time the Council met in December these views had not been received, but a request for a further loan had been refused on the ground that constitutional changes were impending. In a frame of mind almost approaching disgust the Council regretted that the views of the Imperial authorities had not been received, and requested that before it passed the Estimates for 1888 it should be informed of the date upon which such views might be definitely expected.
The despatch replying to the Council resolutions of July, 1887, was received in January, 1888, and was not at all satisfactory to the colonists. Beyond merely agreeing to the principle of responsible government it did not advance the question a step, all the suggestions nfade with regard to detail being vague and inconclusive Sir Henry Holland admitted that 40,000 persons raising a revenue of £40,000 should, if confined within reasonable geographical limits, be deemed capable of governing themselves, but demurred about handing over to that number of persons, mostly congregated in one corner of it, a vast territory capable of sustaining millions of people. Representations had, he said, been made that the northern districts should not be placed under the control of a parliament elected by so small a population, most of which was resident m the south. If some means could be devised by which the unalienated lands of the outlying portions could be preserved for the benefit of future inhabitants it might be possible to establish responsible government in Western Australia. He then proposed that the colony should be divided into two portions by latitude 26°, and that the Crown lands of the northern part should remain under the control of the Imperial Government, and the returns from sales be in vested to form a fund for the benefit of any colonies that might m the future be created out of the districts concerned.
A further despatch was received in February, 1888, suggesting that foi the time being, at any rate, the Legislature should consist of a single Chamber, with power to create a second Chamber when the population reached, say, 80,000. If two Chambers were considered necessary at the beginning, then the first Upper Chamber ought to consist of members nominated for a term, at the end of which the elective principle would operate. The Upper Chamber should not have power to deal with Money Bills. Protection should be assured to the natives by the establishment of an Aborigines Protection Board on the lines laid down by the Governor.
Responsible government now became the burning question m Western Australian political life On March 21 Mr. Hensman moved in the Council a series of resolu-
tions setting out the principles which he thought should be embodied in the new Constitution. Briefly they were. That the Executive Council should consist of the Governor and five Ministers of the Crown; that the Parliament should consist of a single Chamber of thirty members, to be called the Legislative Assembly, which should have power to create a second Chamber at a future time if two-thirds of the members were in favour of so doing; that the colony be divided into twenty-eight electoral districts, each of which should return one member except Perth and Fremantle, which should each be entitled to two ; that the Assembly should be elected for three years ; and that the members should be paid actual expenses when sitting, but not more than £50 in any one year.
After some discussion these were adjourned so as to allow Mr. Parker to move a further series dealing with the same subject. These, the consideration of which was entered upon on March 23, provided that to indicate the possible future boundary of a northern political subdivision was premature and open to serious objection, that no statutory reservation of northern Crown lands was necessary, as control of legislation over such could be exercised by the Royal veto; that in view of the recently revised land regulations any arrangement for funding the proceeds of sales of northern lands was a needless complication; that the Constitution should provide for two Chambers from the beginning, that the second House should be elected by the people; that the two Houses should have equal authority m legislation, that provision be made for deadlocks; and that there was no necessity to place the protection of aborigines under a body independent of the Colonial Ministry. These proposals were debated for some days and finally agreed to, those of Mr. Hensman being withdrawn. The whole were thereupon embodied in an address to the Governor praying for the introduction of a Constitution Bill during the session.
Governor Broome then, with the assistance of the Executive, applied himself to the task of drafting a Bill In this he was not a little hampered by the Secretary of State, who had been raised to the peerage as Lord Knubs-ford Lord Knutsford, recognizing that the colonists were serious in their demand for autonomy, admitted the general principle without further ado, but entered upon a voluminous correspondence m regard to details One of the difficulties to be overcome was the Secretary’s strong desire for a single chamber. This the Governor rigorously opposed “There is nothing,” he wrote on May 28, 1888, “so far as I know, within the limits of the British Empire that can be called a precedent for the experiment of a single chamber in Western Australia, and I think such an experiment full of danger. Much irremediable harm might be done before the Constitution could be changed Further, it is well known that there is nothing more difficult in politics than to
233
persuade a representative Assembly that it should surrender power; and, whatever right were reserved to Her Majesty-in-Council, there might be considerable difficulty in altering a Constitution once granted.” For these reasons the Governor adhered to his contention that there should be two Houses, as in the other Australian colonies, and that both should be elected by the people. The remainder of the despatch was confined to a statement of the various clauses of a Bill which he had drafted, with the reasons which impelled him to insert them. He suggested a £500 qualification for members and a Civil list reservation of £9,850; this would mean
Council, and after the opinion of members had been obtained the Council was to be dissolved and the constituencies given an opportunity of pronouncing upon the measure. It was then to be considered by the new Council, and if passed transmitted for the approval of the Imperial Parliament.
The Bill was formally introduced into tne uouncn oh October 19, 1888, and the debate upon the second reading took place during the first week in November. The Colonial Secretary, Sir Malcolm Fraser (knighted in 1887), moved its acceptance and incidentally drew attention to the fact that no provision was made for a
WATER LILIES IN QUEEN'S GARDENS, PERTH.
an additional charge on the revenue of £6,910 each year, including the pensions to those officials deprived of office by the passing of the Bill. The provision for an Aborigines Protection Board was inserted and £5,000 set down as the sum to be expended annually upon the natives.
The copy of the Bill as drafted by the Governor was forwarded with the despatch. This the Secretary of State amended in various ways, the principal alteration ■being to make the Council a nominee chamber, and to insert a wider power to divide the colony at any time into two or more colonies if such a course should be deemed wise. The method of procedure agreed upon with regard to the Bill was that it was to be introduced into the
member to vacate his seat on being appointed a Minister of the Crown. Strong opposition to a nominated Upper House was shown by Messrs. Parker and Hensman, and equally strong support given to the idea by Mr. John Forrest. Mr. Parker suggested that the first Council should be nominated for a term of six years, but that on the expiration of that period it should become elective. The provision for possible future separation of the colony also evoked considerable adverse criticism, but in the end the Bill passed its second reading by thirteen votes to nine.
In accordance with the arrangement agreed upon, Governor Broome prorogued the Council in the follow-
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
mg month, and shortly afterwards it was dissolved in order that the Bill might go before the people. In the meantime Sir Frederick Broome had advised the Secretary of State of the debate which had taken place, and secured the Minister’s approval to an alteration m the constitution of the Legislative Council so as to make it a nominee body for the term of six years after the inauguration or until the population reached 60,000. On the fulfilment of either of these conditions the Council was to become elective.
The elections were held m January, 1889, and disclosed a decisive vote in favour of responsible govern ment The principal factor m bringing about this result was no doubt the desire of the people to govern themselves, but it was greatly assisted by the refusal of the Imperial authorities to sanction loans on the ground that constitutional changes were impending. The personnel of the new Council differed but little from that of the old. In addition to the official members there were Sir J. G Lee Steere (knighted m 1887), Sir T. C Campbell, G Randell, D. K. Congdon, and J. Morrison (nominees), and L V. De Hamel, W. E. Marmion, W. S Pearse, R F Sholl, McKenzie Grant, W T Loton, A Forrest, S Burt, W. Paterson, A R. Richardson, E Scott, E Keane, C. H. Rason, G. Shenton, S H Parker, H. W. Venn, and Charles Harper (elected).
The session opened on March 13, and on the 18th the Constitution Bill was again introduced and the second reading moved by Sir Malcolm Fraser. The debate that ensued was earnest in spirit and almost academic in character, marking the high-water level of Western Australian politics up to that time Many of the clauses of the Bill which were to some degree repugnant to the colonists were accepted in order that as far as possible everything calculated to jeopardize the measure in its passage through the Imperial Parliament might be avoided. Argument centred chiefly round three questions—the control of the lands, the electoral qualifications, and the Civil list, and these phases were ably discussed m Committee The land clauses in the Bill were vague, and did not actually give the Legislature the control of Crown lands It was understood that Lord Knutsford was prepared to concede absolute con trol over lands m the south of latitude 26° and partial control over the remainder Mr Burt proposed that the entire control of the lands in the south-west, Eucla, and eastern divisions should be given to the Colonial Parliament, and Mr. Shenton moved, and eventually carried, an amendment vesting all lands south of the tropic of Capricorn
The franchise was altered so as to give a vote to a lodger who had occupied for twelve months a room or rooms of the clear annual value of £10, and the duration of the Assembly was reduced from five to four years. The Civil List and Pensions’ Schedule were then con-
sidered, and reductions to the extent, in all, of £1,900 were made. The Bill was reconsidered in Committee on April 3 and other minor alterations made, and on the 5th the third reading was carried on the voices. The Governor immediately cabled the fact to the Secretary of State, and on the 6th received a reply to the effect that the only amendments he could agree to were those making the duration of the Assembly four years and giving lodgers the franchise The Governor then returned the Bill to the Council, which after consideration decided to insist upon its amendments regarding the land question and the Civil List. A deadlock seemed imminent, but it was avoided by the Secretary of State, who intimated that he was prepared to concede control over all lands south of latitude 26° The measure was then returned to the Council for the third time, and on the advice of the Governor, supported by the earnest appeal of Mr Parker, the land boundary was accepted and the amendment regarding the Civil List withdrawn. The Constitution Bill finally loft the Legislative Council on April 26. On the 29th a memorial was adopted for presentation to the Secretary of State drawing attention to various points—moie particularly m regard to the Civil List—which seemed to press hardly upon the colony, and asseverating that these matters had been dropped merely in order not to imperil the safety of the Bill
The troubles of the measure were, however, by no means at an end. After reaching London it passed the scrutiny of the Golonial Office successfully and was approved without delay by the House of Lords When it reached the House of Commons it met with a distinctly hostile reception. Both sides of the House showed definite antipathy to it, and the Enabling Bill to give effect to it was shelved after the first reading, without the slightest consideration being shown to the colony which for two weary years had relegated almost every other matter to the background in order that responsible government might be secured When Lord Knutsford cabled to the Governor that there was little or no prospect of the Bill becoming law during the session of 1889 something like consternation was evinced m the colony, as it was felt that further delay would not only cause stagnation, but would materially affect the future of Western Australia as a whole. The Legislative Council during a second session passed a resolution to the effect that the anticipated delay in the passage of the Enabling Bill would most seriously affect the material prospects of the colony and tend to destroy confidence in the integrity of the House of Commons. The Governments of the Eastern colonies were asked to help by addresses and to instruct their Agents-General to jointly impress upon the Imperial Government the necessity of passing the Bill before Parliament was prorogued. They all responded to the call, but their united efforts failed to affect the matter.
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The session of 1889 closed without the Constitution Bill being passed into law.
During the recess Lord Knutsford informed the Governor that in all probability the House of Commons would refer the Bill to a Select Committee. It was then suggested that a delegation should be sent from Perth to give evidence before such a Committee and to assist generally in forwarding the interests of the colony in regard to it. To this Lord Knutsford agreed, and advised that Governor Broome, whose term
State, much to the indignation of the colonists, refused to consent to such a mission.
The delegates left for England in December, Sir Malcolm Fraser being appointed as Administrator during the absence of the Governor, for whose return for a second term representations had been made which were, however, without avail. The Colonial Office, however, agreed not to send out a new Governor until late in 1890, so as not to deprive Sir Frederick Broome of his official standing during the negotiations.
Last Executive Council under representative government.
Standing.—The Hon. Joscelyn Amherst (Secretary), The Hon. Anthony O’Grady Lefroy (Colonial Treasurer), The Hon. Sir John Forrest (Commissioner of Crown Lands and Surveyor-General), The Hon. J. Arthur Wright (Director of Public Works, Commissioner of Railways and Engineer-in-Chief), The Hon. Sir J. G. Lee Steere (Speaker of Legislative Council).
Sitting.—The Hon. Sir Malcolm Fraser (Colonial Secretary), The Governor (Sir Frederick Napier Broome, K.C.M.G.), The Hon. Nicholas Warton (Attorney-General).
of office was on the point of expiring, should be one of the delegates, and should be accompanied by an unofficial member of the Council. A third sesson of the Legislative Council was then called toward the end of 1889, and it was decided that the delegates should be the Governor (Sir Frederick Broome), Sir T. Cock-burn-Campbell, and Mr. S. H. Parker. At the same time Messrs. John Forrest and W. E. Marmion were commissioned to visit the Eastern colonies in order to awaken further interest there, but the Secretary of
The dispatch of the delegation was without doubt a very wise move on the part of the colony. Without the active interest and earnest advocacy of its members it is more than likely that Western Australia would not have received justice even during the session of 1890. The Imperial Government had not at that time emerged from the narrow and shortsighted view of colonial affairs which it had always been the custom of British statesmen to take. In the minds of some the colonies seem to have been regarded as useless excres-
236
cences, except insofar as they could be made the target for fancy and utterly impracticable theories, or serve as a dumping-ground for those types whose absence from England would make England sweeter. Many of the opponents of the Western Australian Constitution Bill may with truthfulness be entered m this category, and while it would be unfair to include Lord Knutsford, as he seems to have been sincere m his desire to grant autonomy, it is doubtful whether he was anxious to grant it without further delay or without unreasonable restrictions upon the control of the lands.
The Enabling Bill empowering the Queen to assent to the Constitution Bill passed by the Legislative Council of Western Australia was introduced into the House of Commons m February, 1890. Some alterations had been made in the Constitution by the Colonial Office; power was given to the Crown to veto any colonial Act aimed at the exclusion of immigrants, and the Secretary of State’s pet proposal to give the colony control of the Crown lands south of the 26th parallel of latitude was introduced as an integral part of the Bill These two points—immigration and the control of the lands—were immediately seized upon by the opponents of the measure, which was under the control of the Attorney-General, Baron Henry de Worms
The head and front of the opposition was Sir George Campbell, who announced his intention of blocking the second reading. To prevent this a conference between Sir George and some of his followers on the one hand, and Baron de Worms, Sir Frederick Broome, Sir William Robinson (nominated as the new Governor), Sir T. Cockburn-Campbell, and Mr. Parker was held, but without any success at the moment. When, however, the second reading was moved the opponents refrained from blocking it, and it was carried on February 27. Had the block been persisted m the results might have been disastrous to Western Australia, as the Government had its hands more than full of contentious matters upon which its very existence depended, and would not have been likely to invite further trouble over a measure which in its view was not really pressing.
After the second reading had been agreed to the Bill was referred to a Select Committee of nineteen members, with Baron de Worms as chairman Between March 13 and May 6 twelve meetings were held, in the course of which the Western Australian delegates were subjected to a searching examination, which was so ably met that much of the opposition to the Bill was dispelled
Sir Frederick Napier Broome reiterated even more strongly the arguments put forward m his numerous despatches, more especially those which related to immigration and the control of the lands’ Mr. Parker was even more emphatic The people of the colony were, he said, anxious to have the change, and at the preceding elections not one candidate had advocated the
retention of the existing method oi government. That the financial condition of the colony was not then very strong he admitted, but considered it was due to the shortsighted policy of the Colonial Office m refusing to agree to loans on the ground that changes in the Constitution were impending. He was m favour of an immigration policy, but considered that the colony should have at its command the capital necessary to settle people on the land. Unrestricted immigration would not give good results either to the colony or the immigrant, especially as the south-west portion was the only part where immigrant labour would have a chance of success. He was particularly opposed to the idea of the Colonial Office retaining control over any portion of the lands of the colony, and considered that the clause inserted by the Secretary of State should be omitted. So far as defence matters were concerned the policy of the Imperial Government and of the colonial authorities was the same, and Western Australia would welcome whatever fortifications in the way of protection the Home authorities thought wise to construct. Sir Thomas Cock-burn-CampbelTs opinion was much on the same lines. He even thought that colonial administration of the lands was wiser than Colonial Office administration, as past experience had shown that m its desire to get rid of the lands the latter had not always kept clear of the land jobber and grabber. With regard to the aborigines, he thought there was little objection to an Aborigines’ Protection Board, which, after all, was merely designed to satisfy the qualms of Exeter Hall.
The report of the Committee was even more favourable than the delegates expected. The objections urged against the Bill weie made light of and shown to be opposed to fact The report further recommended that the complete control of the lands of the colony should be given to the Colonial Legislature without any restriction.
Between the date of piesentation of the report and the date of its consideration every nerve was strained, alike by the members of the delegation, Sir William Robinson, and the various Australian Governments, to secure the safe passage of the measure The Agents-General waited upon Mr. W. H Smith, the First Lord of the Treasury, and secured from him a piomise that the Bill would be pressed during the session. This was necessary, as the opponents of the measure persisted in their attitude, and now argued that the whole measure was so conservative in character that it could not possibly be acceptable to the people generally in the colony. The earnestness and ability of the delegates, however, combined with the favourable report of the Select Committee, proved too strong to combat, and the Enabling Bill passed its third reading on July 25, 1890, the Constitution having been altered in the directions advised by the Committee Very little time sufficed to
THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
237
secure the approval of the House of Lords, and the Royal assent was given on August 15.
To apportion individual credit for the success is perhaps difficult, hut the two who seem to stand out as most worthy of recognition are Mr. (now Sir) S. H. Parkfer and Sii Frederick Broome. Mr Parker, with curious farsightedness, had been earnest, in and out of season, in his advocacy for responsible government, and Western Australia owes not a little to the ability and astuteness with which he guided the party which was favourable to it Sir Frederick Broome, trammelled by Colonial Office regulations, started his administration as the opponent of any change, but experience m the colony and of its people led him firstly to admit that as a principle autonomy had much m its favour, and lastly to give his strong adherence to the movement for securing it. That so favourable a Constitution was framed and ultimately passed is due in no small measure to the masterly qualities of statesmanship that he displayed.
The new Constitution made provision for the establishment of a Legislative Council and Legislative Assembly, the former to consist of fifteen members nominated in the first instance by the Governor, and the latter of thirty members elected by the people Each Chamber was to meet at least once in every year. No member of the Council could hold any office of profit under the Crown, except such as was liable to be vacated on political grounds or was held under military regulations. One responsible Minister at least must be a member of the Council The first Council was to last for six years or until the population of the colony reached 60,000 On the occurrence of either event the Council was to become elective, for which purpose the colony was divided into five provinces—the Metropolitan, the Northern, the Central, the Eastern, and the Southern—each returning three members, whose tenure of office should be for six years The members would retire in rotation, the senior member to go before the electors every two years The franchise was limited to freeholders of £200 capital value and householders and leaseholders of £30 annual value The first President was to be appointed by the Governor, but as soon as the elective principle came into operation the Council was to elect its own President.
Writs for the election of members of the Assembly were to be issued by the Governor, and the Assembly could proceed to business, provided not more than five writs were not returned The duration of the Assembly, which elected its own Speaker, was set down at four years The qualification of membership in either House was freehold in lands or tenements to the capital value of £500, or annual value of £50, the possession of which had to be declared. Supreme Court judges, the Sheriff, clergymen, undischarged bankrupts, persons whose
affairs were in liquidation, and those attainted or convicted of treason or felony were disqualified from mem bership in either House. Contractors to the Government were also debarred, and the acceptance of a contract by a member rendered his seat vacant. There were to be five Executive Ministers, and the offices they held were to be declared by the Governor within one month of the coming into operation of the Act.
For the purpose of elections to the Legislative Assembly the colony was to be divided into thirty districts, so arranged that every part should have representation, irrespective of its population—a provision that at a later date gave rise to curious anomalies of representation. The electoral districts were East Kimberley, West Kimberley, Roebourne, De Grey, Ashburton, Gascoyne, Murchison, Geraldton, Greenough, Irwin, Moore, Swan, Perth, East Perth, West Perth, Fremantle, North Fremantle, South Fremantle, Murray, Wellington, Bunbury, Nelson, Sussex, Toodyay, Northam, York, Beverley, Williams, Plantagenet, and Albany. Every man was entitled to be registered and to vote who was of full age and not subject to any legal incapacity; who was a natural born or naturalized subject of Her Majesty or a denizen of Western Australia ; who had possessed within his electoral district for at least one year before registration a freehold of the value of £100 or a leasehold or licence of the annual value of £10, or occupied a dwelling or lodging of the annual value of £10. Those who had been attainted or convicted of treason, felony, or infamous offence, and had not served the sentence or been pardoned, were disqualified.
The financial clauses provided that all Money Bills must originate in the Assembly, by message from the Governor. The Civil List amounted to £9,850, apportioned as follows • —Governor, £4,000 ; Private Secretary, £300 ; Clerk of the Council, £250 ; Chief Justice, £1,200; Puisne Judge, £900; and five Ministerial
salaries, £3,200 The pensions to those officers who lost their positions by virtue of the Act were set down as —Colonial Secretary (Sir Malcolm Fraser), £700; Attorney-General (C N Warton), £333 6s 8d ; Colonial Treasurer (A O’G Lefroy), £550; and
Surveyor-General (John Forrest), £500 In case of reappointment under the Crown the pension merged in the salary during the term of the appointment. Provision was also made for the payment of £5,000 annually to an Aborigines’ Protection Board for the
amelioration of the condition of the aborigines, the amount to become 1 per cent, of the gross revenue when such revenue advanced beyond half a million sterling
The Act was to be proclaimed and come into
operation within three months of the receipt in the colony of official information that the Royal assent had been given.
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These were the mam provisions of the Act, and though in many ways they would not be accounted liberal to-day they were a distinct step forward at the time, and they placed the power of liberalizing them, when such a step was deemed necessary, in the hands of the colonists themselves. Por many years Western
Australia had struggled to throw off the shackles of the Colonial Office, and the fact that this had at last been accomplished gave extreme satisfaction to the people generally, even if for the time being they were debarred through want of population from a full voice in their country’s affairs.
CHAPTER XVI.
1891—1900.
FIRST TEN YEARS OF RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT — CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL OCCURRENCES — PHENOMENAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE GOLDFIELDS — RESOURCES, INDUSTRIES, AND TRADE—LAND LAWS AND AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT-
GENERAL.
The task of bringing the new Constitution into operation and of guiding it in the early stages was entrusted to Sir William Robinson, who had already served two terms as Governor of the colony, and was an able and experienced officer in the Public Service He arrived amid much rejoicing, due no doubt as much to his mission as to his personality, on October 20, and on the following day—October 21, 1890—the Act was proclaimed, and Western Australia witnessed the consummation of many years of waiting
The first matter to be settled, according to the popular idea, was the selection of a Ministry The rival claimants, each of whom had active support, were Mr S. H. Parker and Mr. John Forrest. The one could fairly claim that his twelve years’ tenure of membership m the old Legislative Council had given him a full grasp of the political needs of the time, and that he, in a special sense, had been the head and front of that long-continued agitation which had just been brought to a successful conclusion. The other had won his spurs as an administrator, having controlled for many years the most important phase of colonial expansion—the land system and its development As an explorer, too, he was deservedly popular, especially among that section which accounted deeds of more importance than words. Governor Robinson wisely decided to make no choice until the Parliament had been chosen and he was in a better position to judge which claimant was the more likely to form and carry on a stable government. It was decided to hold the elections in December, and the campaign was entered into with great activity and enthusiasm. Most interest centred round the speeches of the claimants to leadership, whose policies in the main agreed. Mr. Parker, on the one hand, looked for population as a preliminary to securing loans; while Mr Forrest advocated an ex-
tensive loan policy as a means of inducing immigration. Both recognized that a vigorous public works policy was necessary to the prosperity of the colony.
The elections for the Legislative Assembly were held m December, and the following were returned for the various electorates —
East Kimberley W. L Baker
West Kimberley A. Forrest
Roebourne H W. Sholl
De Grey A. R. Richardson
Ashburton S Burt
Gascoyne R. F. Sholl
Murchison E F Darlot
Fremantle W E. Marmion
North Fremantle W. S. Pearse
South Fremantle D Symon
Murray W. Patterson
Wellington H W Venn
Bunbury John Forrest
Nelson Sir J. G. Lee Steere
Sussex J Cookworthy
Geraldton E. Keane
Greenough W. Traylen
Irwin S J. Phillips
Moore G. Randell
Swan W T. Loton
Perth E Scott
East Perth M F. A. Canning
West Perth T F Quinlan
Toodyay B D Clarkson
Northam G. Throssell
York S H Parker
Beverley C Harper
Williams F. H. Piesse
Plantagenet A. Y. Hassell
Albany L. V. De Hamel
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
239
The Legislative Council was appointed on December 24 and consisted of : —
.T. G. H. Amherst T. Burges Sir T. C. Campbell J. W. Hackett,
R. W. Hardey J. H. Monger J. Morrison J. A. Wright From the result of the elections it was evident that Mr. Forrest commanded a larger following than Mr. Parker, and he was consequently commissioned by Governor Robinson on December 24 to form the first Ministry under responsible government in Western Australia. Two days later he submitted the names, which
January 20, 1891, to allow Ministers to go before their constituents. All were returned unopposed.
One of the first matters which claimed the attention of the Government was the reorganization of departments in order to meet the altered conditions of administration. The permanent heads selected were : — Under-Secretary, Oct. Burt; Under-Treasurer, L. S. Eliot; Under-Secretary for Lands, R. C. Clifton; Collector of Customs, L. W. Clifton; Postmaster-General, R. A. Sholl; Engineer-in-Chief, C. Y. O’Connor; Under-Secretary for Railways, A. F. Thompson; Auditor-General, E. L. Courthope; Colonial Surgeon, A. R. Waylen; Sheriff, J. B. Roe; Registrar-General, W. A. Gale; Commandant, Major G. B. Phillips; and Crown Solicitor, G. Leake. The Aborigines’ Protection Board, which was necessary under the Constitution, con-
E. R. Brockman R. E. Bush M. Grant E. Hamersley G. W. Leake W. D. Moore G. Shenton
Photo by J. J. Dwyer.
HANNON STREET, KALGOORLIE, 1895.
were approved by the Governor, and the Ministry was sworn in on the 29th. The Cabinet consisted of:'— John Forrest, C.M.G., Premier and Colonial Treasurer.
George Shenton, Colonial Secretary S. Burt, Q.C., Attorney-General.
W. E. Marmion, Commissioner of Crown Lands.
IT. W. Venn, Commissioner of Railways and Director of Public Works.
All, with the exception of Mr. Shenton, who represented the Government in the Council, were members of the Legislative Assembly. The Governor appointed Sir Thomas Cockburn-Campbell President of the Legislative Council, and the Assembly elected Sir James G. Lee Steere as Speaker. Parliament then adjourned till
sisted of Dr. E. Scott and Messrs. G-. W. Leake, S. IT. Parker, E. T. Hooley, and T. Little, with Colonel D. Forbes as Secretary.
The Ministers were so much occupied in administrative organization and in an examination of the exact financial condition of the colony that little time was left in which to prepare an extensive political programme. for submission to Parliament. Such a programme was also to an extent unnecessary at the time, as it had been decided that the session should be a short one, in order to allow the colony to be represented at a National Australian Convention to be held in Sydney early in March to discuss a proposal for the federation of all the Australian colonies.
Parliament met for business on January 20, as
240
stated, and the Governor’s Speech showed that the principal measure to be submitted was a Loan Bill of some magnitude, by means of which a vigorous public woiks policy was to be initiated. The amount asked for, which somewhat staggered the older members, who were accustomed to speak of public finance only in thousands, was £1,336,000 With this money it was proposed to build railways from Perth to Bunbury with extensions up the Preston Valley, from Boyanup to Minmnup, and from Boyanup to Busselton; from Nor-tham to Southern Cross; and from Geraldton to Mullewa Improvements were to be made to the harbours at Fremantle, Geraldton, Carnarvon, Cossack, and other ports; telegraph communication to be extended in various directions; lighthouse at Cape Leeuwm to be erected; and various necessary public buildings to be built. So varied was the list that Mr Parker, who had become a candid critic of Government actions, described it as an attempt to catch votes by giving every member something The Bill, however, was pushed by Mr. Forrest, whose majority turned out to be even greater that was anticipated, and after a short debate was carried, members generally expressing the conviction that the future of the country was promising enough to justify it After having elected representatives to the Federal Convention, which will be discussed m the succeeding chapter of this work, the two Houses were prorogued on February 26 Before they met again the honour of Knighthood had been conferred upon the Premier.
There being no Agent-General for the colony it was necessary that someone should proceed to London to make arrangements for floating the loan Mr. Septimus Burt was selected for the task, and combined with it the work of making preparation for a London agency The appointment of an Agent-General—Sir Malcolm Fraser, who had been for some years Colonial Secretary under the old form of government, securing the position—was made in 1892 Arrangements were also made during the recess for the fortification of King George Sound at the joint expense of all the colonies
Sir William Robinson left the colony m September, 1891, and from that date until the following July Chief Justice Onslow occupied the position of Administrator. In that capacity he opened the second session of the Parliament in December, and commented in favourable terms upon the improved condition of the colony generally. The session, which lasted until March, 1892, was a fairly busy one, especially in those matters necessary to complete the administrative organization, to provide authority for railway construction, and to bring the local legislation more into line with modern thought Nothing of an ambitious, far-reaching, or experimental character was attempted In fact, the Parliament pursued the usual routine role which forms the chief por-
tion of legislative work, and which need not be specially dilated upon. Many questions of importance did from time to time arise, to which extended consideration needs to be given These, however, were generally the outcome of some important phase of thought, activity, or development m the colony itself, and may more fittingly be discussed in connection with the circumstances which brought them into being. So far no party policy had been enunciated, the only aim of the Government was the development of the country This absence of party feeling was clearly shown when by the death of Sir Thomas Cockburn-Campbell in September, 1892, Mr. George Shenton was made President of the Legislative Council and the vacant portfolio of Colonial Secretary offered to and accepted by Mr. S. H. Parker, the most candid critic up to that time of the actions of the Government
In the third session of the Parliament, which occupied the closing months of 1892, two measures were brought forward which, though they did not then become law, give a good indication of the progressive spirit of Sir John Forrest and his colleagues. These were an amendment of the Constitution and a Homesteads Bill The objects of the first were to abolish the property qualification of members, to extend the franchise, and to add two new members to the Legislative Council and three to the Legislative Assembly. The Lower House was in favour of the scheme, but the Council, in its character of a drag upon hasty legislation, would not agree to it. The second measure—the Homesteads Bill—was aimed at encouraging settlement by making free grants of restricted area to settlers who were prepared to live upon and work the land m accordance with conditions laid down The Bill passed the second reading by a narrow majority ; that it gained a majority at all seems to have been more out of compliment to the Premier than belief in the measure But so adverse were the opinions expressed that the measure was withdrawn at that stage The session concluded with the Midland Railway Loan Act, authorizing the Government to guarantee payment of principal and interest up to £500,000 This was rendered necessary by the fact that the Company had found it extremely difficult to raise the money needed for the construction of the line, and there was every possibility of the work being indefinitely suspended. Happily, the action of the Government averted this possibility, and more happily still, perhaps, it brought home to the colony the knowledge that land-grant railways, from whatever point they were viewed, were not conducive to development.
The hopefulness that prevailed after the establishment of responsible government, and the enterprise and determination shown by Ministers in providing for the needs of a great colony, are seen by the efforts made to secure proper harbour facilities at Fremantle. This was
241
one of the questions that had agitated the public mind for years, and upon which expert advice had more than once been sought but no finality reached Sir John Coode, it will be remembered, had feared sand-travel if harbourage was attempted at the mouth of the river, and advocated a passage through Success Bank into Owen Anchorage, and, if necessary, through Parmelia Rock into Jervois Bay and Cockburn Sound. With this idea the Engineer-m-Chief did not agree There was, in his opinion, no direct evidence of sand-travel which would prevent the construction of a river harbour; but if it was found that sand did accumulate, it could easily be removed by dredging. He advocated the construction of breakwaters from Arthur and Rous Heads, the dredging of a channel between them, and the excavation of a basin within the mouth of the river, where wharves and storehouses could be erected. The estimated cost was £560,000, or £800,000 if the scheme were enlarged At first the Government was inclined to adopt Sir John Coode’s idea, but as Mr O’Connor's scheme was approved by other engineers they referred the whole question for investigation to a Joint Committee of both Houses. This Committee reported in favour of the Engineer-in-Chief’s scheme, and the report was formally adopted in 1892 In November, 1892, Lady Robinson tilted the first load of stones to form the mole or breakwater, and the work, which has resulted in the present admirable harbour at Fremantle, was entered upon—a monument to the foresight of the Forrest Government and to the ability of the Engineer-in-Chief of the time, Mr C Y O’Connor.
This and other works of magnitude show that progress had replaced stagnation and that the colony was rapidly emerging from the slough of Crown colony days. The abnormal development of the goldfields was no doubt a prominent factor in the result, as it also was in preventing the bursting of the Eastern colonies’ boom from being appreciably felt in Western Australia In fact, the speeches in Parliament during 1893 expressed a confidence in the colony such as had never before been apparent There still, however, remained one litle rift within the lute in the nominated character of the Upper House The general feeling that a nominee Chamber was a bar to progress prevailed, and this was accentuated by the Council’s refusal to pass the amendment to the Constitution Act brought forward in 1892 By the end of that year the population of the State was nearly 59,000, with every prospect of reaching in a few months the 60,000 required to turn the Legislative Council into an elected body. The amendment was therefore reintroduced in 1893 and passed through the Assembly without difficulty. In the Council it again met with opposition, mainly through a desire, as the newspapers put it, to give representation to “land, sand, sheep, and kangaroos.” Several alterations were made
Q
to which the Assembly declined to agree, and a conference between the two Houses was then resorted to This failed to come to a decision, but the difficulty was solved by a catch vote in the Council on the same evening by which the Assembly gained its way, and the Bill was passed practically as it left the Lower House. It was assented to on October 13, 1893, and provided for an elected Legislative Council of twenty-one members, three from each of the following provinces —Metropolitan, West, North, Central, East, South-East, and South-West; and a Legislative Assembly of thirty-three members, representing the original thirty electorates and three new ones comprising the goldfields, Pilbara, Nannine, and Yilgarn The property qualification for membership was abolished in both Council and Assembly, but the qualifying age was raised to thirty in the case of the Council The electoral qualification for the Council was reduced to a £100 freehold or £25 annual value basis, but the owner or occupant must have been in possession for twelve months before registration The Assembly voter only needed to have resided in one place m Western Australia during the preceding twelve months As regards Money Bills the Council was given power to return them to the Assembly with a request for the omission or alteration of any items therein. No provision for the compilation of electoral rolls was inserted in the Act, and a special session of Parliament had to be summoned in December to remedy the defect
The Assembly elections were held in June, 1894, and the Council elections in July In the former Messrs Baker, Symon, Keane, Scott, Canning, Quinlan, Parker, and De Hamel gave place to Messrs G Leake, E Solomon, G T Simpson, F Connor, H B. Lefroy, W. James, B. C. Wood, and F. C Monger; while for the new goldfields electorates Messrs. H F. Keep, F Illingworth, and C J. Moran were returned Though altered thus as regards the personnel, there was little or no change from a political point of view, except that the goldfields representatives, with one or two others, formed the nucleus of an opposition which, however, did not become of appreciable strength so long as Sir John Fonest held the reins of government.
The Legislative Council consisted of Sir George Shenton (knighted in 1893), Messrs. S H Parker, H. J Saunders, D K Congdon, E. W. Davies, T. H. Marshall, J. E Richardson, F. M Stone, E. Robinson, E H. Wittenoom, E G Henty, H McKeman, C. E. Dempster, R G Burgess, R. W Hardey, J W Hackett, E McLarty, J C. Foulkes, F. T Crowder, S. J Haynes, and C. A. Piesse Composed of men more in touch with the life of the community than were those of the nominated Council, the new Legislative Council was still a cautious rather than a progressive body—an advantage, perhaps, at the time, as the gold discoveries
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were not altogether conducive to a sane and safe outlook. The session of the reconstituted Parliament held in 1894 was mainly devoted to questions of public works and railway development which the unexpected expansion of the colony rendered necessary. Two further amendments of the Constitution were brought forward. The first, which was agreed to, reduced the penalty recoverable from a member who sat without possessing Yhe necessary qualification, the second, which was also passed by Parliament but vetoed by the Crown, referred to the abolition of the Aborigines’ Protection Board. Under the Constitution the Government was required to pay over 1 per cent, of the gross revenue, when that revenue exceeded £500,000, to that Board for disbursement in connection with the natives The revenue had passed the half-million mark and the clause came into operation, but Ministers disapproved, and it seems rightly, of paying away a large sum of money over the expenditure of which they had no control. They desired, and Parliament supported them, that the money should be expended under the direction of a responsible Minister The Home authorities failed to agree, and Royal assent to the amendment was refused. This led to a lengthy correspondence with the Colonial Office, but it was not until some years later that the request of the colony was agreed to There is very little doubt that the natives, so far from losing, have gained by the change
In view of the growth of the mines and other departments consequent upon the development of the mining industry and the rapid increase in population it became necessary toward the end of 1894 to rearrange the Ministerial offices The resignation by Mr. Mar-mion of the Lands portfolio on December 4 offered the opportunity which the Premier was not slow to seize. The Lands Department was accepted by Mr. A R. Richardson, and Sir John Forrest took the Colonial Secretaryship in addition to his post as Treasurer. To Mr. Parker, thus dispossessed, was offered the new post of Minister of Mines and Education, but as he differed from the Premier on the education question he declined it, and the portfolio was accepted by Mr (now Sir) E. H Wittenoom. The desire seems to have been to secure a Cabinet whose members would be amenable to one strong will.
Early in the following year the colony lost the services of Sir William Robinson, who left for England in March. While not, perhaps, in every respect an ideal Governor, there is no doubt that as a constitutionalist he stood in the first rank, and the country could not have had a wiser head to direct its first steps along the path of responsible government. After his departure Sir Alex Onslow (knighted in 1893) acted as Administrator until the following December, when the new Governor, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Gerard Smith, arrived.
For a full understanding of the subsequent position of the colony it is necessary at this stage to digress somewhat in order to chronicle the rise and development of the goldfields. There is no doubt that the most striking and important feature of Western Australian history during the period 1891-1900 was the abnormal gold discoveries—discoveries which, with the rush of population consequent thereon, had not only wide and far-reaching effects upon the administration, but affected every phase of life and industry in the community
The gold almost seems to have waited for the advent of responsible government to declare itself, or perhaps it was that a freer, more independent, and more enterprising spirit came upon the people through the change Whatever may have been the impelling cause, the story of the rise of Western Australia from the position of an almost neglected territory to the status of one of the greatest gold-producing countries of the world possesses all the elements of a romance. With the many incidents, some humorous, some pathetic, but all intensely interesting, which occurred on the different fields, we, as a sober historian, have nothing to do But putting all those aside, even the boldest and most uncoloured narrative almost suggests that the lamp of Aladdin had found a resting-place under the protecting wing of the Black Swan.
The proposal of the Government to extend the eastern railway from Northam to Southern Cross seems to have had the effect of establishing confidence in the possibilities of the Yilgarn field, and as a result capital was more freely invested and prospecting carried on over a wider area. Southern Cross became quite an active little mining town, and though the returns for 1891 did not altogether justify the large expenditure necessary to build a railway, the field produced the largest yield in the colony for the year—12,833 oz out of a total of 30,311, Pilbara being next with 11,875.
These returns encouraged the belief that somewhere in Western Australia there existed gold in large quantities, and attention was directed to those districts where in former years the possibility of its occurrence had been suggested. As far back as 1854 Mr. Robert Austin, when exploring along the Murchison River, had described the country as of promising mineral character, and from time to time odd specimens of gold had been found here and there throughout the district. Mr. H P. Woodward, the Government Geologist, after examining the locality in 1889, supported Mr. Austin’3 view, and reported upon the encouraging appearance of the ground between the great bend of the Murchison and Milly Milly. In 1890 gold was found at Yuin, and in August, 1891, Mr. J F. Connolly reported the discovery of rich alluvial about 200 miles east of the coast. This was subsequently confirmed by W. Douglas, and the Government paid Connolly and Douglas £500
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and £100 respectively as discoverers of the field, though McPherson and Peterkin, who were the pioneer miners in the district (Nannine), claimed that the reward should have been given to them. Before the end of September there were between 300 and 400 men scattered over the field, most of whom were making good wages, and some of whom were securing excellent returns. Nuggets varying from 2 to 40 oz. were picked up, mostly on the surface; in fact, all the gold was found either on or within a few feet of the top of the ground. The Murchison goldfield was proclaimed on September 24, 1891, and Mr. W. A. G. Walter was appointed the first Warden. Its headquarters were at Nannine, but the centre of activity was soon moved to Cue, a township that sprang up in a large field of
miles still farther south, excellent results were secured; in fact, throughout the whole of the Murchison district gold was obtained, sometimes in small, often in large quantities, and the official returns for 1892 show that it had wrested from Yilgarn the pride of place, exporting 24,356 oz. as against 21,209 oz. The Pilbara field in the same year yielded 12,892 oz. and the Kimberley 1,088 oz. The total value was £226,238—a large amount for a country described by scientific men as non-auriferous, but a mere bagatelle when compared with the phenomenal results to be afterwards achieved.
Meanwhile prospecting was being assiduously carried on over the Yilgarn field with varying success. Two adventurous spirits, Speakman and Ryan, struck out toward the north-east and found a good reef in
Photo by J. J. Dwyer.
Hannans from Mount charlotte. 1897.
exceptional richness discovered by Messrs. Cue and Fitzgerald, where gold could be secured by the simple processes of “specking” and “dry-blowing.” These finds led to extensive prospecting over the whole district, and from time to time reports of further discoveries were announced. Rich gold-bearing reefs were found at various places, notably at the “Island” in Lake Austin, where in addition to rich quartz a channel of cement was found which for a time gave marvellous returns. The report of gold at Yuin, in the Nancarrang Hills, made in 1890 led to the opening up of the Yalgoo field, where from the cap of a reef gold to the value of £15,000 was “dollied.” From Day Dawn, a little to the south of Cue, and from Mount Magnet, about 30 q2
the direction of what was later to achieve an unenviable reputation under the name of Siberia. Attention was also directed toward the district known as Dundas, south-east of Southern Cross, and in the vicinity of Fraser Range. A Mr. Moir, looking for grazing areas, had found some indications of gold in the neighbourhood in 1890, and Mr. David Lindsay, of the Elder Exploring Expedition, who passed over it in 1891, spoke of it as a possible mineral area. With a companion named Stewart, Moir prospected the district in 1892 without success, but other parties which, encouraged by Lindsay’s opinion, followed upon Moir’s heels met with better fortune. Messrs. Mawson and Kirkpatrick hit upon a rich outcrop, which they named the May Bell; Messrs.
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
Bromley, Mason, and Dejarlais pegged out the Great Dundas; and Messrs. Brodie, Kirtley, and Devine discovered two rich reefs which they named the Scotia. These discoveries led to other parties setting out, and further indications were obtained, but the value of the find was dwarfed by the extraordinary announcements of a few -weeks later, before which all previous discoveries m Western Australia paled into insignificance.
Experienced miners after a close examination were convinced that so far from being the centre of a goldfield Yilgarn was only on the fringe, and that greater discoveries would be found farther east, somewhere in that arid, trackless desert that stretched across to the South Australian border Obsessed by the lust for gold they went out into this region, prepared to brave its dangers in the hope of finding that which would make them rich beyond the dreams of avarice Not all who went out succeeded in winning through, as the memorial in Coolgardie Cemetery, “To the men who blazed the track,” bears eloquent and pathetic testimony; many who did reach the new El Dorado gained little benefit from their exertions, but all have a right to share in the credit of Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie— names that for years were words to conjure with in the markets of the world.
In 1891 and 1892 several parties left Southern Cross with the intention of crossing the Hampton Plains (discovered by Hunt in 1864), in the hope that gold might be found there Most of them were not only unsuccessful in their search, but were reduced to sore straits through want of water, and compelled to turn back. Among those who set out in 1892 were Arthur Bayley and John Ford, two miners who had become inured through experience to the dangers of the Western Australian bush. Bayley, who was one of the first diggers at Nannine, is said to have raised over
1,000 oz from one claim Tiring of the Murchison, he and Ford returned to Perth, where they sold their gold and set out upon a prospecting expedition. They proceeded first to Mount Kenneth, about 250 miles northeast of Perth; here they lost their horses and had to walk back to Newcastle Having purchased a new outfit, they next set out for the locality of Speakman’s find, north-east of Yilgarn, but turned back on meeting other miners returning from the place with discouraging reports They then headed for Southern Cross, and having purchased provisions for about two months started out eastward on Hunt’s old track After a very tedious trip, when they were nearing the now famous field, they were compelled to turn back and rest for a couple of days at the Gnarlbine soak. Starting out again through boggy country they reached in July the place well known to the natives as Coolgardie Finding it covered with good grass they let the horses out to graze and proceeded to prospect the surrounding flats
Here Ford picked up a |-oz. nugget, and before dinner they had secured over 20 oz. They named the place Fly Flat, and decided to remain there till the provisions ran short. In the course of three or four weeks they secured about 200 oz. Forced to go back to the Southern Cross for supplies they said nothing about the find, but returned to Fly Flat as quickly as possible, and on the first Sunday after they arrived discovered the reef which soon became famous throughout the mining world. That evening they broke off the cap of the reef with a tomahawk and dollied over 500 oz. The following morning they pegged out a claim, reckoning that there were 2,000 oz in sight. Shortly afterwards Messrs. Foster and Baker, who had tracked them from Southern Cross, put in an appearance and pegged out an adjoining area, from which in three days they secured 200 oz. of gold Leaving Ford to guard the claim Bayley made his way quickly to Southern Cross and applied to Warden Finnerty on September 17, 1892, for a lease of the area, showing at the same time the 554 oz. of gold that he had brought back The field was then declared open, and the news of it telegraphed far and wide The Mining Registrar’s offices, and even his quarters, were besieged by a multitude of able-bodied men all anxious to secure miners’ rights. On September 20 Bayley started back for Coolgardie, but this time not alone. Warden Finnerty went with him, and practically the whole of Southern Cross either accompanied them or followed shortly after, most of the throng being better equipped with miners’ rights than with provisions To enter a practically waterless territory at the beginning of summer, not in ones or twos but in hundreds, was a course attended by no little danger; but in their eagerness to obtain gold the necessity of eating and drinking seemed trivial
The excitement soon spread to Perth and other centres. The West Australian of September 21 said —“In Perth and Fremantle everyone seems to be either carrying tents, picks, shovels, and dishes, or otherwise preparing for the road ” From York over 200 eager gold-seekers went forth by whatever mode of conveyance they could secure, and if none were available, on foot, for the land of gold. With so ill-advised a rush it was not long before provisions and water were of even more account than gold in Coolgardie. On October 8 Bayley returned to Southern Cross in company -with the Warden to deposit a further 500 oz. of gold. Mr. Finnerty reported to the Government that there was no well-defined lode showing on the surface, but that a line of quartz, in places nearly 20 ft. wide, could be traced through Bayley’s ground There were then, he said, 150 men at Coolgardie, and he met 170 going out By the end of October the number had increased to about 400, and something like 3,000 oz of gold, principally alluvial, had been secured. Alluvial
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seekers were permitted to work within 20 ft. of a reef. The water and food difficulty now became a serious one, and many of the miners, particularly those who had not been successful, were compelled to make their way back to Southern Cross, proclaiming to all they met that the field was a failure As the hot weather proceeded practically everyone was driven away through want of water, so that by the end of the year Coolgardie, for the time being at all events, was almost deserted
Anticipating that the rush would set in again with even greater force as soon as the summer was over Warden Finnerty urged the Government to excavate large tanks along the track and take measures to conserve the rains that fell upon the large granite outcrops, so that the water difficulty might be, at any rate, lessened during future dry seasons His prediction of an influx was more than realized. Showers of rain fell over the eastern districts m March, and within a few days there were over 300 men at Coolgardie. From all parts of the colony, as well as from outside, they hurried to try their luck, riding or driving if they could, walking if funds were low. The camel became for the time the most useful beast of burden m Western Austialia By the end of 1893 there were 673 m the colony, and up to the opening of the Coolgardie railway it was no uncommon sight to see trains of eighty, ninety, or a hundred camels, loaded with provisions and other requirements, wending their way slowly through Perth on their weary tramp to the goldfield.
Coolgardie by this time began to assume the proportions of a little town Building timber being unprocurable on the spot and very expensive to bring from Perth, most of the structures were frames covered with hessian or galvanized iron, and some no more than modest bush shelters Stores of all kinds were opened and, needless to say, a sufficient number of hotels. Although ummposmg from an architectural standpoint, the little township m those days provided more excitement than probably any spot in Australia Bayley’s claim continued to give sensational returns, and from time to time pockets of gold of extraordinary value were discovered by lucky miners, some of whom in a single day would become the fortunate possessors of hundreds of ounces Messis Sylvester, Browne, & Co purchased for a fortune the claim of Bayley and Ford, and also secured another rich find made by McFarlane and Robinson some two miles south of Coolgardie. Leases were applied for and prospecting for alluvial carried on over a rapidly extending area By the end of June there were over 2,000 men on the field, with hundreds more on the way Food supplies failed, and for days at a time men lived chiefly on preserved meats—colloquially, “tinned dog ” This dearth of fresh food, combined with a poor water supply and an almost entire absence of sanitary precautions, added that modern
scorn ge—typhoid fever—to all the other tribulations, and many of the early pioneers went down before its virulence.
The presence of so large a body of men, all eager m the search for gold, meant that prospecting was carried on over a wide and rapidly expanding tract of country. In May a prospector named Frost discovered gold at a place called, from its distance from Coolgardie, the Ninety-mile, but now known as Goongarne There was a small rush to the locality, but the finds were not sufficient to keep the men there, and they returned to Coolgardie. The next rush was to “Mount Youle,” supposed to be the present Mount Gladden, some 50 miles to the north-east About a hundred men hurried off to the site, but most of them returned without reaching it, owing to a growing conviction that the rush had been instigated by the storekeepers in the interests of business. No sooner had they reached Cool gardie than they were off again to Lake Lefroy, some 40 miles to the south-east, where good discoveries were said to have been made. In fact, so intense was the excitement that within a few hours of a rumour that gold had been found somewhere a party of diggers set out to test it.
From the rush to Mount Youle, shrewdly suspected to be a hoax, arose the second great rush on the Yil-garn field, and the most important gold-bearing area hitherto discovered in Western Australia—Hannans, later to be known to all the world as Kalgoorlie. Its discovery, like that of most rich goldfields, was in a measure accidental Messrs Hannan and Flannigan were two members of a small party on the way to Mount Youle. Through want of water the party camped at Mount Charlotte for a couple of days while the teams returned to Coolgardie for a fresh supply Rain falling in the meantime the party pushed on, leaving Flannigan and Hannan behind. Flannigan, it appears, while looking for the horses found a couple of nuggets, and induced Hannan to remain with him. In a few days they had over 100 oz Hannan then returned to Coolgardie, and on June 17—a Saturday—applied for a reward claim According to usage, the application was posted up outside the Registrar’s office about 9 o’clock that evening, and of course was soon public property As Coolgardie had drawn practically all Southern Cross, so Hannans drew all Coolgardie, until the place was almost deserted Saturday night and Sunday they moved out, and before the middle of the week over 750 men were busy fossicking round Hannan’s find. At first there were no sensational reefs discovered such as Bayley’s; all the gold was alluvial, and there was sufficient of it to occupy attention But while many of the miners were successful, there were numbers who did not make a bare existence, and in a few weeks returned to their former occupations at Cool-
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
gar die. Many were the instances of distress on the goldfields in those early days. Hundreds of men arrived with poor outfits, little provisions, and no money. Unless they found gold—or charity, and charity was often the more easily found—starvation stared them in the face. Disease was rampant, and Hannans, like Coolgardie, took its toll m human life.
The neighbourhood of the present town of Bardoc, where two prospectors, Cashman and Lee, secured 1,000 oz. m a few weeks, was the next scene of excitement, and then followed the unfortunate Siberian rush. In October Messrs. Frost and Bonner applied for a reward claim m a desolate district named Siberia, supposed to be about 75 miles north-west of Coolgardie. They showed about 40 oz. of gold they had secured from there, and somehow a rumour gained ground both at Coolgardie and Hannans that a fabulously rich find had been made. Quickly over a thousand men were hastening through the waterless tract toward the place. Only those who had been through to the Ninety mile had any idea of its direction; the others trusted to chance. Few carried more than a waterbag, and there was no water on the way. Disaster naturally followed. A few got through only to be disappointed, many wisely turned back, but some, attacked by thirst, and with no knowledge of the way, wandered off into the bush and were lost Only the dispatch of relief parties saved numbers of others “At twilight one evening in October a Coolgaidie resident,” says Kimberley, “observed what appeared to be a strange animal on all fours crawling through the dust toward the town. He approached and discovered a demented Siberian prospector, repulsive m his agony, seeking to reach water ’
News that all was not well with the parties on the way to Sibena reached Coolgardie a few days after they had set out, and Mi. Renou, the engineer m charge of the Government watei supply, immediately sent teams loaded with water along the road with instructions to deposit the tanks at known stages, and then use every means not only to let the prospectors know where water could be secured, but to induce them to return, as the district they were making for was absolutely destitute of fresh water This prompt action saved many lives, but even as it was several deaths occurred At least ten were accounted for, and m all probability the bones of others still lie bleaching m that awful desert
This was the last sensation for 1893. By the end of the year work was steadily progressing throughout the various districts, the total output of gold being valued at £421,381, of which Yilgarn and its branches accounted for £287,829 Dundas was proclaimed a separate goldfield in August, but its output for the year reached only £562. Had it not been for the scarcity of water the results from the Yilgarn area would pro-
bably have been larger, as many more men would have been attracted to the field. The water difficulty undoubtedly retarded the early development of the district, a fact which the Government was not slow to recognize, as may be seen by the money spent in the erection orf dams and soaks to conserve whatever rain might happen to fall.
To some extent the discovery of Coolgardie acted adversely upon the other fields, as many of the miners left m the hope that on the Yilgarn field they might be able to share m some of the sensational finds. The returns from the Murchison, Pilbara, Kimberley, and Ashburton districts were all smaller than in the previous year, but m some places, particularly on the Murchison, reef-mining was being undertaken as a serious industry Machinery was imported and batteries were erected Shafts were sunk and reefs thoroughly tested, and at the end of the year the field showed much more evidence of permanency than Coolgardie To encourage sinking, and so definitely gauge the possibilities, the Government at the beginning of 1893 offered a bonus to those who would sink shafts to a greater depth than 100 ft —-£2 10s. per foot between 100 and 200 ft. and £5 per foot between 200 and 300 ft. In all eleven persons claimed the reward—six at Yilgarn, one at Cool-gardie, and four on the Murchison.
The developments during 1894 far exceeded those of 1893 The returns mounted from 110,890 oz. to 207,131 oz , nearly double; and where the population increased by 6,390 m the former year, the additions numbered 17,008 m the latter. Railways were opened to Southern Cross from Northam and to Mullewa from Ueraldton Machinery was erected on many of the mines, and not less than a hundred companies, with a nominal capital of nearly £9,000,000, registered in London to work them, while m the colony itself something like seventy were formed. A separate Mines Department was established at the end of the year, so that the whole industry might be under proper supervision and control.
As soon as the summer of 1893-4 was over the stream of immigration to the goldfields again started. Prospecting was actively carried on, and all through the year there were constant reports of more or less sensational finds throughout the whole Eastern district goldfields Hall and Speakman discovered Mount Jackson, to the north of Southern Cross; rich alluvial was found at the Pinnacles, north-east of Coolgardie, in February, and in a short time over 1,000 oz. secured, while a similar amount followed from another find at Billy Billy. Discoveries at Bardoc, Kurnalpi, Bulong, White Feather (Kanowna), Broad Arrow, and other places were reported in quick succession; in fact, finds innumerable over the whole field were reported during the year
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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The great sensations of 1894 were, however, the discovery of the Londonderry and Wealth of Nations mines and the district of Menzies. The Londonderry find was made in June by a prospecting party consisting of Messrs. Carter, Dawson, Mills, Gardiner, Elliot, and Huxley, who had been out many months without finding a colour, and were on their way back to Cool-gardie. Quite by accident rich quartz was picked up by two of the party, and after a brief search the outcrop of a reef was exposed, from which during the first three or four days they took between 4,000 and 5,000 oz. One specimen, “Big Ben,” was estimated to contain gold to the value of £3,500. After working in secret as long as was safe, some of the party remained on guard while the others returned to Coolgardie, and after lodging 4,280 oz. at the Union Bank applied to the Registrar for a lease of the Londonderry Mine.
been on prospecting tours throughout most of the goldfields since 1890. After making several discoveries of more or less importance, some of which he disposed of for a substantial figure, Dunn, who was acting on behalf of a Western Australian Syndicate, left Coolgardie with two Afghans on another trip. After going about 28 miles he came upon a large outcropping reef, from which on breaking the cap he extracted a specimen of quartz weighing 189 lb. and containing 800 oz. of gold. The whole lode glistened with the precious metal, and to it he gave the name “Wealth of Nations.” In a very few days he secured over £20,000 worth, and leaving the Afghan in charge returned to Coolgardie, where he lodged £11,200 in the bank and applied for a mining lease. Though he tried to keep his discovery secret, in a few hours there were over 500 out on the track looking for the locality. After they found it
Photo by J. J. Dwyer.
Hannans from Maritana Hill, 1900.
There was tremendous excitement, especially when further work on the mine seemed to prove its fabulous wealth. In September the discoverers sold the mine to Lord Fingall for £180,000 and a sixth interest. Unfortunately the subsequent development of the mine did not realize the expectations formed of it. Having been floated for £700,000, the company had difficulty at the start owing to the mine being “jumped” through failing to comply with the regulations. When this was overcome and work actually started the rich stone cut out very quickly and left ore of only very inferior grade.
The Londonderry sensation was eclipsed a couple of months later by the discovery of what the newspapers described as a “mountain of gold.” The lucky finder was a prospector named J. G. Dunn, who had
the whole neighbourhood was quickly pegged out, and only police protection saved Dunn’s find from being raided. Within six months the Wealth of Nations reef was sold for £147,000; but, as in the case of so many apparently rich reefs, development was far from realizing expectation.
The third remarkable discovery was made by Messrs. Menzie and McDonald, experienced men who left Perth after the excitement raised by the Wealth of Nations and pushed out northerly from Coolgardie through White Feather, Black Flag, and the Ninety-mile to a spot several miles farther on. There they discovered a reef of considerable promise and pegged out two claims—the Lady Shenton and the Florence. On applying for the leases at Coolgardie the usual rush to the locality took place, and still another mining
248
THE 'CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
camp, now known as the town of Menzies, sprang into existence.
Apart from the mining discoveries, though certainly in consequence of them, the development of the colony during 1894 was very pronounced. The Northani-Southern Cross railway, the construction of which was approved m 1891, was opened to traffic m July, 1894. The wisdom of building it was doubted by many, and if it had had to depend on the Yilgarn field alone for revenue, their fears would probably have been justified; but with that good fortune which often attends bold spirits, the Premier had the satisfaction of knowing before it was opened that the discovery of Coolgardie practically ensured its success. In fact, no sooner was the line finished than approval was given for its continuation to Coolgardie, and a Loan Bill for £1,500,000 passed to provide the money for that and other works.
By this time Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie had not only become the centres of promising mining districts, but were fairly large and more or less settled towns The old Yilgarn field was split up into four mining districts—Yilgarn, Dundas, Coolgardie, and East Coolgardie (with headquarters at Kalgoorlie) Cool-gar die was proclaimed a municipality m July, Mr. Jas Shaw being the first Mayor, and Kalgoorlie followed suit m May, 1895 (Mr John Wilson, Mayor). On the Murchison field the Geraldton-Mullewa line was completed m November, and an extension to Cue approved and commenced m March, 1895.
Prom 1894 mining m Western Australia has been remarkable, not so much for new discoveries of a sensational character as for steady development. It has been removed from the speculative phase and become an industry of great proportions and permanent value to the State Like all countries where gold has been discovered the colony had its period of “booming,” which started m 1894 and continued with increasing force throughout 1895 and 1896. Almost anything Western Australian to which the name of gold mine was applied, or which was situated m any of the mining areas, was sure of easy flotation into a company either m London or in the Eastern colonies The result was that during those years capital to the extent, it is said, of nearly £50,000,000 was subscribed—and much of it was lost Mines of admittedly “wild-cat” species were as easily floated as genuine ones if they had the name of Western Australia attached to them and were supported by the certificate of some self-styled mining expert The money subscribed rarely leached the colony, it usually drifted into the pockets of the promoters That good mines existed—and still exist —has since been proved; that Western Australia is one of the richest gold-bearing countries in the world may be seen from the returns; but the possibilities of a mine often did not enter into
a promoter’s calculations, except on the prospectus—he looked not to the mine, but to the shareholders, for his gold. Such a state of things inevitably brought reaction—reaction from which the colony has since suffered severely; but in those “wild and woolly” days, when loan money could be had for the asking and English capital was simply thrown into the colony, no one stopped to think of the evil days that must surely come. One good result the boom did have—it advertised the colony more widely and more effectively than anything else could have done.
Many of the mines were not over-capitalized, and some of those that were have risen above their difficulties. These have all become good dividend-paying concerns and have proved to the world that, notwithstanding the machinations of unscrupulous promoters, the gold existed in quantities more than sufficient to pay foi reasonable and safe expenditure in the way of capital.
How greatly the colony gained m population through the advertisement of the boom may be seen from the following table. —
Year. Population Increase
1894 82,014 16,977
1895 101,143 19,129
1896 137,796 36,653
1897 161,694 23,898
These came from all parts of the world, though naturally most of them were emigrants from the other colonies of Australia. Their value could not be estimated by numbers alone; the greater proportion was composed of men for the most part in early manhood or the prime of life, and possessed either of capital or of that ability and energy which every country desires to see within its borders Their advent gave Western Australia an asset greater even than gold.
Apart from the general development that was taking place and the wild excitement to secure a piece of mining scrip, the principal event m the mining world of 1895 was the passing of a new Goldfields Act, introduced by the new Minister of Mines (Mr. E H. Wit-tenoom) The old Act of 1886 had required constant amendment to keep the law abreast of the industry, and many of its provisions by change of circumstances had become inoperative The new Act, which was based on the Mining Acts of the other colonies so far as they could be made to apply, provided that complete records of all dealings should be kept by each District Registrar, and that all transfers, leases, and other dealings with mines should be registered at the Mines Department in Perth As this meant that no transaction could be operative until it had been registered in Perth it created a good deal of dissatisfaction, and was the cause of considerable agitation during 1895 and 1896, mainly, apparently, because it meant that all transactions must leave the goldfields to be finally dealt
249
with. The provisions of the Act were those usual in large mining communities, and showed that the Government, even though accused of animosity toward the fields, were doing all that was possible to place the mining industiy on a satisfactory footing
The year 1896 opened with brilliant promise The excitement of the boom was practically at its height, and the effects were seen as the year progressed by the enormous number of arrivals from other parts. Not alone was State business congested, the same was true m large measuie of private affairs. Perth, Fremantle, Kalgoorlie, Coolgardie, and Menzies were crowded with people, hundreds of whom were unable to find better accommodation that the merest shakedown Houses and business premises sprang up almost like magic in and around Perth and Fremantle, and the capital which m 1891 appeared little better than a thriving village became a rapidly growing city, alive with every description of business interest and the focus of ventures of world-wide importance and magnitude Fremantle became the busiest of ports, and at Coolgardie and Kal-goorlie were laid the foundations of modern towns on the most up-to-date lines As regard the mining developments the year was eminently satisfactory. New finds were continually coming to light, and closer attention to the known mineral localities was increasing the amount of gold recovered by leaps and bounds Two new goldfields—West Pilbara and North-East Coolgardie—were proclaimed, and machinery to the value of £864,706 was imported Some excitement was caused by the discovery of a reef at Dandalup, on the South-West railway line, m the Darling Ranges. As this was within 50 miles of Perth everyone was anxious for its success, but further testing proved it to be a failure By the close of the year it was evident that the boom had run its course, and that outside capital had turned its attention elsewhere. From then mining became in Western Australia a serious industry, destined to yield great results, but never again to be the scene of such wildly exciting times. The newness had worn off and the people had become accustomed to its presence, so that from an historical point of view its interest, except so far as it contributed to the general welfare of the colony, had gone. Incidents more or less exciting occasionally arose, but they were the exception. One such occurred m 1898 over differences that arose under the Goldfields Act, 1895, and its regulations. Early m January a difference occurred between the alluvial miners at Kalgoorlie and the Manager of the Ivanhoe Venture Gold Mine which led to a serious disturbance, the unrest extending to other places on the goldfields The Goldfields Act of 1895, under Section 36, gave the alluvial miners the right to search for alluvial gold on leases, with certain restrictions. The principal question m dispute was whether or not there
was a reef on the lease of the Ivanhoe Venture Syndicate. The leaseholders considered it a great hardship that the Act confirmed the existence of dual titles, those of the leaseholders and those of the claimholders. The alluvial miners, on the other hand, held that they had a moral and legal right to the alluvial gold, at whatever depth it was found Before a decision on the case was given m the Warden's Court the Government passed a regulation limiting the depth to which alluvial could be worked to 10 ft. The diggers were much incensed at this regulation, which they called “the 10-ft. drop,” and they applied the sobriquet of “Ten-foot Ned” to the Minister for Mines. As regard the question of the reef, the Government Geologist reported that there was as yet no proof of its existence. The Warden’s decision in the case went against the alluvial miners. The latter, however, paid no heed to this decision and continued to entei on the lease. Relations between the Syndicate and the miners then became so strained that several of the latter were eventually imprisoned. On March 24 Sir John Forrest visited Kalgoorlie to meet the delegates of the alluvial miners and hear their grievances; but on his declining to address the crowd which had gathered outside the hotel where the conference took place some of the more excitable spirits became unruly, and on his way to the station the Premier was somewhat roughly hustled, fortunately without any serious results After much further friction the Ivanhoe Venture Syndicate agreed to take a test case into the Supreme Court. The trial took place in August, and the decision of the Court was in favour of the alluvial miners Petitions were then forwarded to the Government by the various mining companies asking for the abolition of the dual title In consequence of this a Royal Parliamentary Commission was appointed which came to the conclusion that the dual title undoubtedly inflicted a great hardship on the leaseholder. The new Mining Act (62 Viet., No 16) was consequently passed, Sections 10 and 11 of which define the relations between leaseholders and claim-holders in a manner calculated to avoid a conflict between their respective interests.
This was the most serious case of resistance to constituted authority witnessed on the goldfields. All the elements for a conflagration were present, and only the exhibition of common sense and the attention to wise counsels on both sides prevented the occurrence of a second ‘ Eureka.”
Another small sensation was provided toward the end of the same year by the discovery on the part of Messrs. Bourke and Hunter of alluvial gold at Donny-brook Mr T Blatchfoid, Assistant Geologist, said:—• “Donnybrook is situated on the Bunbury to Bridgetown railway, and is 26 miles south-east of Bunbury and 143 miles from Fremantle by rail The scene of the
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
mining operations is some two miles to the south of the Donnybrook townsite, on a small branch of the Preston River, m the Blackwood Range. Gold was first discovered in the surface soil by a party searching for alluvial gold. Further investigations' carried on with the prospecting dish eventually led to the discovery of auriferous quartz veins, from which most of the alluvial gold had originally been shed. The country, which is extremely hilly and thickly timbered, is for the most part covered with ironstone gravel deposits. Besides these workings on reefs, several of the miners have given their attention to the finding of alluvial gold. Dishes of dirt taken from the surface of the hills will usually yield a trace of gold when washed, and in some places a fair result is obtained ” Subsequent examination, however, proved that as a gold-bearing district Donnybrook was scarcely worth consideration
The outstanding feature of interest m local mining since 1895 has been, and still is, the wonderful richness of that small belt of country lying between Kalgoorlie and the Boulder, known as the “Golden Mile,” from which gold has been taken m millions of ounces, and which still remains as the principal gold producing area in the State. In it are contained the Associated, Brown Hill, Great Boulder, Golden Horseshoe, Perseverance, Ivanhoe, and other mines, all of which, though some are now on the wane, have contributed handsomely to the yearly gold returns of Western Australia
The growth of the industry from its inception in 1886 to the close of 1900 may be seen from the following table, the simple figures giving perhaps the best indication of what the discovery of gold has meant to the colony: —
Year. Amount, Value. Dividends.
Crude oz. Fine oz. £ £
1886 302 270 1,148 —
1887 4,873 4,359 18,517 —
1888 3,493 3,125 13,273 —
1889 15,493 13,860 58,874 —
1890 22,806 20,402 86,663 1,250
1891 30,311 27,116 115,182 5,326
1892 59,548 53,271 226,282 1,875
1893 110,891 99,203 421,386 34,350
1894 207,131 185,298 787,098 110,642
1895 231,513 207,111 879,749 82,183
1896 281,265 251,618 1,068,807 168,216
1897 674,994 603,847 2,564,977 507,732
1898 1,050,184 939,490 3,990,699 605,949
1899 1,643,877 1,470,605 6,246,733 2,066,015
1900 1,580,950 1,414,311 6,007,610 1,396,089
Two of the problems which faced the Government during these years were the provision of proper transport facilities and the installation of an adequate water supply. We have seen that no sooner was the railway completed to Southern Cross than arrangements were
made to continue it to Coolgardie. The first section of this line—to Boorabbin—was opened on July 1, 1896, and before it reached Coolgardie its continuation to Kalgoorlie was approved. By the beginning of 1897 it was possible to reach the latter centre by rail. But the convenience did not stop there; less than two years later the train steamed into Menzies, and by 1903 one could get as far as Leonora. At the same time extensions were being pushed forward on the Murchison field, Cue was joined to the railway system in 1898, and Nannine became a railway terminus m 1903. Since then further extensions have been made, all with the one aim—to join the Murchison and Eastern goldfields systems together, and so provide a complete loop serving all the principal mining centres
Adequate water supply, even as it was more pressing was also more difficult of achievement than railway communication, and m the long run involved even greater expense. The absence of water was the one great drawback to development The extreme heat of the summer and the want of a proper water supply to mitigate both its discomforts and its dangers made it imperative that during the worst of the season exemption from working conditions should be allowed to the mines, in order to give the miners a chance to recuperate. The Government was naturally blamed for not taking sufficient steps to cope with the difficulty, and in some measure this blame was, in the early days, rightly placed. In 1893 less than £15,000 was spent on water supply, and this out of loan money. The amount seemed to the miners far too small, but they ought to have remembered that colonial funds were not at the time inexhaustible, and considerable expenditure was being incurred m the construction of railways to serve the goldfields. As it was, two tanks capable of together holding a million gallons, as well as smaller ones, were excavated at Coolgardie Others were built along the Ninety-mile Road, and the soaks on Hunt’s old track wore improved. Boring also was undertaken at Mount Burgess and Hannans m the hope of striking artesian water. By the end of 1894 there were tanks and dams scattered over the Eastern goldfields, with an aggregate capacity of nearly 11,000,000 gallons, upon the construction of which nearly £30,000 had been spent. But the supply was very far short of the demand, and the fear of a water famine was continually present. By this time the fields had become more stable, and places like Coolgardie, Kalgoorlie, and other centres had become towns with some degree of permanency and with organized bodies and institutions to express their needs. The question of sufficient water was one of the most imperative of those needs, and as time passed without any definite steps being taken by the Government their method of asking became a demand rather than a request When the Premier visited the fields in
251
November, 1895, the matter was placed before him in the strongest terms. In his reply Sir John Forrest, after admitting the disabilities under which the fields laboured, pointed out the extreme difficulty of the situation. Before the idea of bringing permanent water to the mines could be considered the Government must be satisfied that no artesian supply could be secured, and that it was not possible to provide sufficient by the use of catchment dams. If, however, both these means failed, then the Government would be prepared to bring ample water from the coast.
It quickly became apparent that the difficulty could not be solved either by boring or by conservation. Early in 1896 a water famine took place at Wool-gangie, the camp of those engaged on the railway con-
something like 5,000,000 gallons of water daily. The estimated cost, including the necessary pumping stations, pipe track, and receiving reservoir at Mount Burgess, outside Coolgardie, was £2,500,000. The magnitude of this scheme, the most gigantic and daring of its kind hitherto attempted in the world, created the greatest astonishment, more particularly throughout the goldfields. Doubts were expressed as to the feasibility of the idea, but these were set at rest when it was found that other authorities quite agreed with Mr. O’Connor that it was entirely practicable and could be successfully carried out. The only question was whether the colony would be justified in incurring the enormous expense involved—whether, in fact, the permanence of the goldfields was certain. At this stage the advantage
Hannan Street, Kalgoorlie, 1900.
struction, and water had to be conveyed by train from Northam, as in Coolgardie the condensing plants were working at the highest pressure without being able to meet the necessities of the town itself. The dams and tanks were dry, and boring had been found to be without result. Convinced that something of a comprehensive nature must be carried out the Engineer-in-Chief, Mr. C. Y. O’Connor, to whose genius, energy, and boldness the colony owes so much, conceived a gigantic scheme for carrying water to the goldfields from the coast. Shortly, his suggestion was to build a huge reservoir on the Helena River near Mundaring, in the Darling Ranges, and to convey from there to Coolgardie by means of 330 miles of cast-iron pipes
to Western Australia of having a bold and optimistic Premier was seen. When Parliament met in July the scheme was given a prominent place in the Government programme, and before the session closed Acts were passed authorizing the construction and agreeing to a loan of £2,500,000 to meet the expense. The actual work of construction was not, however, proceeded with until early in 1898, the intervening time being spent in securing from English and other experts further confirmation both of the soundness of the scheme from an engineering point of view and of the practical results that would be ensured. Once started, it was pushed on with expedition, and in January, 1903, the first water from Mundaring Weir reached Coolgardie and
252
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
Kalgoorlie. The water area within which the scheme operates is not wholly confined to the Eastern goldfields, but extends from Cuildford to Kanowna, serving both the goldfields and agricultural districts through which the pipes pass. The “Goldfields Water Supply,” as it is now termed, has thus completely surmounted the water difficulty over a very large portion of the dry area of inland Western Australia. Unfortunately, the Engineer whose brain conceived the idea died, under sad circumstances, just on the eve of his idea being proved successful. The work, however, stands, a monument to his genius, and also an evidence of the wisdom and foresight of the Premier who for so many years was the benevolent despot of Western Australia—Sir John Eorrest
But notwithstanding the power and influence of Sir John Forrest, the position of the Government during the years following 1894 was by no means an enviable one. As a result of the discovery of the Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie goldfields an unparalleled wave of prosperity swept over the colony, biingmg with it greatly increased responsibilities and sometimes very trying difficulties The abnormal inrush of people into a country so little prepared to receive them caused congestion m nearly every branch of State work, and the fact that many of the newcomers were from more progressive places and easily irritated when matters were not entirely to their liking made the position of the Government even more irksome This spirit of irritation against and opposition to almost everything proposed by the Government was particularly manifest on the new goldfields, where the miners seem to have thought that they had lifted the colony from the slough of despond, and were therefore > entitled to dictate its policy This opposition to the established order of things grew into a goldfields versm coast agitation, which has prevailed with varying intensity ever since, and on more than one occasion shown itself mimical to the best interests of the State It must be admitted that this feeling was strengthened by the attitude of the Western Australians themselves, a section of whom regarded “t’othersiders” as rank outsiders who ought to be sufficiently thankful for being allowed to remain within the western paradise. While nothing but praise can be bestowed upon those of the early days who strove to wrest Western Australia from wildness and make it a place fair to look upon, the colony’s real development started only after the gold discoveries, and the settlers ought to have welcomed with open arms the men possessing the brain and smew necessary to turn those discoveries to profitable account. A better commingling of the two elements m those early goldfields’ days would have saved the colony from many difficulties
The Government met with its first check during the session of 1895, when the Leader of the Opposition,
Mr. George Leake, though with but a small following behind him, moved a want of confidence vote m the Ministry over the education question. It was never put to the vote, as Sir John Forrest, after a somewhat warm debate, agreed to deal with the question; but it had more than a little effect, as before the end of the year an Education Act on modern lines was passed and the old system of ecclesiastical grants for educational purposes abolished
The spirit of opposition on the part of the goldfields became crystallized over the Budget proposals of 1895. The revenue for the year ending June 30 had been £1,125,940, or £252,290 in excess of the estimate, a condition of things which the miners, and perhaps rightly, attributed to their presence m the country. They were consequently dissatisfied when the proposals for 1895-6 were not so liberal toward the goldfields as they expected. A Goldfields League was formed for the object of redressing their grievances, which went farther than the question of expenditure, and embraced the administration of some of the Government depart ments, as well as strong criticism of the mining laws.
Criticism of departmental administration was not confined to the goldfields. The whole community was suffering from the ineptitude displayed, and dissatisfaction was widespread. There was not a Government department which had to do with communication, transport, or mercantile affairs generally that was not overwhelmed by the rush of business.
So great was the expansion, due to mining and other transactions, that the Telegraph Department found itself faced with an accumulation of messages far beyond its power to cope with. As delay oftentimes meant serious loss in mining transactions, many of which depended for their success on quick communication with London or the Eastern capitals, public and Press accusations of mcompetency on the part of the administrative officers were common on the goldfields, and not unknown m Perth and Fremantle. To add to the disorder the lines between Eucla and Albany, and between Coolgardie and Perth, occasionally failed, and it sometimes happened that telegrams had to be forwarded to the capital by rail' To cope with the difficulty Mr. Wittenoom proposed and Parliament approved the expenditure of £25,000 upon the construction of a new line from Coolgardie via Dundas to Eucla. This required time for its completion; meanwhile the congestion m the telegraph office became intensified, and the trouble spread to the post-office, delays in the delivery of correspondence becoming almost as irritating as the department’s inability to handle telegrams The authorities did all that was possible in the way of increasing the staffs m both departments, but with little result, as the buildings became overcrowded and confusion worse confounded.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
253
To make matters worse the Railways and Customs Departments reached the same chaotic state, so that every department engaged in transmitting communications or handling merchandise wTas involved. In the Railways Department the shortage of rolling-stock was the principal reason; in the Customs the absence of available space to facilitate the handling of goods. The whole difficulty, from whatever point it is viewed, resolves itself into the one fact—that the colony did not possess facilities for dealing with a large and sudden inrush of population which was totally unexpected. To reasonable people this would have been a good excuse,
On October 8, 1895, a large indignation meeting was held at Coolgardie, over which the Mayor of the town, Mr. James Shaw, presided. The Government generally was anathematized, and every ill from which the miners suffered, from the non-delivery of a telegram to the scarcity of water, laid to its charge. Special prominence was given there, as also at a similar meeting held at Kaigoorlie, to the inadequate representation of the goldfields in Parliament, and for the first time the cry was raised that the fields should agitate for separation. Another meeting followed a week later, apparently to emphasize what had been done at the pre-
BOULDER CITY, 1895.
especially as the Government was sparing neither energy nor money to meet the requirements; but the newcomers to Western Australia in those days, thirsting to secure the riches it had been proved to possess, were far from reasonable, and looked upon the authorities not as the servants of the people, but as the slaves of the goldfields. That it seemed impossible to cope with the telegraphic, postal, railway, and Customs business in those days must be admitted, but it is only fair to add that the want of consideration shown to the Government did not help to smooth away the difficulties.
vious one. Committees were appointed to enforce the views of the miners upon the Government.
In answer to the protests the Minister of Mines (Mr. E. H. Wittenoom) admitted that the post and telegraph offices on the fields were far too small for the work they had to do, but pointed out that the Public Works Department was rapidly pushing on with the erection of new ones. In regard to the other questions raised it was deemed politic that Ministers should visit the whole district, and in November Sir John Forrest travelled over the eastern and Mr. Wittenoom the
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
Murchison fields. With “the soft answer that turneth away wrath” both Ministers succeeded for the time m considerably allaying the irritation, Sir John going so far as to foreshadow the bringing of ample water from the coast and an increase in the number of goldfields representatives in Parliament. The promise of water was, as we have seen, fully redeemed, and m the session of 1896 the question of increasing the goldfields representation m Parliament was also discussed.
But before that time arrived the condition of congestion, particularly m the Railways Department, had grown more acute, and loud murmurs of dissatisfaction arose from the merchants of Perth and Fremantle, who complained that traffic was utterly disorganized. The Morning Herald, a new metropolitan daily, attacked the authorities strongly, and even The IFest Australian made dignified though guarded complaints A public meeting held in Perth in February, 1896, and addressed by influential men, severely criticized the railway, telegraph, and postal administrations, and vaguely blamed the Premier for the railway trouble, on the ground that he had cut down the departmental estimates for rolling-stock. Resenting the imputation, Sir John Forrest forcibly replied to his detractors, and pointed out that rolling-stock was then on order to the value of £300,000 more than had been authorized by Parliament. The Commissioner of Railways (Mr. Venn) took exception to some of the Premier’s statements, as he considered they reflected upon his administration, and in a letter to Sir John complained that the latter had not shown that esprit de corps usual between members of a Government. He contended that when assailed in the Press he (Mr. Venn) had defended the Government at the expense of himself as Commissioner of Railways, when the real facts were that the whole trouble could have been averted if the Premier had not refused to place his request for £330,000 worth of rolling-stock on the loan estimates for 1894, even though urged to do so by the Engineer-in-Chief.
Unfortunately, Mr. Venn, in his haste to clear himself, handed a copy of this letter to the Press for publication. This action reduced the whole question to the level of a personal quarrel between Sir John Forrest and Mr Venn. The Premier thanked the Commissioner for his past services, regretted that he should have to sever his connection with the Government, and requested his resignation. This Mr. Venn declined to give, as he wished to justify himself to Cabinet from the departmental files Sir John then asked a second time, pointing out that to refuse was unconstitutional; but Mr. Venn held to his first decision The Premier then telegraphed to the effect that the Cabinet was unanimous in requiring the resignation, to which the Commissioner tersely replied, “Death rather than dishonour.” The next step was taken on March 9, when the Premier
informed his colleague that unless he received a reply-in other words, a resignation—by 9 o’clock that night he should feel at liberty to take whatever steps he might deem necessary Unfortunately, Mr. Venn did not receive this note until after the time mentioned, but he immediately informed Sir John that he would make a statement next morning. Sir John, however, when no answer came by 9 o’clock, showed a little of Mr. Venn’s precipitation, and made certain statements to the Press which rendered further negotiation impossible. The same night, therefore, he transmitted a memo, to Mr Venn to the effect that the Governor had dismissed him from office and from membership of the Executive Council. His Excellency, said Sir John, regretted that such a course was necessary, but considered that Mr Venn had brought it about by his refusal to resign.
Mr. Venn, though dismissed, as he phrased it, “in his nightshirt,” had no other course than to accept the inevitable He stated that it had been his intention to resign after making a statement to Cabinet. The point was raised and warmly debated as to whether the Premier had acted constitutionally Of this, however, there can be scarcely any doubt; but his wisdom in taking such an extreme course may be seriously questioned.
The vacant portfolio was by no means sought after, but eventually Mr. F. H. Piesse was induced to accept it. For some time he was unable to effect any improvement in the department, but matters improved as additional rolling-stock came to hand, and by the end of the year the trouble was fully overcome. The same result was achieved by the Post and Telegraph Department through the erection of new lines, providing additional accommodation, and a better organized staff
The increased Parliamentary representation demanded by the goldfields was, as mentioned above, granted in 1896. A new province—the North-East— was constituted, thus adding three additional members to the Legislative Council. At the same time the number of the Assembly was increased to forty-four by the establishment of new electorates, the majority of which were on the goldfields. The number of Cabinet Ministers was also increased to six.
This amendment to the Constitution necessitated a general election, which was held in May, 1897, the most sensational events of which were the defeat of Mr. S H Parker for Perth by Mr. Lyall Hall, and the discovery that all the new mining electorates did not return members opposed to the Government. The personnel of the Ministry was slightly changed during the year. Before the elections Mr. Richardson retired from politics, and the control of the Lands Department passed to Mr. G. Throssell, while the newly created Ministerial post was conferred upon Mr H. B. Lefroy
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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as Minister of Education. In October Mr. S. Burt found himself compelled to resign, and Mr. R. W. Pennefather was appointed Attorney-General. Mr. Burt was the last of Sir John Forrest’s old colleagues, and thus the Premier was left the sole survivor of the original Ministry appointed on the introduction of responsible government.
The year 1897 was not a year of prolific legislation. Apart from the break caused by the elections, there were two Federal Conventions held—one in Adelaide and one in Sydney—at each of which the Premier and nine other delegates were present; and Sir John was also absent from the colony during the middle of the year, in order to represent Western Australia at the Diamond Jubilee celebrations of Her Majesty Queen Victoria in London. These interruptions made a long session impossible, consequently three short sessions were held, two of which did little more than pass supplies, and the third occupied itself in passing resolutions to indicate a future course of action. Payment of members was approved as a principle, and in face of a no-confidence motion proposed by Mr. Leake,
the Premier promised to revise the duties so far as they affected foodstuffs, though it must be admitted that in doing so he had nothing to fear from a division on Mr. Leake’s motion.
Before the Government met Parliament in 1898 a further rearrangement of Ministerial offices had taken place owing to Mr. Wittenoom having accepted the Agent-Generalship. Mr. H. B. Lefroy became Minister of Mines and Mr. George Randell Colonial Secretary. When Parliament opened a varied and extensive programme was submitted in the Governor’s Speech, but the session closed without much of it finding a place on the Statute Book. In fact, an unkind critic might with justice assert that the session lasted longer and produced less result than any held since Parliament had been constituted. The Norseman and Leonora Railway Bill and the Perth Deep Drainage Bill were both shelved till a more convenient season; the Education and Min-
ing Bills were withdrawn; the Railway, Patents, Public Works, Trades Unions, and Electoral Bills were never even heard of. The principal measures that were passed were the Tariff Amendment (promised the previous session), Early Closing, Health, and Lands Acts, this last designed to promote agricultural settlement along those lines which had always been advocated by Sir John Forrest. Politically the most important act was the amendment of the very ill-advised mining regulation (No. 103) which had been the cause of the Kal-goorlie riot of 1898, already referred to. As usual in such cases, a compromise was effected. The alluvial miner was allowed in the first place to make his search, and then had to give way to the reef miner.
Up to this time the introduction of foreign mining capital, the ease with which loan money could be secured, and an overflowing Treasury chest had lulled
the Government into a sense of financial security, and there was scarcely that control over e x p e n d i ture that was needed. With the reaction that followed the boom period, however, it became evi-d e n t that closer supervision was necessary. The first note of
this was sounded when the accounts of the colony for the year ending June 30, 1898, were published. The revenue, though large (£2,754,747), was £253,253 below the estimate, while the expenditure reached £3,256,912 —an amount so far in excess of the receipts that it not only absorbed the accrued surplus of £315,362 but left a debit of £186,803. This called for rigorous retrenchment and the closest scrutiny of public expenditure, unpleasant at any time, but particularly so to a people accustomed to huge surpluses. The drift, however, continued throughout the following year, the transactions of which showed a loss of over £60,000, and was not stayed until 1900, when there was again a credit on the year’s operations of £260,000. Matters arising out of administration and the prominence given to the question of federation absorbed the greater part of the Parliamentary session of 1899 and filled the pages of Hansard rather than the Statute Book, the list of
Photo by J. J. Dwyer. boulder City, 1900.
256
measures being small in comparison with the length of the session. The most important was a further amendment of the Constitution increasing the number of the Legislative Council to thirty by the creation of two new provinces—the Metropolitan-Suburban and the South-East—and raising the membership of the Assembly to fifty by a redistribution of seats and a rearrangement of boundaries. At the same time the franchise was granted to women.
Although the whole history of the federal movement will be found recorded in the next chapter it is necessary, even at the risk of repetition, to mention that a Federal Enabling Bill to allow the proposed Federal Constitution to go before the people was introduced into the Assembly in 1899, and debated at very considerable length Such a course had not been necessary before, as neither New South Wales nor Queens land had assented to the Bill. Those assents had, however, been given when the Western Australian Parliament met in 1899, and it was necessary, therefore, that some definite course should be taken. Free discussion in the Press and on the platform had done much to educate public opinion as to the advantages and disadvantages of the proposed union, and a Joint Committee of the two Houses sought to amend the Commonwealth Bill in the directions which earnest consideration deemed necessary The Assembly then decided to refer both Bills—the original and the one as amended by the Committee—to the electors; but the Legislative Council, after a series of contradictory divisions, declined to agree to the Bill m any form being referred, and also declined to request the Government to negotiate with the Governments of the Eastern colonies in the hope of securing all or some of the concessions asked for The Government, however, made an attempt to secure these concessions, but without avail The other colonies were unanimously of opinion that Western Australia should pronounce upon the Bill as it stood, and therefore a special session of Parliament was called early in May, 1900, for the purpose of once more considering the Federal Enabling Bill. This time the Bill was assented to by both Houses and provision made for the poll to be taken on July 31 This, as we shall see, was done, with a result that exceeded even the wildest hopes of the Federal Party
The regular session of the year did not begin until late in August, and prior to it some changes had taken place Mr. Leake was no longer present either as Leader of the Opposition or as member for Albany, having resigned both positions earlier m the year His place at the head of the Opposition was taken by Mr. F Illingworth Another resignation was that of Mr Piesse, who relinquished his portfolio as Commissioner of Railways and Director of Public Works owing to a difference of opinion with his colleagues in regard to
the recognition of the Railway Employes’ Association Mr Piesse was succeeded by Mr. B. C. Wood During the session close scrutiny was exercised over the financial proposals of the Government. It was held generally that on the eve of a general election, and in face of a doubt as to the financial effects of federation on the colony, it would not be politic to commit the colony to any extensive public works scheme, especially as the Treasurer was more than likely to leave State politics for the wider field of action of the Federal Parliament. The rejection of the Coolgardie to Norseman Railway Bill may be attributed in part to this feeling, but there is no doubt that a still greater reason was the fear that such a railway would be the first step toward making Esperance the port of the goldfields—a step that the vested interests in Perth and Fremantle viewed with alarm. Still the session was not barren of results. Payment of members was authorized, a Public Service Act of a kind was passed, the laws relating to municipalities were consolidated and improved, and, most important of all, an Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act, on the lines of the New Zealand measure, and designed to effect the peaceful settlement of industrial disputes without recourse to strikes, was placed upon the Statute Book. A Conciliation Board consisting of one representative each for employers and employed, with an independent third member as umpire, was provided for, and in case the dispute could not be settled in that way an Arbitration Court consisting of a representative of each side, presided over by a Supreme Court Judge, was established to settle wages and frame conditions of employment. This Act was superseded by a more comprehensive measure passed in 1902. As generally happens with experimental legislation, the career of the Act has been somewhat chequered, but on the whole it has proved a successful innovation.
With the close of 1900 Western Australia’s career ended as a colony and it began a new era as one of the six States of the Commonwealth of Australia In order to afford a correct appreciation of the abnormal conditions existing in the colony between 1891 and 1900 the gold discoveries and the consequent mining development have already been referred to at length, but it is necessary to also point out that the mineral discoveries of the period were not confined to gold. Tin had been found at Greenbushes in 1888, and during the succeeding years up to 1894 the deposits were worked with satisfactory results, after which the industry seemed to languish until 1898, when serious work was again undertaken Meantime other discoveries of the metal had been made in widely separated localities, but from only one of them (Marble Bar) was there any appreciable production The copper and lead mines, some of which had been in existence for many years, were not worked with any degree of energy,
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
257
except m those few districts where gold was found m conjunction with copper. In 1891 and 1892 the Whim Well lode gave good results, and from 1899 there was a distinct levival in copper-mining, but owing to difficulties m the way of transport and expense in producing the ore the industry has always been subject to great variation If those barriers could be overcome there ought to be a good future for Western Australia m copper-mining, as the ore is plentifully scattered over the whole State, being found throughout the northwest, on the eastern goldfields, and m the south-east, m the neighbourhood of Phillips River Several other metals and minerals were also discovered during these years, such as silver, iron, tantalum, mica, and asbestos, but none of them have so far repaid working on any large scale. In fact, it is commonly said that some where in Western Australia traces may be found of almost any mineral, metal, or precious stone that could be mentioned.
One other certainly does exist, and has for many years been worked as a profitable concern. As far back as 1846, owing to certain specimens being found, the question was raised whether coal existed in Western Australia Indications were found from that time on at various localities on the Irwin, Murray, and Fitzgerald Rivers Expert opinion pronounced those from the Murray and Fitzgerald as valueless, but considered the Irwin River bed worth further examination. In 1879 the Government voted £100 to test the coal in the north branch of this river, but the Rev. C. G. Nicolay, who inspected the seams, pronounced the coal of poor quality, and the field was abandoned. Nearly ten years later Messrs Bell and Eliot found in another branch of the river specimens which the Government Geologist pronounced to contain true coal measure fossils, and likely to have a commercial value when the colony had more use for the product A company—the Fremantle Irwin Coal-mining Company—was thereupon formed and a shaft sunk, but the results did not come up to expectations, and that, too, was in turn given up Another locality which had from time to time been mentioned as possibly coal-bearing was on the Collie River, about 25 miles east of Bunbury. In 1889 Mr David Hay, of Bunbury, set out to prospect the district With a party he sank shafts here and there, and in places found what appeared to be good seams. One of these being over 11 ft thick, a syndicate was formed in Bunbury to work it and a new shaft put down, without, however, yielding any result The next attempt was made by a South Australian syndicate in 1891 with the same want of success. Two shafts were put down, one of which struck granite and the other filled with water. In the same year Dr Robertson, a coal expert from New South Wales, was engaged by the Government to make an examination He R
found it impossible to do this owing to the shafts being full of water, but obtained sufficient samples to justify him in advising the Government to test the field by boring. This advice was accepted, and in 1892 Mr Pendleton, an experienced colliery manager, was sent out in charge of a party to conduct boring experiments The result was that coal was found in several places, the estimated area of the field being about 100 square miles. The Government formed the idea of having a State mine, and in furtherance of that idea about 300 acres were reserved and operations started. About 1,000 tons were raised during the next two years and trials of a satisfactory nature made on the Government railways. It was then decided to build a railway to the mine, and development was stopped pending that being constructed. Before the railway was completed the idea of a State mine was abandoned and the property let under contract to Mr. H M Deakin. The reopening of this mine, which took place in 1898, stimulated private activity, with the result that various companies started operations, and by the end of 1900 many thousands of tons of coal, more or less satisfactory in nature, had been placed upon the market
The actual value of tin, copper, and coal produced during the decennial period 1891-1900 may be seen from the following table • —
Year. Tin Coppei. Coal.
£ £ £
1891 10,200 4,462
1892 13,843 8,696 —
1893 11,134 606 —
1894 15,274 — —
1895 9,703 4,338 12,952 —
1896 100 —
1897 3,275 1,033 —
1898 2,760 4,266 1,761*
1899 25,270 41,461 25,951
1900 56,702 33,937 54,835 * Up to 1898 inclusive
The gold discoveries changed the face of Western Australia Not alone did they prove that great wealth lay m the country, but they brought to it an enormous amount of foreign capital, and what was of infinitely greater value—the bone and sinew of other lands Population grew apace, trade expanded, old industries opened out and new ones arose—in fact, from being a slow, backward, and practically unknown community in 1891 Western Australia in 1900 was known the world over as a country of immense wealth, of progressive ideas, and of almost boundless possibilities. The population had risen from 53,279 to 179,708, the revenue of the colony from £497,670 to £2,875,396 and the expenditure from £435,623 to £2,615,675, the imports from £1,280,093 to £5,962,178 and the exports from £799,466 to £6,852,054, and the area under crop from 64,210 acres to 201,338 acres. Apart from gold the greatest expansion of trade occurred in the timber in-
258
dustry, the export value rising during the ten years from £89,176 to £458,461.
It is satisfactory to note that during all this period of feverish activity m so many directions the Premier never lost sight of the permanent advantages that would accrue to the colony through a wise and progressive policy of land settlement. Gold he looked upon as an uncertain factor at any time, but agriculture was a permanent asset, and if undertaken with vigour a never-failing source of prosperity for the colony. The land regulations of 1887 offered certain inducements, but Sir John Forrest in 1893, with the Homesteads Act, went far beyond anything even suggested in the regulations. Under that Act any person being the sole head of a family or a male over eighteen years of age who did not own more than 100 acres of land might select within certain boundaries a homestead farm of 160 acres, of which, provided he observed certain conditions as to improvements, he received the fee simple at the end of seven years. In order to assist those who settled on the land an Agricultural Bank Act was passed m the following year. Under this Act persons improving their holdings may borrow on the value of the improvements so as to further extend the sphere of their operations. Convinced that even these concessions were not sufficient to ensure agricultural development on a large scale, the Parliament in 1898 passed a comprehensive Land Act by which land might be acquired under a conditional purchase system upon terms that were so easy as to be within the reach of anyone prepared to take up selections and develop them. The advantages of the system had not had time to give any appreciable result Jbefore the end of 1900, but subsequent results have more than justified the policy of the then Premier, and have proved that on the land question, as on so many others, he showed a statesman’s wisdom
The discoveries of gold drew attention to the fact that there were still large stretches of country in Western Australia of which nothing whatever was known, and revived that spirit of exploration which had been so prominent a feature of the colony’s early history. In 1890 Sir Thomas Elder, of Adelaide, offered to defray the expenses of a thoroughly well-equipped expedition, which should consist largely of scientific men, and whose work should be to examine those portions of South and Western Australia lying between the tracks of Forrest, Gosse, Giles, and War burton, and keep a strict look out for traces of Leichhardt’s party. The leadership was conferred upon Mr. David Lindsay, with Mr. L A Wells as second in command The other members were Dr F. J. Elliot, F. W. Leach, V F. Streich, R Helms, R G Ramsay, A P. Gwynne, C. A. Dowden, and A. Warren. The expedition left Adelaide in April of 1891 and made for the interior The farther they proceeded the more evident it became that owing
to the prolonged drought it would be impossible to carry out the original programme Water was practically unobtainable, and Lindsay was compelled, under circumstances of very great difficulty and no little danger, to shape his course for the Victoria Springs, where Giles had found good water Even these were dry, and the party had to push on to Fraser Range, where they at last found ample water and good grass feed for the camels. From there Lindsay made a trip to Esperance and suggested to the Adelaide Geographical Society that as the original idea could not be carried out on account of the drought the party should proceed to the Murchison. This was agreed to and a new start made Even then it had to strike westward to avoid the drought-stricken area, and in the course of its journeying crossed Dundas and arrived at Southern Cross. From there Lindsay made for the Murchison, but on arrival serious disagreement occurred with the scientific members of the expedition, through which the latter resigned and Lindsay was recalled to Adelaide Wells was left in charge for the time being, and made flying trips of some value As to useful results, however, the expedition, owing to these dissensions, was a comparative failure.
A further exploration was made by Mr Wells m 1896 as leader of the Calvert Exploration Expedition, which left Lake Way m July to examine the country between the East Murchison and Fitzroy Rivers.
Adopting a north-easterly course, a depot was formed in latitude 25° 54' south, longitude 122° 20' east, excellent waterholes and fair country existing in the neighbourhood The period between August 10 and September 8 -was occupied in a flying trip north-east through Mount Bates, on a dry stage of 200 miles, till a good well was found in latitude 23° 23' south and longitude 124° east, whence a return was made ma Giles’ 1876 route. Leaving the depot finally on September 14, the party at length reached Separation Well Thence travelling along the meridian of Joanna Springs, and subsequently upon reaching that point north-north-east, it struck the Fitzroy River, a little north-west of Mount Tuckfield, on November 6, a distance altogether from Mount Bates of 500 miles Most of this was the usual spinifex and sandridge country, and the last 300 miles were almost destitute of camel feed or water—in fact, it was compelled to abandon five beasts, and had the greatest difficulty in saving the others
At Separation Well Messrs C. F. Wells and G Lindsay Jones were, on October 11, sent on to examine the country bearing west-north-west for 80 or 100 miles, and thence north-east to cut their leader’s track about 30 or 40 miles south of .Joanna Springs. On his arrival at the rendezvous six days later than had been expected, not finding the two men, Mr L A Wells naturally concluded that they had arrived previously, and been compelled to push on to the Fitzroy The fate of the
259
unfortunate men was afterwards ascertained, their bodies being found by Wells some months afterwards 14 miles west-south-west of the Springs. Their journal disclosed the fact that, being unable to proceed owing to the heavy nature of the country, they retraced their steps, and striking the expedition’s track followed it northwards, only to perish from want of water about November 15.
As soon as the news reached Perth that two of the party were missing energetic efforts were put forth by the Western Australian Government, and on December 19 Mr. W. F. Rudall left Braeside Station, on the
party engaged on this expedition was also driven back owing to the insuperable difficulties encountered. Rumours, supplied by natives, of straying camels, etc., having reached Rudall it was considered wise to make a further search to the south of the Oakover River, and accordingly, on February 7, 1897, he again set out. The course of the river being followed for some distance, the latitude of the tropic of Capricorn was reached, and in longitude 120° 10' east the bodies of two men, supposed to have been murdered by natives, were discovered. Returning via Roy Hill Station to Nulla-gine a report of the find was sent to Perth, but after
Whim Well Copper Mine, West Pilbara, 1900.
Oakover River, in charge of an expedition to follow up the river and its branch, the Davis, thence striking eastward to cut the tracks of the missing men.
After leaving Christmas Pool, some distance southeast of Mount Macpherson, Rudall, guided by blacks, came upon a camp into which footsteps, supposed to be those of the persons sought, were traceable. Here, unfortunately, all tracks were lost, and he was reluctantly obliged, through his camels failing him, to return to his starting-point. He immediately organized a second trip, but after strenuous though fruitless efforts the u2
due consideration and medical examination it was decided that the remains were not those of the missing explorers, and a final attempt was made to solve the mystery surrounding the fate of the two men. Rudall, leaving Braeside Station on April 9, visited Separation Well, and attained a point 60 miles South of Joanna Springs before returning to Braeside, which was finally reached on June 23. Although these journeys proved unsuccessful in their object, it cannot be said that the work was fruitless, since Rudall had travelled over an area of 23,000 square miles, and had obtained a large
260
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
amount of information not previously possessed concerning the physical features of the country examined
From June 17 to September 13 of the same year Mr. A. Mason, a Government officer, was engaged in examining the south-eastern district of the colony, lying between Kurnalpi and Eucla, into portions of which rabbits were supposed to have penetrated He claimed to have discovered millions of acres of some of the finest pastoral and agricultural country in the world, but reported a very poor supply of surface water
The year 1896 was a notable one in Western Australian exploration, as in July still another expedition, equipped and led by the Hon David W Carnegie, left Doyle’s Well, some 50 miles to the south-east of Lake Darlot, to strike across the continent in a north-easterly direction in the hope of discovering either gold-bearing or pastoral country in the area lying between latitudes 19° and 28° and longitudes 122° and 129°, an area which up to that time had been traversed only m an easterly or westerly direction The expedition travelled over some 3,000 miles of country, and from the waterless nature of most of it proved that a direct stock route between Kimberley and the North Coolgardie goldfield was impracticable. Except for very isolated patches no auriferous country was discovered This northern country was also traversed in various directions between 1896 and 1898 by Mr. Frank Hann, a Queensland squatter, who added considerably to the geographical knowledge of that portion of Western Australia
While all these abnormal developments were taking place in every phase of local activity and industry, wider issues affecting the whole of the Empire rose above the horizon and ultimately affected every colonial dependency of Great Britain—the South African war of 1899-1902. The reverses suffered by British arms in the early stages of that war and the offensive attitude adopted by some Continental nations roused in the colonies a spirit of intense loyalty and patriotism, and from them all without exception came offers of assistance to the Motherland Western Australia joined with the other Australian States in sending out, m quick succession, contingent after contingent of picked men, who more than justified the belief that their services would be of value. The first contingent of 125 men with five officers—Captain Moor, Lieutenants Parker, Darling, and Campbell, and Surgeon-Major McWilliams—left Perth on November 4, 1899, en route to Albany to join the transport "Medic.” Before they arrived at the scene of the war it became evident that if the Boers were to be subjugated strong reinforcements of troops must be provided by Great Britain A second contingent was therefore asked for, to consist of 200 mounted men— a class of soldier at first refused by the authorities— and these left Fremantle early in February, 1900, having as officers Major Pilkington, Lieutenants
McMasters, De Castilla, Harris, and Inglis, and Surgeon-Captain J. M. Y. Stewart By this time it was generally conceded that a force of men skilled in bushcraft would prove of great assistance, especially against a people much of whose success was due to an intimate knowledge of the country, and the next step was the formation of a Bushmen’s Contingent, carefully selected for their knowledge of the bush and their skill as horsemen. The officers selected for this company were Major Vialls, who possessed both Indian and colonial experience, Captain Hurst, Lieutenants Ord, Thunder, Gledhill, and Vernon, and Surgeon-Captain Ingoldby They left for the front m the following March Then came a new departure All the previous contingents were purely
Australian, but it was decided that the fourth unit should merge in the Imperial army This consisted of 120 men, who had as officers Major Rose, Captain New-land, Lieutenants Barnes, Vernon, Hume, and Williams, and Surgeon-Captain Gibson They sailed in May, 1900, and were intended to form the colony’s final contribution, but circumstances arose that made further drafts advisable if not necessary A fifth contingent, consisting of 210 men and fourteen officers, under the command of Captain Darling, with whom were associated Captain Flynn (as surgeon), and Lieutenants Brown, Downes, Scott, Davis, Ochiltree, Messer, Griffiths, Sherard, Forbes, Forrest, and Williams, was therefore dispatched by the “Devon” in March, 1901, and was followed in April by a sixth, consisting of 232 in all, under the command of Captain J Campbell, who had with him Captains Reid (surgeon) and Williams, and Lieutenants Young, Hawkins, Bardwell, Maley, Bell, McCormick, Clifton, Reid, Woodrow, and Wright. With the departure of this unit further enrolment ceased The colony had contributed in all fifty-one officers, two warrant officers, and 869 men—a total of 922. So far from indulging in a picnic, as the celebrated Sudan contingent had done, the Australian soldiers found themselves on serious service bent, and most of them before they returned had a practical knowledge of what actual warfare meant As might be expected, being of British stock, they performed their duties faithfully and well, and proved that nothwithstanding carping criticism Australia did not breed degenerates. Four Western Australian officers—Major H Moor, and Lieutenants A. A Forrest, G H Hensman, and S Stanley Reid— were killed in action, or so severely wounded that they died shortly afterwards, and the roll of privates who laid down their lives for their country numbered well into the thirties. While the offer to send help to Britain in South Africa was a new expression of colonial patriotism, its acceptance was a fresh departure in Imperial politics, and its result has been a lesson to foreign nations that the Imperial unity of Britain in face of danger is a reality to be always taken into account.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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CHAPTER XVII.
FEDERAL MOVEMENT IN
For very many years the people of the various Australian colonies had been viewing with increasing favour the conception of a Federated or United Australia, though the earliest proposal to bring about this result, put forward by Earl Grey in 1847, had met with strenuous opposition. It was thought at the time by the colonies that the many and varying interests, very diversified in their nature, did not make for an amalgamation of their respective Governments. The widely separated colonies, extending in their geographical position from the tropics to the temperate zone, made it extremely difficult to put forward any concrete example that would act with justice and fairness in regard to legislative facilities and equal rights. The differences of opinion in regard to the economic legislation then existing, which in the case of New South Wales and Victoria were in matters relating to the tariff as wide as the poles, only accentuated this feature. In fact, the “war of the Customs” appeared to be an almost impassable barrier to the hopes of those to whom the broad value of federation appealed in its widest Imperial sense. However, the Imperial Government, recognizing that the future must widen the views of many, and that time would probably bring about the desired result, incorporated the broad principle of federation in the Australian Government Act of 1850. At the time of the appointment of Sir Charles A Fitzroy to the Governorship of the Mother State he received a further commission as Governor-General of Australia, the official rank of all other Australian Governors being that of Lieutenant-Governor. This further commission, granted to the holder of the Governorship of New South Wales, was certainly not meant to be barren of power and privileges, for the Governors of other colonies were to be superseded in their duties by the temporary residence of the Governor-General in their territory.
Sydney was the Federal Capital, and it was only on
WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
the strong representations of the residents of Melbourne and Adelaide in regard to the inconvenience this would cause which led to these powers and privileges falling into disuse. At this stage it is idle to speculate, but we can wonder at what might have been the result if Sydney, Melbourne, and Adelaide had been connected by rail as they now are. However, the distinctive title of Governor-General in regard to the Governor of New South Wales was retained until 1861, but it was not at any time more than an empty honour which carried no real power. The incident is mainly instructive in
showing how strongly the Colonial Office held to the federal sentiment and how clearly the future was outlined.
The keen competition between the colonies during the years which immediately followed the first essay of the Imperial Government to bring about a federation of the Australian group apparently widened the differences between them, and federation appeared as the vague dream of a few visionaries, and certainly not within the realm of practical politics. A section of the British public, ■ more than a little dominated by the opinions of the Royal Colonial Institute, still clung tenaciously to the hope of a Federated Australia, and the visit to England in 1882 of Sir Henry Parkes, the New South Wales statesman, led to a recrudescence of the previous agitation. The fault of this section of the Royal Colonial Institute was that in its enthusiasm for Imperialistic sentiment it failed to recognize the difficulties that the fiscal question and its settlement would place in the way of this much-to-be-desired result. Even now ultimate federation was clearly recognized, and thinking men throughout Australia saw that the time was fast approaching when this hitherto visionary ideal would become “the question of the hour” in practical politics.
Previous to the visit to England of Sir Henry Parkes he had drafted a Bill embodying a scheme for the federation of Australia, but this proposal did not
soldiers* Memorial, King’s Park.
262
meet tlie views of the other States and came to naught In 1883 Sir Samuel Griffith drafted the Bill which m 1885 created the first Federal Council, and this was probably the onginal active step toward the federation of the colonies of Australia into the Australian Commonwealth.
The members of the Council met m Hobart in 1886 for the first time, the appointment of the delegates to the Council having been sanctioned by an Imperial Act. The plan of federation did not satisfy the wishes of Sn Henry Parkes, who maintained that unification m the best sense would not be the outcome of the deliberations of this body, and he therefore promulgated a rival scheme of a comprehensive nature. With his usual determination Sir Henry, who was now7 definitely committed to the policy of federation, threw all his personal influence into the scheme, and secured for it that popular favour which alone could command success, thereby dooming the other movement to failure The previous attitude of Sir Henry Parkes toward the Federal Council of Australasia had been one that was not calculated to inspire confidence m the minds of the statesmen of the other colonies, and his efforts at this period were viewed with some suspicion m Victoria Only a short time previously he had actempted to appropriate the national title of “Australia” for New South Wales, and perhaps the report of General Edwards on the need of federal action m national defence had a good deal to do with the alteration of Sir Henry’s views on the subject of fedeiation Ultimately, however, all jealousies and difficulties were overcome, and an Intercolonial Conference was held in Melbourne during February, 1890 To what extent the success of the movement was due to the splendid patriotism of Sir Edward Barton, afterwards the first Prime Minister of the Commonwealth, and now its senior Puisne Judge of the High Court, it would be hard to say. Sinking all political differences of a local nature Barton threw himself heart and soul into the federal agitation m New South Wales, proving that he possessed the large-heartedness of the statesman and the unselfishness of the true patriot.
At the Intercolonial Conference held in 1890 the far-reaching proposals of Sir Henry Parkes triumphed over the more timid suggestions of the Federal Council, and the federation ideal of Australia assumed a more concrete and tangible form. A resolution was carried to the effect that, in the opinion of the Conference, the best interests and the present and future prosperity of the Australian colonies would be promoted by an early union under the Crown, and that the members of the Conference should take such steps to induce their respective Legislatures to appoint, during the year, delegates, not exceeding seven in number from each colony, empowered to consider and report on an adequate scheme for a Federal Constitution The legislative
authority of the previous Federal Council had no doubt paved the way for this larger measure of progress, and though the invitation of the Conference of 1890 must be credited to the efforts of Sir Henry Parkes, the earlier promulgation of the broad principles of federation was due mainly to the actions of the Federal Council.
The Legislatures of the different colonies approved of the proposals of the Conference, and the following year witnessed the gathering together m Sydney of the seven delegates from each of the colonies of New South Wales, Victoria, New Zealand, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, and Western Australia The State of Western Austialia was represented by the Hon Sir John Forrest, the late Mr. W E Marmion, the late Sir J G. Lee Steere, who had represented the State m the Conference of 1890, Mr J. A Wright, Mr (now Sir) J W Hackett, Mr. A. Forrest, and Mr W T. Loton. The delegation, designated the National Australasian Convention, met on March 2, 1891, and terminated its labours on April 9 One result of its deliberations was the passage of a Bill which formed the draft for the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia However, the time was not yet sufficiently ripe for the federation of Australia, and especially in New Zealand and Fiji was this feeling pronounced. Neither of these colonies accepted the Constitution as drafted, and the attitude they adopted has been preserved by them ever since. It would almost appear as if the labours of the Convention of 1891 had been abortive, for m none of the colonies was the draft of the Constitution there drawn up accepted, yet the Bill then passed formed to some extent the basis of the 'Constitution which became law nine years later, proving that the work of the Convention had not been altogether m vain.
The condition of Western Australia, as the least populous colony, was realized by all its politicians, and it was recognized that any scheme of amalgamation would need very careful consideration before the opinion of the electors could be sought finally on this most important movement The great expansion due to the finding of gold in payable quantities helped to accentuate this feature, and the expression of Sir James Lee Steere at the Convention of 1890, that the colony could not afford to sacrifice her existing tariff, was becoming more strongly justified Thus at the outset the differing fiscal policies of the various colonies, together with the fact that the two most populous—New South Wales and Victoria—were diametrically opposed, only made the position more difficult and embarrassing During the four years following the National Australasian Convention no active steps were taken in regard to union, though the question of a Federated Australia occupied a more or less prominent position in the minds of the people, who were gradually becoming educated in this most important development
263
In 1895, however, the question, which had been brought forward by a meeting of the Federal Council in Hobart two years earlier, was again keenly scrutinized, for a meeting of Premiers was held in the same city called by the Premier of New South Wales, Mr. G. Reid, to discuss the question. After careful consideration of the whole subject this Conference decided to again form a Convention, which should be a purely elective one, chosen by the electors in each colony, for the purpose of framing a Constitution under which it would be possible for the various Australian colonies to federate. The then Western Australian Premier, Sir John Forrest, objected to the proposal of an elective Convention to frame another Bill for the pur-
formation of these measures, though if that colony desired it was to be included in the Convention.
The provisions of the Enabling Bill were accepted by New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania, each of whom sent ten representatives, to whom was given the onerous responsibility of framing a Constitution to meet the varying needs of the Australian nation. To this Convention Western Australia also sent ten representatives, but they were chosen by the two Houses of Parliament sitting together, and therefore were only to a certain extent the chosen of the people. The ten Western Australian representatives to this Convention of 1897, which commenced its labours in Adelaide in March of
The Second Contingent at Fremantle
pose of union, holding that the draft Commonwealth Bill of 1891 should be first submitted to the Parliaments of the various colonies interested, and any amendments made by them referred to a second Convention, to be appointed after a general election.
Eventually, however, Western Australia met the wishes of the other States and accepted the draft of the Enabling Bill prepared at the Premiers’ Conference by the Premiers of Victoria and South Australia. This Bill provided for a convention of ten representatives from each of the conferring colonies, and these were charged with the duty of framing a Federal Constitution. New Zealand took no active part in the
that year, were Sir John Forrest, K.C.M.G. (Premier); Sir James G. Lee Steere (Speaker) ; Messrs. G-. Leake, M.L.A. (Leader of the Opposition); F. H. Piesse, M.L.A. (Commissioner of Railways); J. W. Hackett, M.L.C.; W. T. Loton, M.L.A.; W. H. James, M.L.A.; A. Y. Hassell, M.L.A.; R. F. Sholl, M.L.A.; and J. H. Taylor, M.L.C. Without unnecessary delay the business of drafting a Constitution Bill was proceeded with, and the Convention applied itself to the important duty of reconciling the many conflicting interests that hitherto had prevented the ideal of federation reaching fruition. In the first session a series of resolutions, based mainly on those of the Convention of 1891, was moved
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA
by Mr. Barton on March 23 and debated till the 31st of the month. The following are the resolutions which were agreed to . —
That m order to enlaige the powers of self-government of the people of Australasia it is desirable to create a Federal Government which will exeicise authonty throughout the federated colonies, subject to the following principal conditions. —
I. That the poweis, pnvileges, and territory of the several existing colonies shall lemam intact, except m respect to such voluntary surrenders as may be agreed upon to secure unifoimity of law and administration m matters of common concern
II That after the establishment of the Fedeial Government there shall be no alteration of the teiritorial possessions or boundaries without the consent of the colony oi colonies concerned
III That the exclusive powei to impose and collect duties
of Customs and excise and to give bounties shall be vested in the Federal Parliament
IV That the exclusive control of the military and naval
defences oi the federated colonies shall be vested m the Fedeial Parliament
V That trade and intercom se between the fedeiated colonies, whethei by land oi sea, shall become and lemain absolutely free
Subject to the carrying out of these and such othei conditions as may hereafter be deemed necessaiy, this Convention approves of the flaming of a Federal Constitution, which shall establish —
(a) A Parliament to consist of two Houses, namely, a
States Assembly or Senate, and a National Assembly or House of Representatives, the States Assemblj to consist of representatives of each colony, to hold office for such periods and to be chosen in such manner as will best secure to that Chamber a pei-petual existence, combined with definite responsi-bilitjr to the people of the State which shall have chosen them, the National Assembly to be elected bj districts formed on a population basis, and to possess the sole power of originating all Bills appropriating levenue or imposing taxation
(b) An Executive, consisting of a Governoi-Geneial,
appointed by the Queen, and of such persons as from time to time may be appointed as his adviseis
(cj A Supreme Federal Couit, which shall also be the High Court of Appeal foi each colony m the federation
In the Bill was fixed a basis for distributing the surplus revenue of the Commonwealth during the following three periods
1. Before the imposition of uniform duties
2. Foi five yeais after the imposition of unifoim duties
3 Subsequently
For the periods set out above the following distribution was agreed upon —
1 Whilst the existing tariffs in each State still remained m foi ce each State w as to be credited w ith the amount of revenue collected m it from the Customs and excise duties and the performance of services transferred to the Commonwealth On the debit side each State was to be responsible m respect to the expenditure on the Customs and othei services, and also with its proportion of the total cost of the Commonwealth on a population basis, m legard to purely original Commonwealth expendituie The balance remaining to be paid monthly to each State
2 For a penod of five years aftei the establishment
of Customs and excise duties on a uniform basis the expenditure was to be charged m the same way, and the revenue and expenditure balanced on the basis of its income from these sources. However, the federal tariff and intercolonial freetiade would bring about a peculiar state m regard to the consumption of dutiable goods, and an interchange was so made that the consuming State of such dutiable goods should be credited with the duty collected on such goods, even if the duty had not been originally paid m such State
3 After the period mentioned all expendituie was to
be charged and all surplus revenue disbursed on a population basis.
The Convention had certainly done much to bring about the desired federal issue, and when it adjourned on April 22 the ways and means of Australian unity had been clearly outlined The adjournment was until May 2, but it was further adjourned until September 2 Meantime the local Legislature of Western Australia had met to consider the draft of the Bill, and after discussion it was found desirable to make a few amendments It was thought necessary that before entering into the union a guarantee should be given for the return of surplus revenue to each individual State, and the sliding scale of distribution was struck out Then, again, the House objected to the method of the ultimate distribution of revenue, and for the pei capita system it suggested one in favour of a return m proportion to contribution.
The Convention again met m Sydney on Septem ber 2, and the personnel of the Western Australian representatives had undergone some change, Messrs Piesse, Loton, Sholl, and Taylor being replaced by Messrs H Briggs, F T Crowder, A H. Henning, and H. W. Venn, M L C , the new members being all taken from that House, the franchise of which was still restricted The Bill as it then stood had come in for some trenchant criticism during the interim between the sessions, and it was now very apparent that the varying interests of the States were still a long way from settlement. The mam stumbling-blocks to a clear issue appeared to be the fiscal problem as it would affect the financial issue m New South Wales and Western Australia, one State having long before accepted the principle of intercolonial freetrade, while a good deal of the revenue of the other was collected from imposts on the intercolonial trade The position at first appeared wellnigh insurmountable, for the abnormal condition of affairs m Western Australia, with its large unsettled mining population, required special treatment, and to meet these needs some fairly equitable measures would need to be designed After discussion a Finance Committee of the Convention was formed to bring forward some suggestion by which the difficulty might be overcome, and on September 24 the Convention adjourned to meet for its final session on January 20, 1898, m Melbourne,
205
by which tune it was hoped the rough places would be made smooth.
The session which opened in January, 1898, proved of some length, and it was found that the report of the Finance Committee practically reverted to the plan proposed m 1891, by which each State was ensured of a return of surplus revenue on the basis of its contributions for five years, leaving the ultimate mode of distribution to the Commonwealth Parliament To meet the case of Western Australia a special recommendation was made providing that any deficiency in the proportional amount in regard to that State would be made good by the Commonwealth As was clearly to be expected, this view was not upheld m regard to the latter proposal, and it was decided that for a period of five years Western Australia would be allowed to impose gradually diminishing Customs duties on intercolonial imports. The Draft Bill as it now stood was accepted by the Convention, and nothing remained but that it should be submitted to a referendum of the people, and then receive the final ratification so far as Australia was concerned. In the first referendum Western Australia did not participate, as there was a growing feeling that m many ways the proposals as they then stood were mimical to the best interests of the State The five other colonies m the group took a referendum, with the result that m Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania the Bill was accepted with decisive majorities. In New South Wales, however, the requisite number did not vote. At the request of the Premier of New South Wales a Premiers’ Conference was held in Melbourne in 1899, and some amendments were introduced into the Draft Bill to satisfy the wishes and in some respect the vanity of New South Wales, but the concessions to Western Australia asked for by Sir John Forrest did not meet with the support of the Premiers A second leferendum was now taken m New South Wales and the adoption of the amended Bill was secured Western Australia still held aloof, and the amended Bill was placed before the Parliament of the State, which appointed a Select Committee of the Legislative Assembly to report upon its effect on Western Australia After some discussion the Committee reported to the Parliament, and it was pointed out that several safeguards for the State were essential before the measure should be accepted in Western Australia Four amendments to the Constitution Bill were stated to be necessary, and it was proposed that these amendments should be submitted to the people in the form of amendments to the Bill, and at the same time the Bill as it was amended at the Premiers’ Conference in 1899 should also be submitted
The amendments were : —
1 That the colony should be enabled to divide itself into electorates for the Senate elections.
2 That the Federal Pailiament should be empoweied to authorize the construction of a transcontinental railway.
3. That for five years after the adoption of the federal
tariff Western Australia should be allowed to impose her own Customs duties on intercolonial and other imports.
4. That Western Australia should be exempted for five
years fiom the junsdiction of the Interstate Commission.
The proposal to submit the Constitution Bill m its dual form to the electors was carried by the Legislative Assembly, but the Legislative Council could not arrive at an agreement, and the vote of the people was for the time being postponed. At this stage internal dissension arose m the State itself, the residents of the goldfields being very much in favour of the Bill, and deciding at a public meeting held at Kalgoorlie to present a petition to the Queen requesting that the Crown should exercise its prerogative and divide the colony into two separate States Meantime another Premiers’ Conference was held at Sydney m January, 1900, at which Sir John Forrest was present Sir John fought hard for the interests of his State, but the five other Premiers, secure m the fact that the people of their States had passed the Constitution Bill, were averse to making any further concessions It was thought—and free expression was given to the thought—that Western Australia would sooner or later be compelled to join in the confederation, and that the agitation on the goldfields would force the hands of the Western Australian Parliament in regard to placing the Bill before the electors The large Goldfields Party in favour of the Bill was supported by a numerous section of the metropolitan districts in their advocacy of the Bill, and it was hardly possible to estimate the petition to the Queen as a mere party move. Meanwhile the Bill, which had been accepted by the five colonies, had been placed before the Imperial Govern ment, and Mr. Chamberlain expressed a desire that delegates from the colonies interested should visit London and watch the passage of the Bill through the Imperial Parliament. The proposal was viewed with favour at a Premiers’ Conference, and the following were chosen to represent their respective States in the Homeland: —
New South Wales—Mr Edward Barton Victoria—Mr Alfred Deakin.
Queensland—Mr J R Dickson.
South Australia—Mr C. C Kingston.
In London these delegates were to be joined by Sir P O Fysh, who would represent Tasmania
At once perceiving the value of a representation in London at this most critical period in the history of Australia the Government of Western Australia asked that it might be represented, and with the consent of the Secretary of State for the Colonies the request was granted In fact, throughout the whole negotiations
the other colouies desired the presence of Western Australia m the union, but were not prepared to allow that State to dictate terms. Mr (now Sir) S. H Parker, Chief Justice for the State, was selected as delegate from Western Australia, and on March 30 he forwaided a memorandum to the Colonial Office embodying the amendment so tenaciously held to by the Legislature of the colony, for up to this time no expression of opinion by means of a referendum had been taken, namely, that Western Australia should be allowed for five years after the adoption of the federal tariff to receive the same Customs duties as were m force at the passing of the Constitution Act, such duties to be collected by the Commonwealth After the lapse of a few weeks a conference took place at the Colonial Office, when Mr Parker continued his advocacy of the Western Australian amendment, but on the conclusion of his argument withdrew from the conference Even foi the most ardent well-wishers of the federal cause the time was a period of grave anxiety, that which they expected to be accepted as read by the Imperial Parliament was, on the other hand, subjected to more than a little adverse ciiticism Many of the objections of the Imperial Government to the Constitution Bill weie withdrawn, with the exception of that relating to Clause 74 As drafted the clause was as follows —
No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen-m-Oouncil in any matter involving the interpretation of this Constitution, or ot the Constitution of a State, unless tho public interests of some part of Her Majesty’s dominions other than the Commonwealth 01 a State aie mvohed
For a time it appeared as if the clause would prove a stumbling-block of more than ordinary magnitude In Western Australia, where the Constitution Bill in any form had never been placed before the electors, the agitation for separation by the goldfields section of the colony had become very pronounced, and the petition drawn up, which contained 27,733 signatures, was for warded to the Government on March 17 To add to the difficulties of the Government a further petition had been received from Albany for inclusion in the proposed new colony Faced with these difficulties and under most trying conditions Sir John Forrest continued to uige the claims of Western Australia for recognition, and fully set out the reasons of the State for indemnity in case of anticipated loss The question of the transcontinental railway had also not been overlooked, but in the light of subsequent events it is a pity that this view had not been more openly and strenuously urged at the Conference of Premiers The matter had been made the subject of correspondence between Sir John Forrest and Mr Holder, the Premier of South Australia, and the result could only be said to have m a manner promised that the railway would be constructed Mr FIolder, on the part of South Australia, undertook, m the event
of the establishment of federation and the inclusion of both colonies as States m the Commonwealth, to pass a Bill asentmg to the line stage by stage, simultaneously with the passing of a like Bill m Western Australia On April 27 the Secretary of State, Mr. Chamberlain, telegraphed to Sir Alexander Onslow, who was then administering the government of the colony, urging upon the Government the desirability of Western Australia at once joining the Commonwealth, and pointing out the necessity for immediate action and value of becoming a partner m the federation on the basis of an original State, unless this was done the value of the clause giving protection for immediate financial loss would be lost
The Government was now on the “horns of a dilemma.” To delay might lead to disastrous results, more particularly when it was pointed out very strongly that the goldfields petition would be treated with sympathetic consideration m case the State stood out of federation The result of the latter alternative on the colony was one that needed most careful consideration on the part of the opponents to the Bill_ What effect this veiled threat had upon the immediate proposals in regard to the referendum on the Bill taken m Western Australia, and how far it accelerated that action, it is hard to say Nevertheless, had the goldfields become a separate State and Western Australia remained outside the federal movement disaster must have necessarily ensued to that portion which still remained aloof A reply to Mr. Chamberlain’s telegram was dispatched stating that the Legislature would meet on May 17, when it was the intention of the Premier to at once introduce an Enabling Bill to provide for the submission of the Commonwealth Bill to the people Thus after months of strenuous endeavour the matter of federation was to be decided by the people of Western Australia, and the tension was to"a certain degree relieved However, the question now brought forward some rather cynical recriminations, and it is difficult to estimate the extent of the pressure brought to bear upon some prominent politicians, which, whatever it may have been, was sufficient to make them retire from their position as avowed opponents, and take up that of ardent supporters of the federation they had hitherto strongly deprecated We must not forget the fact that so far the people of Western Australia had never been allowed a direct voice in the matter, but the time was fast approaching when they were to speak with no uncertain sound. Meanwhile the passage of the measure through the House of Commons with amendments, including that to Clause 74, had begun. But the clause was strongly objected to by the Australian Parliaments, as also was the compromise on the clause which subjected the right of appeal to the Executive Government The proposal to pass the Bill without amendment was urged for reconsideration, and eventually the Secretary of State so far gave way as to
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
267
allow Clause 74 to pass in the following amended form, which was acceptable to all parties : •—•
No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen-in-Council from a decision of the High Court upon any question howsoever arising as to the limits, inter se, of the constitutional power of the Commonwealth, or those of any State or States, or as to the limits, inter se, of the constitutional powers of any two or more States, unless the High Court shall certify that the question is one which ought to be determined by the Queen-in-Council. The High Court may so certify if it is satisfied that for any special reason a certificate should be granted, and thereupon an appeal shall be to the Queen-in-Council on the question without further leave. Except as provided in this section this Constitution shall not impair any right which the Queen may be pleased to exercise by virtue of her royal prerogative to grant special leave of appeal from the High Court to the Queen-in-Council. The Parliament may make laws limiting the matters in which such leave may be asked, but the proposed laws containing
which every adult male and female who had resided in the State for a. period of twelve months should be allowed to exercise a vote on this all-important measure. The Bill now moved rapidly through its remaining stages, and on June 13 received the Royal assent. The battle now began, and the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. George Leake, who was President of the Western Australian Federal League, threw all his energies into the struggle. Both sides took the field in no uncertain manner, and the opponents of the measure used no indefinite language in painting the evils that would fall upon Western Australia when they should place their destinies in the hands of the more populous States. Agriculture was doomed, they said, and Western Australia would become the dumping-ground for the manu-
Orange Grove at Harvey.
any such limitation shall be reserved by the Governor-General for Her Majesty’s pleasure.
The Bill as eventually brought before the Imperial Parliament passed both Houses without amendment, and Royal assent was given to the measure on July 9. On May 17 the Parliament of Western Australia met and the Enabling Bill was introduced. On the occasion of the second reading the Premier, Sir. John Forrest, who had been one of its bitterest opponents in its present form, stated that he would vote for federation, but qualified his statement by announcing that he failed to see the value it would have for Western Australia in the immediate future. Originally it was intended that the referendum should be taken on the basis of the electoral rolls then in existence, but in response to pressure the Government decided to allow the new franchise, by
factures and produce of the Eastern States. How far this is true in regard to agriculture the present outlook in the State is sufficient answer, but manufacturing industry has undoubtedly suffered.
This is certainly not the place to enter into any discussion as to the effects of an assured federation on Western Australia, but a calm, dispassionate view of the situation must lead us to recognize that union has not been an unmixed blessing to this State. In many ways the earlier views of the opponents of the measure were without doubt correct, and when they waived parochial differences for the purposes of forming a United Australia, it must have been perfectly clear that for some considerable time at least the State would reap very little benefit. On the other hand, the sentiment of "one land, one people, one destiny” had a very great
268
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
influence in the minds of many of the dwellers of the coastal districts, for by no stretch of imagination can we consider that the goldfields were wholly influenced by the sentiment. The movement there was, to a certain extent, part of that agitation against the coast which, all political economists must admit, has been to a certain degree detrimental to the best interests of the State On July 31, 1900, the referendum on this important measure was taken in Western Australia, and, as was clearly foreshadowed, the people of the State by a large majority decided to federate and join the Commonwealth of Australia
The following tabley abstracted from the Year-Book of Western Australia, 1902-4, gives an analysis of the voting throughout Western Australia —
Pm titulars of the Polling at the Referendum held on July SI, 1900, pursuant to the Austialasian Federation Enabling Act, 1900
Electoral District. No of Persons who Voted. No. of Votes Oast. Majority.
Males Females. Total u O Pq Agamst. £ Against.
Albany 569 412 981 914 67 847
Ashburton 90 6 96 60 36 24
Beverley 330 171 501 86 415 329
Bunbury 799 496 1,295 493 802 309
Canning 597 317 914 405 509 104
Coolgardie 3,312 1,191 4,503 4,337 166 4,171
Coolgardie, East 10,381 1,853 12,234 11,502 732 10,770
Coolgardie, North 2,306 489 2,795 3,715 117 3,598
Coolgardie, N E 3,298 534 3,832 2,655 140 2,515
De Grey 90 5 95 80 15 65
Dundas 646 200 846 816 30 786
Fremantle 627 182 809 532 277 255
Fremantle, East 1,342 784 2,126 1,322 804 518
Fremantle, Nortli 1,177 790 1,967 1,289 678 611
Fremantle, South 2,021 905 2,926 1,544 1,382 162
Gascoyne 105 38 143 66 77 11
Geraldton 606 327 933 254 679 425
Greenough 244 185 429 18 411 393
Irwin 214 130 344 34 310 276
Kimberley, East 57 4 61 60 1 59
Kimberley, West 115 16 131 97 34 63
Moore 328 200 528 65 463 398
Murchison 167 89 256 27 229 202
Murchison, Ceut’l Murchison, North Murchison, South 676 166 842 777 65 712
638 42 680 597 83 514
1,073 154 1,227 1,008 219 789
Murray 814 329 1,143 469 674 205
Nelson 688 201 889 402 487 85
Northam 994 432 1,426 593 833 240
Perth 2,718 996 3,714 2,386 1,328 1,058
Perth, East 1,162 786 1,948 1,128 820 308
Perth, North 1,380 880 2,260 1,416 844 572
Perth, West 2,388 1,078 3,466 2,078 1,388 690
Pilbara 313 4 317 308 9 299
Plantagenet 508 166 674 447 227 220
Roebourne 98 18 116 98 18 80
Sussex 469 251 720 246 474 228
Swan 1,163 593 1,756 852 904 52
Toodyay 402 251 653 75 578 503
Wellington 942 334 1,276 581 695 114
Williams 690 273 963 214 749 535
Yalgoo 218 51 269 155 114 41
Yilgarn 496 102 598 460 138 322
York 480 329 809 139 670 531
Totals 47,731 16,760 64,491 44,800 19,691 25,109
Western Australia thus had become part of the Commonwealth, and the future alone could decide the wisdom of the step If the matter of the transcontinental railway had been made an essential feature of Western Australia's acquiescence, then there could have been no doubt of the result, but even the most ardent federalist must admit that too much was allowed to rest on the goodwill of the other States. The delay m Western Australia had accomplished one object, for by its means the people of the State were the better fitted to pass an intelligent vote on this great movement. During the twelve months of the delay they had been educated to a far better understanding of the whole situation and the Bill The issues involved, with their advantages and disadvantages, had been so thoroughly discussed that it is scarcely possible that a vote could have been cast in ignorance The date for the inauguration of the Commonwealth was fixed for January 1, 1901, and the first Governor-General, Lord Hopetoun (afterwards the Marquis of Linlithgow), arrived on December 2, 1900, and on January 1, 1901, the first day of the twentieth century, he took the oath of office. Thus the question of federation being definitely settled nothing now remained but to take the necessary steps to carry out the provisions of the Commonwealth Bill.
The Constitution Act allows for each State to have six representatives m the Senate, and m March, 1900, the following were elected to the Senate for the State of Western Australia —
Hugh DeLargie,
Norman Kirkwood Ewing,
Edward Augustine Harney,
Alexander Percival Matheson,
George Foster Pearce,
Miles Staniforth Smith Similarly at the same time were elected for the various electoral districts m the House of Representatives —
The Right Honourable Sir John Forrest, P C., G.C.M G , LL D , for the District of Swan. James Mackinnon Fowler, for the District of Perth.
John Waters Kirwan, for the District of Kalgoorlie.
Hugh Mahon, for the District of Coolgardie. Elias Solomon, for the District of Fremantle The management of the Federal Customs was taken over on January 1, 1901, and the Post and Telegraph Departments on March 1 of the same year Sir John Forrest was asked by Mr. Barton, who had become the first Federal Prime Minister, to accept the portfolio of Postmaster-General, but he afterwards relinquished it for that of the Defence Department.
The opening of the Federal Parliament was fixed foi May 9, 1901, and the present King, His Majesty
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
369
George V , then Duke of York, had been commissioned by the late Queen Victoria to carry out this duty, and notwithstanding her death it was thought advisable that this most momentous occasion should be graced by the presence of Royalty in the person of a direct representative of the Throne Consequently His Majesty
journeyed to Australia, accompanied by the then Duchess of York, the present Queen. With appropriate pomp and ceremony the opening of the first Federated Parliament of Australia was accomplished, and the Great South Land was launched upon her imperial destiny.
CHAPTER XVIII.
1901-1912.
FEDERAL AND STATE POLITICS-CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTIONS—AGRICULTURE—MINING-RESOURCES, INDUSTRIES, AND TRADE—FINANCES—GENERAL—CONCLUSION.
The first day of the twentieth century possesses for Australia a peculiar significance that as the years roll on will only become more and more one of those historical landmarks, the importance of which will be mellowed and increased by time. From this day we mark national Australian existence, and with the birth of a century there came into being a new nation It was only fitting that the festivities governing this great Australian consummation should take place m the capital city of the Mother State, and m every respect was the ceremony befitting the momentous occasion. The first Governor-General, Lord Hopetoun, possessed a personal love for Australia, and an insight into the patriotism of the South Land that has rarely been equalled, and never excelled Therefore, no one more acceptable for the position could have been named by the Colonial Office
The task of forming the first Government was entrusted to Sir William Lyne, as Premier of New South Wales, but a popular outburst of feeling m favour of this honour being conferred on Mr Barton led Sir William to resign the commission m his favour Associated with Mr. Barton in his Ministry were Sir William Lyne, as Minister of Home Affairs, Mr Alfred Deakin, as Attorney-General; Mr. C. C Kingston, as Minister for Trade and Customs; Mr J R Dickson, as Minister for Defence; Sir John Forrest, as Postmaster-General, with Mr. Lewis (Tasmania), and Mr R E. O’Connor (New South Wales) as Ministers without portfolios. A certain gloom passed over the proceedings at this stage on the announcement of the death of Mr Dickson, who was succeeded in his office, as Minister of Defence, by Sir John Forrest. The portfolio vacated by Sir John Forrest was taken by Mr J. G. Drake, of Queensland, and later on Mr Lewis, of Tasmania, resigned as an Honorary Minister to make way for Sir Philip Fysh, of the same State.
The next great federal ceremonial was the opening of the first Federal Parliament in Melbourne by the Duke of York, now His Majesty George V This occasion
was also graced by the presence of the present Queen The first session of the Federal Parliament was noted for its heavy and continuous labours, more especially as so much required to be done in shaping the machinery of the new legislative departure. It was devoted almost exclusively to the Bills necessary for the working of this latest political machine. During the Session several Bills of first importance were placed upon the Statute Book, amongst the most noteworthy being the Tariff Bill, Kanaka Bill, and Immigration Restriction Bill. The lastnamed two were the first step and expression of the Federal Parliament in regard to the avowed principle of a White Australia, and are far-reaching and searching in their effects The Opposition in the new Parliament had chosen Mr George Reid as Leader, and the discussion on the Tariff Bill gauged the personal ability and strength of the House to a considerable extent. During the debate the Government was challenged by a straight out no-confidence motion, but weathered the storm by a majority of thirteen votes. The session lasted for seventeen months, and during its lifetime thirty-two Acts were passed The Tariff Act, perhaps the most important from a Western Australian point of view, became practically a fusion of the existing and conflicting tariffs
A measure which did not so drastically change existing conditions in Western Australia as m many of the other States was the adult suffrage for both Houses, the vote taken on the Enabling Bill being carried out on that franchise. The limitation of the expenses of election for the Senate and the House of Representatives again only marched with the provisions of the Western Australian Act The cheapening of the postal and telegraphic rates proved a great boon to Western Australia, and though m many cases, through a variety of causes, the word “secession” had been heard, still the federalists had as yet no reason to review with regret their action in making the Western State part and parcel of the Commonwealth. Up to this time one great
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undertaking had not been brought within the realm of practical politics. This was all the more to be deplored in Western Australia, as to many minds it had been the convincing factor which claimed their votes for federation. This was the transcontinental railway, but seeing the huge purely political work that was yet necessary to complete the new legislative fabric, but little grumbling was heard throughout the State
The resignation of Lord Hopetoun as Governor-General was viewed with widespread regret in Western Australia, as the matter was the outcome of social warring factions in the Eastern States, and it was felt that the conditions in the future should be more clearly defined. The site for the Federal Capital, though mentioned, was not definitely settled; but this had only a passing interest in the Western State On April 17, 1903, Mr. Ewing resigned his seat as a Senator for Western Australia, and on July 29 Mr H. J Saunders was elected to the vacancy.
The second General Election in the Commonwealth was held on December 16, 1903 ; but previous to this two prominent figures in federal politics had left the legislative arena for the judicial bench in the persons of Sir Edmund Barton and Senator O’Connor, the Leader of the Senate Mr. Alfred Deakin, who succeeded Sir Edmund Barton as Federal Prime Minister, was again returned to power by the popular mandate of December, 1903; but there were now three avowed parties in the House, not one of which was prepared to accept the onus of Government on its own responsibility. In fact, the Liberal dependence upon the Labour vote had become more than ever apparent. The one marked feature of the elections had been the rise and progress of the Labour Party. This feature at this period had more than a passing effect upon the representation for Western Australia, resulting as it did in an access of strength in both Senate and House of Representatives of two seats for the rising Labour Party The year 1904 was unusually barren of results in regard to legislation of a federal nature, though turmoil and strife characterized the proceedings in Parliament It would almost appear as if the various parties in the House had been trying their respective strengths and had wasted so much time in the effort that but little remained for the promulgation of practical measures The Deakin Ministry resigned on April 22, 1904, and was succeeded by the first Labour Ministry under the leadership of Mr. Watson as Premier In this Ministry Mr. Hugh Mahon, the member of the House of Representatives for Coolgardie, held the portfolio of Postmaster-General. The Labour Ministry did not last for any length of time, for it was succeeded by that of Mr. Reid on August 18.
The effect of the “sliding scale” in the Customs tariff was now making itself felt in Western Australia,
though the population was steadily growing, having increased by 18,000 during the year. The transcontinental railway was still m abeyance, and, m fact, seemed farther off than ever from the region of practical politics, so of all the States Western Australia was suffering the most loss and inconvenience by reason of federation In the Reid Administration there was no representative of the State of Western Australia, showing clearly inequality and want of State balance m the Cabinet Mr. Reid’s Government had existed only by virtue of the support accorded to it by the Deakin Party, and when that support was withdrawn defeat was certain and rapid The past few months of Federal Parliamentary life had been nothing but a game of the “ins and the outs,” and legislation m consequence suffered severely On July 5, 1905, Mr Deakin again assumed the “reins of office,” and for a period of nearly three years maintained that position There is no doubt that much of the legislation which ensued was tinctured by the views of the Labour Party, to whose assistance the Deakin Ministry was mainly indebted for its present position However, the last session of the year 1905 was productive of many valuable measures, and though hampered in many ways by the vagaries of their friends the Ministry did excellent work for Australia at large. The year in Western Australia was characterized by steady progress, though the gradually diminishing amount received from the Customs was causing some concern, especially as the railway still appeared as far off as ever Even the most ardent federalist now began to see that the antagonism of a certain section of the public and Press in the Eastern States was both bitter and strong against this measure, and more and more was the fact pressed home that a tactical blunder had been made in entering the federation without an adequate safeguard in this respect.
The Federal Parliament during the year 1906 carried out many measures of lasting benefit to Australia as a whole, though there were not wanting critics of the condition of affairs in regard to parties which still continued. The third Federal General Election was held on December 12 Before the session closed and Parliament was prorogued the Trans-Australian Railway Survey Bill was defeated in the Senate by one vote. The Leader of the Opposition concentrated his energies during the election campaign against the Labour Party, but this Party was returned to the new Parliament as the strongest single party in the House October of 1906 saw the sweeping away of the sliding scale, and the infant manufactures of Western Australia were left at the mercy of the fully matured industries of the Eastern States. With the termination of the interstate duties Western Australia was faced with the problem of an actual fall in revenue. The unsettlement of the industries of the State, together with loss of revenue,
THE CYCLOPEDIA OE
fco which had to be added the possibility of further interference with the best interests of the State by the more populous partners in the Federation, made those responsible for State government pause. The State was, indeed, now beginning to pay the price of federation, and the outlook was ominous to a certain extent. The loss of revenue made taxation on other lines imperatively necessary, and it was hard to see what gain had accrued to Western Australia in the federal bargain. However, the Session of the Federal Legislature, which concluded early in June, 1908, set the seal of protection to the expressed policy of the Commonwealth, and inaugurated a far-reaching reform and liberal measure in the Old Age Pensions Act. Equally with the other States the aged poor and needy in Western Australia are benefitted by the provisions of the measure. On September 16, after a short recess, the Federal Legislature again met, when it was to be seen that the slender thread which
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under which the State was considered to be labouring. But time was to prove the wisdom or otherwise of these ideas. The administration of the Fisher Government was carried out on sound and careful lines, but it early became evident that its policy lacked that firmness that would make it acceptable to the majority of the people. In proposing to pay for everything out of revenue it set up an ideal impossible in the then stage of Federal and State finance, without the imposition upon the people of burdens far and away too heavy to be borne. Whatever may be the criticism of the combination which followed, they certainly, in the important matter of defence, laid the first stone of the edifice that is now just emerging from its foundations. The visit of Lord Kitchener was the outcome of an invitation extended by the Deakin and Cook fusion Ministry, and the present Inspector-General, Major-General Kirkpatrick, was appointed by them. Though in many details the sue-
Wheat Crop on Sand plain, Kellerberrin District.
connected the Labour Party to the present Government was being unduly strained, and on November 12 the Deakin Government was deposed from office and the second Labour Ministry formed under the leadership of Mr. Fisher.
In the new Ministry two portfolios came to Western Australia, that of Home Affairs filled by Mr. Mahon, and that of Defence undertaken by Senator G. F. Pearce. During the year the agricultural expansion in Western Australia began to lend colour to the belief that the State would eventually become perhaps the largest wheat-producing area in Australia. The agricultural prospects lightened somewhat the dismal outlook caused by the conclusion of the sliding scale system at the Customs. Many optimistic views were held when the constitution of the new Ministry was announced, and it was thought that the relative superiority of Western Australia in its personnel would no doubt remove many of the disabilities
ceeding Administration has enlarged upon the original those proposals were originated by the Deakin Ministry. The Fisher Ministry relinquished office on June 2, 1909, after a brief period of about nine months in office. It was succeeded by the Fusion Ministry, which had a no more lengthened term—in fact, the most disturbing feature had been the balance of power, and the consequent insecure tenure of the Party in office, whatever might be its political colour. The measures passed had only a general bearing upon the State in common with the other States of the federation, though by reason of the youth of her industries Western Australia still continued to suffer severely from the want of differential treatment in many respects. Of all the States of the group time had amply proved that Western Australia had parted with the most and received the least from the federal bargain.
The General Election held on April 13, 1910, was
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fraught with many grave issues Never since the inception of the Commonwealth had the responsibilities placed in the hands of the people been greater. Ten years before the framers of the Constitution had given to Australia a federal system of government, retaining the sovereignty of the States in all subjects excepting a specified number which called for national interpretation The Federal Convention distributed the principal source of income between the States and Commonwealth Government, which was to be constitutionally compulsory for ten years. The question of who should absolutely control the federal finances in respect of that portion which had hitherto been made returnable in a measure to the State was the question at this election, and to Western Australia especially it was an extremely vital one. This election, therefore, had for the people of the State a more than ordinary gravity. It was more than the expression of which political party should be returned. It was the expression of the will of the people as to the financial outlook of the State. Western Australia was asked whether she was prepared to hand over the proceeds of her own taxation to the absolute control of the Federal Parliament, in which she had only one-fifteenth part of the total representation in that House which initiated all money measures On the other hand the acceptance of the financial agreement, which had been approved by all the Governments of the States as well as the Commonwealth Government, was formed upon a basis that was fair. Added to this there was a proviso, eminently just and fair, “that in consideration of the larger amount paid by Western Australia per head through the Customs and excise revenue a special bonus should be given to her, spread over twenty-five years, amounting in the aggregate to £3,250,000, which if capitalized at 4 per cent would mean £6,500,000— more than one-fourth the public debt of Western Australia.”
The result of the election in Western Australia was a distinct Liberal majority, and on the questions of the financial agreement and States debts the Liberals also had a majoiity. On the other hand, throughout Australia generally, the position of Western Australia was distinctly injured by the result of the polls On the States debts question alone was there any cause for congratulation During the campaign it had been definitely stated that whatever the result of the federal campaign the position of Western Australia would be securely guarded, and the question of most absorbing interest was the position in regard to this m the new Labour Ministry. The pronouncement of the Labour Party on this vital issue m relation to the financial agreement was made by the Federal Prime Minister at Brisbane on April 22, 1910, and while gratifying in more than one respect to the States, it certainly was received with some misgivings in Western Australia,
for m that speech any mention of a special grant to this State was missing. To return to this State her per capita share of the minimum of £5,000,000 suggested to be returned to the States by Mr. Fisher would have been so unjust a proposition, in view of the great excess of our per capita contributions to the Customs and excise revenue, compared with the contributions of the more settled States, as to amount to sheer robbery. Fortunately this view was not correct, and Section 5 of the Commonwealth Surplus Revenue Act, 1910, gives a measure of equity to this State, but not quite as much as was desired or could be reasonably expected. Calmly and dispassionately viewing the whole situation between the Commonwealth and this State up to the end of the year 1911 it must be admitted that Western Australia lost heavily by the federal bargain. The transcon tinental railway, no doubt, now seems to be within the range of immediate possibilities, but that is but poor comfort for the delay and neglect of this matter in the past. Any special treatment that had been meted out to the State had been of such a meagre description as to resemble the doles of charity, and any success m land development up to the present has been due to the wise provisions of the State legislation, and not to the Federal legislation during ijhe past ten years
In State politics it almost seemed as if the inauguration of federation and the commencement of a new century brought with them a spirit of unrest. Early in February, 1901, Sir John Forrest, who had held the reins of government ever since the establishment of responsible government in 1890, retired in order to accept office as Postmaster-General in the wider sphere of federal politics. His position through all those years had never been seriously challenged, and he still possessed at the time of his retirement a substantial working majority in Parliament The mantle of leadership fell upon Mr George Throssell, the senior member of the Ministry, and he carried on the affairs of the country until the General Elections in April At those elections two members of the Ministry, Messrs Wood and Moran, were defeated, and it became evident that the long spell of Parliamentary fine weather was on the eve of breaking Mr Throssell did not wait for an adverse vote m Parliament, but tendered the resignation of himself and his colleagues The duty of forming a new Ministry then fell upon Mr. Illingworth, the recognized Leader of the Opposition, but he found difficulties in the way, and would not have succeeded had he not agreed to forego the leadership in favour of Mr George Leake, who had made his reappearance in political life The new Ministry consisted of Mr. George Leake, Premier and Attorney-General; Mr. F. Illingworth, Colonial Treasurer and Colonial Secretary; Mr. W Kingsmill, Minister for Works; Mr. C Sommers, Minister for Lands; Mr. J. J. Holmes, Minister for
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Railways; Mr. H. Gregory, Minister for Mines. With the exception of Mr. Sommers, who represented the Government in the Upper House, all the Ministers were members of the Legislative Assembly. In the following month the Cabinet was strengthened by the addition of Dr. Adam Jameson, M.L.C., and Mr. (now Sir) Walter James, M.L.A.
When Parliament met in June the Government was confronted with an opposition majority, which did not, however, evince any desire at the outset to assume responsibility. Still the position was one that was far from conducive to good government. Mr. Leake merely held office on sufferance, a condition of things that rendered anything in the way of legislation almost impossible. A crisis was daily expected, but it was not
P. Quinlan as Minister for Works, Mr. J. L. Nanson as Minister for Lands, and the Hon. M. L. Moss as Colonial Secretary. The life of the new Ministry, was, however, extremely short. At the elections consequent upon their acceptance of office three of the new Ministers, Messrs. Moss, Moorhead, and Wilson, were defeated, giving confirmation to Mr. Leake’s statement that he possessed the confidence of the country. Mr. Morgans, in his turn, then asked for a dissolution, but without success, and Mr. Leake was again called to office. The second Leake Ministry differed somewhat from the first; Mr. Sommers and Mr. Holmes gave place to Dr. Jameson and Mr. C. H. Rason as salaried Ministers, Mr. J. J. Holmes and the Hon. E. M. Clarke joining the Cabinet without portfolios. The year closed with Ministers again seeking
Four Hundred Acres of Wheat, Katanning District.
reached until November 6, when Mr. Piesse, the Leader of the Opposition, succeeded in defeating the Government on a direct no-confidence motion, by a majority of two in a House of forty-six. Believing that though in a minority in Parliament, he possessed the confidence of the country, Mr. Leake asked for a dissolution. This, however, was refused by the Governor, and Mr. Piesse was commissioned to form a Ministry. Finding the task beyond him, he returned the commission and advised that Mr. A. E. Morgans be sent for, as that gentleman not only commanded the support of the Opposition, but also that of at least two prominent occupants of the Ministerial cross benches. Mr. Morgans succeeded in forming a Cabinet consisting of himself as Premier and Treasurer, Mr. F. W. Moorhead as Attorney-General, Mr. Frank Wilson as Commissioner of Railways, Mr. T.
election. Practically no legislative work had been performed ; even the estimates for the public service were hung up, and the business of the country was being conducted on Supply votes. Contrary to expectation, the Ministers were all returned, but the chances of stable government were not greatly increased thereby. Fortunately, a period of recess was at hand, which enabled some progress, at any rate, to be made with administrative affairs.
Before Parliament met in 1902 a further change had taken place owing to the death in June of the Premier, Mr. George Leake. This unfortunate event rendered a reconstruction of the Ministry necessary, and the task was entrusted to Mr. Walter Hartwell James, who retained all the previous Ministers with one exception. Mr. Illingworth gave place to Mr. Jas.
s
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Gardiner as Colonial Treasurer. The session under the new regime was quiet and uneventful, disturbed only by one no-confidence motion, which resulted in a decisive victory for the Government. But though prepared to give the James Ministry every opportunity, Parliament could not go all the way with it m matters of reform Two important measures—the Constitution Act Amendment Bill and the Shops and Factories Act —were rejected. The mam provisions of the Constitution Bill were a redistribution of seats so as to secure a fair equilibrium between population, interests, and territorial rights and a dissolution of both Houses. After a rather stormy career it was passed by the Assembly, but rejected by the Council on the second reading The Shops and Factories Bill also weathered the Assembly successfully, but in the Council the clauses relating to factories were deleted and the Bill returned to the Assembly, which, however, declined to recognize the emasculated measure, and it was allowed to lapse.
The Government returned to the question of constitutional reform m 1903-4, but m a slightly different form Three Bills instead of one were introduced—a Constitution Act Amendment Bill, a Redistribution of Seats Bill, and an Electoral Bill. The three again passed the Legislative Assembly, but met with great obstruction m the Council, which before passing them made drastic amendments affecting the principles, particularly of the Constitution Bill The questions involved were those of plural voting for the Council, the double dissolution, the reduction of the franchise, and the referendum. The Assembly, in the hope of adjusting the points in dispute, asked for a Conference, which was agreed to. The Conference, however, found itself unable to arrive at an agreement, and the Bill was abandoned by resolution of the Assembly on January 15, 1904 The amendments made by the Council in the other two Bills were, after some discussion, allowed by the Lower House, and the Bills were passed. The main result was to leave the membership of the Council at thirty and the Assembly at fifty, but to rearrange the boundaries in such manner as to more equally distribute the voting power, while preserving as far as possible the idea of community of interest
The principal other legislative measures passed in the session of 1903-4 were the Factories Act, a modified form of the measure rej'ected in 1902; a Metropolitan Water and Sewerage Act, providing for a deep drainage and sewerage system in the metropolitan area; a Mining Act, consolidating and amending the law relating to the mining industry; and a University Endowment Act, providing the first step towards the realization of the growing desire that Western Australia should possess a university of its own.
During the year there were certain changes in the personnel of the Ministry. Toward the end of January
Dr. Jameson resigned his seat on being appointed to a lucrative post in the new Transvaal colony, and Mr. J. M Hopkins received the vacant portfolio of Minister of Lands. This appointment left the Government without a Minister in the Council, and to meet the requirements of the Constitution Mr Kingsmill resigned from the Assembly and was elected a member of the Legislative Council m place of Dr. Jameson. Further changes took place early in 1904 Mr M L Moss, M.L.C., resigned his position as a member of the Executive Council and Mr James Gardiner retired from the Colonial Trea-surership Mr. C H. Rason was then appointed Colonial Treasurer, still retaining the control of the Railway Department, but the position of Minister of Works was offered to and accepted by Mr J. L. Nan-son, who had been an honorary member of Cabinet since the preceding January.
The General Elections which were held in June, 1904, brought about a considerable shuffling of the-political cards and introduced a new factor into the government of the State From the time of discovery of the goldfields, the residents of which were more democratic than those of the older and more settled districts, a new party—the Labour Party—began to grow m Parliament So long as Sir John Forrest remained Premier it failed to make very appreciable headway, but in the period of political unrest that followed it gained strength rapidly, until at the elections of 1904 it formed a party of twenty-two. The number of Ministerialists returned was nineteen, the balance being made up of nine Independents, whose chief policy seemed to be that they were against the Government Convinced that under such circumstances it was impossible to carry on the Premier, Mr. James, forced the House to declare itself at the very commencement of the session, with the result that the Government was defeated. Mr H. Dag-lish, the Leader of the Labour Party, was then called upon to form a Government—a task in which he succeeded The new Ministry was composed as follows — Premier, Colonial Treasurer, and Minister for Education, Mr. H Daglish; Minister for Mines and Justice, Mr R Hastie; Minister for Lands, Mr J M. Drew; Minister for Works, Mr. W. D Johnson ; Colonial Secretary, Mr. G Taylor; Minister for Railways and Labour, Mr J B. Holman; and Honorary Minister, Mr. W. C Angwin. Mr Drew was the Government representative in the Legislative Council, and although not at the time a declared member of the Labour Party, was known to be sympathetic.
Fear was generally expressed that the advent of a Labour Government would lead to legislation of a socialistic character, but this was set at rest by the Premier’s policy speech, in which he declared that the interests of the country demanded that there should be a respite from legislation and a more strict attention
THE CYCLOPEDIA) OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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paid to administrative questions ; m tact, tne Premier seemed to err in the opposite direction, and his speech became known as a '‘mark-time” speech—an expression that was afterwards transferred to the Government itself. The Ministry, though in a minority so far as direct supporters were concerned, managed to retain power throughout the session, but little work of a progressive nature was accomplished. Scarcely anything else could be expected when it is remembered that it held its position by virtue of the support of a number of Independents who had little in common with the Labour Party beyond the fact that they were mutually antagonistic to the direct Opposition. Such a state of things can never conduce to stable government—a fact that more deeply impressed itself upon Mr. Daglish as the session proceeded. There are, however, two measures for which the Labour Government may be commended. It passed a Public Service Act which, with all its faults, has done much to organize the Public Service of the State; and, setting aside all political bias, it appointed Mr.
Walter James, whom it had deposed from the Premiership, to the position of Agent - General on the retirement of Sir Edward Wittenoom.
Before Parliament met in 1905 Mr. Daglish committed what must be regarded as a grave tactical blunder. With the idea of strengthening his Cabinet by a reconstruction, but without apparently consulting some, at any rate, of his colleagues, he called for the resignations of all Ministers, and in the consequent shuffling two of them—Messrs. Taylor and Holman— were dropped, their places being taken by Messrs. Bath and Lynch, all the portfolios being at the same time reallotted. These changes only served to increase the internal dissension already existing in the party, with the result that the position became intolerable, and in August the Premier (Mr. IT. Daglish) announced the resignation of the Government, and at the same time practically severed his connection with the party of s2
wiiicii tie had been the leader, ino doubt a contributing factor in the downfall of the Labour Government may be found in the attitude taken by some members of the party when Mr. Daglish moved for the purchase of the Midland Railway Company—a motion that was defeated on the voices. Judged as a whole, the first Labour Government in Western Australia cannot be said to have justified any fear of revolutionary measures. Its administration scarcely reached the standard which the important and ever-changing interests of the State required, but its legislative enactments were far from being socialistic. They may, perhaps, be best expressed by the epithet which has passed into a phrase concerning them—they simply carried out the idea of “marking time.” After Mr. Daglish resigned the task of forming a Ministry fell upon Mr. Rason, who secured the following
Cabinet: — Premier, Colonial Treasurer, and Minister for Justice, Mr. C. H. Rason; Colonial Secretary, Minister for Education, and Leader of the Council, Mr. W. Kings-mill; Minister for Mines and Railways, Mr. LI. Gregory; Minister for Works, Mr. F. Wilson ; Minister for Lands and Agriculture, Mr. N. J. Moore; Minis ter for Commerce and Labour, Dr. J. S. Hicks, and Honorary Minister, Mr. M. L. Moss. Parliament then adjourned till October 3 to allow the new Ministers to be re-elected by their constituents. On resuming it was evident that the Government was in a minority. On October 4 Mr. Rason submitted a motion asking for the discharge of the Legislative Council Referendum Bill, which sought to secure a direct vote of the people on the question of the abolition of the Council and on the question of widening the franchise for Council elections. On a division being taken the Government was defeated by two. The next day, at the request of the Premier, the Governor granted a dissolution, in the hope that a general election would put an end to the anomalous condition of affairs that had existed for the previous eighteen months. This hope was justified, as
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the Government was returned with a substantial majority. Mr Daglish had by this time definitely broken with the official Labour Party, and secured election as an independent Labour member. Parliament did not reassemble until November 23, too late to enter upon legislation of national importance during 1905; but the Governor’s Speech foreshadowed what was to be the leading policy, not only of the Rason Government but of those which followed it, and which may be regarded as its natural successors. The gold output had by this time steadied down, and indications pointed rather to a stationary or diminishing return than towards any increase. It was necessary, therefore, that other avenues of industry should be fostered, and Mr. Rason and his party definitely enunciated that policy which has been followed ever since—a comprehensive system of immigration combined with a progressive policy of land settlement. Mr. Rason had not the opportunity to carry those ideas into effect, as he resigned in May, 1906, in order to accept the position of Agent-General, rendered vacant by the resignation on personal grounds of Sir Walter James. The mantle of Mr. Rason seemed to belong naturally to either Mr Wilson or Mr. Gregory, both prominent members of the Administration; but it was felt by the party that the rival interests constituted a difficulty—a difficulty which was admirably solved by the leadership being conferred upon Mr. (now Sir) N. J. Moore. The Rason Government having necessarily resigned with the resignation of its head, Mr. Moore was called upon to form a new Ministry. In this Mr. Gregory retained his previous position, Mr. Wilson becoming second in command as Colonial Treasurer. The vacant Works portfolio was then conferred upon Mr. Jas. Price, while Mr J. D. Connolly took Mr. Kingsmill’s place as Colonial Secretary and Leader of the Council The list was completed by the appointments of Mr. N. Keenan as Attorney-General and Messrs. C. A. Piesse and J Mitchell as Honorary Ministers. As Mr. Moore had, as a member of Mr Rason’s Administration, identified himself even more closely than the Premier with immigration and land settlement, he now made those questions the principal planks in his platform, and showed his earnestness during the session of 1906 by a broadening of the Agricultural Bank Act; an amendment of the Land Act, requiring a more rigid enforcement of the conditions in the case of lands held under conditional purchase; and determination to construct light railways at the cheapest possible rate in order to open up the agricultural areas and make their rapid development possible Closely affecting the same issues were the land tax proposals of the Treasurer (Mr. Wilson), which were, however, defeated for the time being in the Legislative Council. The land tax proposals had, however, another object October, 1906, saw the end of the sliding-scale agreement
under which the Federal Parliament allowed Western Australia to collect Customs duties on interstate imports, and consequently some means had to be found by which the deficiency m revenue, which was becoming serious, could be overcome. This loss of revenue, combined with the irritation felt at the failure of the Federal Parliament in September to pass the Trans-Australian Railway Survey Bill, and the fear that serious modification would be made in the distribution of the Federal surplus, caused a motion for secession to be carried by both Houses during the year. Though the lesolution could scarcely have any tangible result in the direction aimed at, it at least had the effect of drawing attention to the disabilities under which Western Australia was suffering.
During the year 1906 a wave of desire to suppress gambling and restrict the sale of intoxicating liquors seemed to spread over Australia generally, and Western Australia, though not prepared to pass the drastic enactments approved by some of the Eastern States, made some attempt to grapple with these questions. A Wine, Beer, and Spirits Bill was brought forward, but in the presence of more important matters it failed to get through. The same result followed in the wake of the Police Offences Bill introduced by Mr. Keenan, dropped chiefly on account of the unusual severity of some of its clauses.
After the defeat of the Land Tax Bill it was at first suggested that a special session for the purpose of considering that only should be held in February, 1907 but as little was to be gained by that procedure it was decided to wait for the ordinary session in July, when it occupied the chief place in the Government’s programme. It again, however, failed to become law. Both the Land Tax Bill and the Land Tax Assessment Bill passed the Lower House in substantially the same form as before, but in the Council the Land Tax Assessment Bill was defeated on the second reading by twelve votes to ten, amongst the majority being Mr. C. A. Piesse, who had resigned from the Ministry at the end of 1906 because he disagreed with the Land Tax proposals. The Premier felt that this second rejection of the Government’s financial proposal was so strong a rebuff to the Lower House that he tendered the resignation of his Ministry to the Governor, who declined to accept it as he considered the Government still enjoyed the confidence of the Assembly. Neither would Sir Frederick Bedford grant a dissolution, as it seemed to him that all constitutional means of solving the difficulty had not been exhausted; but he felt that the Premier’s third request— that Parliament be prorogued—was reasonable and, in fact, necessary. This was done on September 19, and a second session commenced on October 8, when the Land Tax proposals were submitted for the third time, included in them on this occasion being provisions for
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an Income Tax. Convinced at last that the tax was really necessary in order to relieve the financial strain, and perhaps perturbed by the fear of possible future results should further opposition be evinced, the Council passed both Bills in December, making only the reservation that the taxes should not be charged for the first half of the financial year. But apart from the question of taxation, the second session of 1907 was noteworthy from the standpoint of legislation. A new Electoral Act was passed which was a distinct step forward along the path of democratic progress, as it removed most of the restrictive clauses which had hitherto barred the way to the Assembly franchise, and made provision for purifying the electoral rolls, and keeping them as nearly as possible up to date. Another democratic measure was the State Children’s Act, which provided for the better protection, control, maintenance, and reformation of
General Elections took place in September, and while the Government was again returned to power, it was with a considerably reduced majority. The first figures showed twenty-eight Ministerialists and twenty-two Labour members, but the ultimate result was twenty-nine to twenty-one, brought about by the fact that the Menzies election, in which the Minister of Mines had been defeated by Mr. Buzacott, a Labour candidate, was declared void, and in the subsequent contest Mr. Gregory succeeded in regaining the seat. The Government thus increased its majority, but it is open to doubt whether it increased its prestige, as the incident only served to accentuate that bitterness of feeling that was becoming painfully apparent between the Labour Party and the various anti-labour interests that from that time have been collectively termed the “Liberal Party.”
The session of 1908-9 was not marked by any par-
T.R.H. THE DUKE AND DUCHESS OF CORNWALL AND YORK AND ROYAL PARTY, GOVERNMENT HOUSE, PERTH.
neglected and destitute children, and introduced an excellent and much required method of State supervision. A due appreciation of the necessities of the future was shown by the Fremantle Graving Dock Act; and the railways, after the retirement of the then Commissioner, Mr. W. J. George, were by a new Railway Act brought, in matters of policy, more directly under the control of the Minister responsible. Altogether the year 1907 was rich in legislative achievement, and the results have proved that Mr. Moore was fully seized of the requirements of the State, both present and future.
As the sixth Parliament of Western Australia was on the point of expiring through effluxion of time, a short session was held in July for the purpose of passing Supply until the new Parliament was elected. The
ticular political development. The time was devoted to a consolidation of the growing interests of the State, and to a readjustment of the finances necessary to meet foreshadowed changes in the federal financial affairs. No attempt even was made by the Government to effect alterations in the constitution, though Mr. Moss, a private member of the Council, made an attempt to abolish the restrictions upon business dealings between members of Parliament and the Government. The Bill, however, was dropped after the second reading, as it was generally felt that measures affecting the Constitution should not be brought forward by private members.
Before Parliament met again in 1909, the Cabinet had undergone certain changes. Ill-health compelled Mr. Price to resign the administration of the Public Works Department and simply retain Executive Council
rank as an Honorary Minister. Mr Keenan had already resigned the Attorney-Generalship, as he was not in full agreement with the Ministerial policy. Under the reconstruction thus rendered necessary, Mr. Moore became Premier and Colonial Treasurer, Mr Wilson going back to the Works Department, and Mr. Mitchell, the Honorary Minister, moving up to full Cabinet rank as Minister for Lands and Agriculture. Mr. Nanson, who had previously joined the Cabinet as an Honorary Minister, became Attorney-General There were also gubernatorial as well as Ministerial changes. Sir Frederick Bedford, who had succeeded Sir Arthur Lawley in 1903, on the latter’s appointment to the Transvaal, retired from office after six years’ strenuous work, in the course of which he had earned the respect and esteem of the whole community His successor—Sir Gerald Strickland—who still occupies the position, arrived m the following May.
The legislative work of 1909, like that of its predecessor, was noteworthy for solid achievement and some adjustment rather than for experimental or even progressive legislation. The new Treasurer’s first budget was characterized by genuine economy and reform of administration, but at the same time expressed a firm confidence m the future prosperity of the State, the session was responsible for much valuable work in the liberalization of land settlement, m provision for the re-purchase of estates m order to facilitate that settlement, m making arrangements for a complete metropolitan system of sewerage, and in the authorization of new railways for agricultural and mining purposes. Nor was the year allowed to pass without an attempt to widen the Constitution A Constitution Act Amendment Bill was introduced by the Premier, having for its object the reduction of the property qualification for electors to the Council from £100 to £50 capital value, and from £25 to £15 annual value It passed all stages m the Assembly, but failed to secure the necessary statutory majority in the Council on its second reading, and had therefore to be abandoned for the time
After the session terminated the Premier decided to visit London for the dual purpose of reorganizing the office of the Agent-General, and of making satisfactory arrangements for an extensive immigration campaign Though little was done in the first matter, Mr. Moore’s success m inducing agriculturists and others in Great Britain to make Western Australia their home was undoubted, as the steady influx of immigrants to the State continues to prove During the course of his visit Mr. Moore received the honour of knighthood Unfortunately, the strain of the work he had undertaken was too great for his health, and he was compelled shortly after the opening of Parliament in 1910 to withdraw from the cares of active office The task of carrying on the administration fell upon Mr Wilson, who assumed
office as Premier and Colonial Treasurer, the Works portfolio being accepted by Mr. H. Daghsh, and at the same time Mr. R D. McKenzie, M.L.C., and Mr. A. Male, M.L.A., were given Honorary Cabinet rank. Otherwise the personnel of the Ministry remained the same as under Sir Newton Moore As Mr. Wilson was a more aggressive politician than Sir Newton, and was at the same time far from being a persona grata with the Opposition—the Labour Party—the advancement of the session was marked by strenuous debate The Labour Party persistently urged—and on this point bye-elections afforded some justification—that Mr. Wilson did not possess the confidence of the country. Convinced that such a statement had no foundation in fact, the Premier steadily proceeded with the work of Parliament, and, with a majority that could easily be counted on the fingers of one hand, added his quota of legislative enactment to the Statute Book, not the least of his measures being an Act to establish a university in Western Australia The culminating point of bitterness between Government and Opposition was reached when the Redistribution of Seats Bill was introduced This Bill, framed to secure as far as possible electorates of nearly equal size m point of population, and of community of interest so far as the electors were concerned, was described by the Opposition as a jerrymandering measure with but one end in view—to make the return of the Wilson Government secure at the ensuing General Election. It did not pass without considerable recrimination on both sides of the House, but the needed majorities m the Assembly on the second and third readings were just obtained, every supporter of the Government being required to vote In the Council it met with little obstruction, and the Government secured the victory— a victory, however, which was soon to prove a Pyrrhic one. There was much more unanimity over the Consti tution Act Amendment Bill, on the same lines as previously, which after experiencing troubled waters m the Council, finally passed on the basis of a £17 franchise
The desire of the State generally that the Premier should attend the Coronation of His Majesty King George V. as the representative of Western Australia made a Parliamentary session before the General Elections impossible. As soon as Mr. Wilson returned to the State the election campaign was entered upon and fought with a bitterness unparalleled in the history of Western Australia, most of the strife ranging round the Redistribution of Seats Act. The Liberal Party'— perhaps on the principle that whom the gods destroy they first make mad—could see nothing but victory before them The Labour Party, on the other hand, felt that success was sure Neither party, however, was prepared for the overwhelming defeat suffered by Mr. Wilson and his Cabinet, two of whom—Messrs Gregory and Daglish—failed to secure re-election. The
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
279
declaration of the poll showed. Labour, 34; Liberal, 16 With such a result Mr. Wilson did not wait for Parliament to meet. He at once resigned and advised that Mr Scaddan be sent for The Leader of the Labour Party accepted the commission to form a Government, but in order to free himself from the responsibility of selection, allowed caucus to select the new Ministers, retaining to himself only the allotment of portfolios The result was the formation of the second Labour Government in Western Australia, which is still m office, and which consists of . —Mr J Scaddan, Premier and Colonial Treasurer; Mr T H. Bath, Minister for Lands and Agriculture; Mr. P Collier, Minister for Mines and Railways; Mr. T. Walker, Minister for Jus tice and Education (and since his admission to the Bar Attorney-General); Mr. W D Johnson, Minister for Works; Mr J M. Drew, Colonial Secretary, and Messrs W. C. Angwm and J E Dodd, Honorary Ministers With so large a majority the new Government has had practically no opposition in the Assembly In the Council, howevei, there has been, notwithstanding the non-party character of that House, a distinct tendency to oppose the measures of the Labour Party.
During the period embraced by the above political sketch certain changes took place on the official side of both Houses which need to be recorded Sir George Shenton, who had been elected President of the Legislative Council in 1892. resigned in 1906, on the ground of failing health, and the Hon Henry Briggs, who still holds office, was appointed in his stead. In the Legislative Assembly the position of Speaker became vacant by the death in 1903 of Sir J G Lee Steere, who in one position or another had been for many years m the forefront of the political life of the State. The next occupant of the Speaker’s chair was Mr. Chas
Harper, who only served for a few months, giving place m July, 1904, to Mr. M. II. Jacoby, who was succeeded m November, 1905, by Mr T P. Quinlan. No further change took place until the advent of the Labour Government in November, 1911, when the office was conferred upon the present holdei, Mr. M. F Troy
Turning from the political to the material side of the State’s existence the tale is one of distinct progress and development. This is most apparent m the enormous extension of agricultural settlement which has taken place of recent years, and which is largely due to the policy of expansion initiated by the Moore Government. Until a very few years ago Western Australia was considered to be a land where agriculture must of necessity be a limited industry, as soil satisfactory for the purpose only existed m patches of comparatively small area To-day it bids fair to become one of the great agricultural countries of the world Land which a decade ago was considered almost worthless is being rapidly cleared and cultivated, and is proving itself capable of producing wheat of good quality and satisfactory quantity Under the care of successive Governments the land laws have been liberalized, so that it is possible for the poorest man to secure a block, which the Agricultural Bank will then assist him to develop. With the opening up of the lands there has been wisely fostered an extensive system of immigration, so that the Government not only helps a man to come to Western Australia, but also provides him with land to settle upon, and, if he shows any aptitude for the work, the means of turning that virgin land into a comfortable farm How great has been the impetus given to agriculture by this enlightened policy may best be gauged by a study of the following tables, compiled from figures supplied by the Registrar-General. —
Area of Giown Lands for which Applications have been approved by the Lands Department
Period.
Year 1902 Year 1903 Year 1904 Year 1905 Year 1905 6 Half - year ended Deo 31, 1906 Year 1907 Year 1908 Year 1909 Year 1910 Year 1911 Four months ended April 30, 1912*
Conditional Alienation. Leases and Licences.
Conditional Pur- chases. Free Home- stead Farms. Grazing Leases Selections under Land Purchase Act. Poison Land Leases. Work- men's Blocks, etc. Total. Pastoial Leases and Licences. Special Leases. Tirnbei Leases. Miscel- laneous Leases. Total.
Acres. Acies Acies. Acres. Acies Acres. Acies Acies. Acres. Acies. Acres.
249,963 97,392 182,681 11,540 8,954 100 550,630 23,679,928 196 47,360 459 23,727,943
520,289 233,070 264,159 15,655 12,139 59 1,045,371 30,737,486 322 14,720 296 30,752,824
645,438 235,550 426,666 42,305 12,828 154 1,362,941 19,363,189 303 — 143 19,363,635
789,607 203,426 208,831 32,667 779 114 1,235,424 16,609,822 3,866 — 271 16,613,959
705,578 155,740 25,578 24,933 119 911,948 19,255,374 2,805 — 1,199 19,259,378
436,593 69,336 _ 9,733 _ 84 515,746 19,538,248 631 1 14,700 3,037 19,556,616
446,235 117,207 89,865 5,071 — 166 658,544 16,232,514 69,752 t 59,933 215,571 16,577,770
946,897 266,522 622,101 6,746 — 152 1,842,418 14,116,928 15,678 t 33,300 36,603 14,202,509
807,556 209,791 572,217 41,070 — 181 1,630,815 10,340,225 17,171 $105,000 184,255 10 646,651
1,727,720 238,267 175,641 26,504 — 74 2,168,206 7,959,766 270,288 $183,310 1,176 8,414,540
1,349,497 197,589 363,345 45,942 126 1,956,499 11,110,281 92,929 $ 50,390 4,272 11,257,872
312,454 62,972 182,307 2,767 - — 560,500 2,848,660 132,125 o o © CO r- 596 3,054,381
* Liable to revision.
j: Tirnbei Peimits.
The conditions of alienation are such as to compel the person acquiring possession to improve and develop his holding, and the results achieved may be seen from
the following tables, which show the areas cropped and cleared during 1902-11, the areas actually under crop of one kind or another, and the yield for each season • —
Cropping, Clearing, etc., 1901-2 to 1910-11.
Season ended last day of Area Cropped, Cleared, ETC.
Under Crop. Under permanent artificially-sown grasses. New ground cleared during season and prepared for next season's crops. Land in fallow. Area of other cleared land previously cropped now used for grazing or lying idle. Bmgbarked or partially cleared land. Total.
Acres. Acres. Acres. Acies Acres. Acres. Acres.
February, 1902 217,441 3,711 25,908 57,514 111,941 1,000,623 1,417,138
February, 1903 229,992 3,228 31,159 70,725 127,579 1,130,022 1,592,705
February, 1904 283,752 2,952 60,780 83,052 141,392 1,352,718 1,924,646
February, 1905 327,391 3,964 69,034 81,441 155,204 1,492,322 2,129,356
February, 1906 364,704 5,456 86,620 102,418 219,418 1,674,322 2,452,938
February, 1907 460,825 6,787 109,731 118,600 222,655 2,145,437 3,064,035
February, 1908 . . 493,837 7,990 139,430 152,175 287,535 2,399,001 3,479,968
February, 1909 585,339 10,265 174,442 175.148 310,860 2,876,662 4,132,716
February, 1910 722,086 9,017 223,487 284,267 332,142 3,114,608 4,685,607
February, 1911 855,024 8,348 252,537 299,144 451,664 3,440,115 5,309,832
Areas under various kinds of Crops in Western Australia during each of the Eleven Seasons
1901-2 to 1911-12.
Season ended last day of Grain Crops Hay of all kinds Potatoes. Root Crops Othei Crops. Vine- yards. Oichards Total Aiea under Crop.
Wheat. 1 Maize. ^ Oats. All othei Bailey. 1 Gidin | Ciops Onions. All othei Koot Crops.
February, 1902 February, 1903 February, 1904 February, 1905 February, 1906 February, 1907 February, 1908 February, 1909 February, 1910 February, 1911 February, 1912* Acies 94,709 92,398 137,946 182,080 195,071 250,283 279,609 285,011 448,918 581,862 621,037 Acres. 612 109 163 86 43 101 87 181 153 46 t Acres. 9.751 10,334 14,568 13,864 15,713 28,363 46,667 59,461 73,342 61,918 77,468 Acies. 2,669 3,783 3,609 3,251 3,665 3,590 6,019 7,308 8,022 3,369 t Acres 719 868 1,038 1,126 1,438 1,580 1,547 1,336 1,807 1,646 + + Acres. 92,654 105,791 109,002 105,247 124,906 149,830 131,056 201,874 158,629 175,432 +343,746 Acres. 1,829 2,084 1,823 1,906 2,145 2,264 1,854 2,026 1,741 1,791 + + Acres. 164 88 93 66 101 54 54 143 68 29 + Acies. 129 130 144 173 146 120 169 196 121 123 -4- Acres 4,600 4,007 4,104 6,423 6,909 8,598 9,644 9,665 10,759 9,275 + Acies 3,629 3,528 3,324 3,413 3,541 3,525 3,231 3,122 2,917 2,795 + + Acies 6,076 6,872 7,938 9,756 11,026 12,517 13,900 15,016 15,809 16,738 + + Acres. 217,441 229,992 283,752 327,391 364,704 460,825 493,837 585,339 722,086 855,024 + 4-
*Preliminaiy figures. fWheaten, oaten, and barley hay only. tInformation not yet available.
Total Yield of the Principal Crops for each of the Eleven Seasons 1901-2 to 1911-12.
Grain Crops. Boot Drops.
Season ended last day of "Wheat. Maize. | 1 Oats. Barley, j 1 Rye ] 1 Dry Peas and Beans Hay of all kinds. Potatoes Onions. All othei Koot Crops
February, 1902 February, 1903 February, 1904 February, 1905 February, 1906 February, 1907 February, 1908 February, 1909 February, 1910 February, 1911 February, 1912* Bushels 956,886 985,559 1,876,252 2.013,237 2,308,305 2,758,567 2,925,690 2,460,823 5,602,368 5,897,540 4,354,170 Bushels. 5,203 2,110 2,487 896 428 919 1,080 2,136 2,240 718 + 4* Bushels. 163,654 167,882 258,503 226,318 283,987 457,155 721,753 739,303 1,248,162 776,233 961,157 Bushels. 34,723 46,255 53,227 37,332- 49,497 48,827 76,205 74,433 101,673 33,566 + Bushels 2,933 4,419 3,970 4,541 4,353 4,893 4,904 3,850 9,834 5,500 + Bushels 3,905 5,557 7,342 8,523 10,049 9,402 8,567 9,316 8,722 4,901 + 4* Tons. 89,729 91,007 121,934 113,794 139,380 158,112 137,511 170,008 195.182 178,891 +299,941 Tons. 5,739 6,488 4,542 5,614 6,297 5,028 5,671 6,695 5,948 5,864 + + Tons. 377 237 342 246 317 114 231 267 362 96 + Tons 390 674 743 1,002 834 476 670 856 596 398 + +
* Preliminary.
t Wheaten, oaten, and barley hay only
X Information not yet available.
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF
The most pleasing feature of all this activity has been that wheat and flour, which disappeared from the list of exports during the sixties, made their re-appearance on that list in 1904, though in but a modest way. In that year wheat valued at £1,580 and flour at £41 were exported. From that time the amounts sent away increased rapidly until in 1910 and 1911 the values were : wheat, £406,326 and £386,932; flour, £25,427 and £54,565. The slight shrinkage in the wheat returns for 1911 was due to an unusually dry season, which materially affected the output.
In common with agriculture, the sister industry of pastoralism also made considerable advance. At the end of 1910 over 166,000,000 acres were held under pastoral lease, in addition to 2,500,000 under homestead and grazing leases. The number of cattle and sheep which in 1900 stood at 338,590 and 2,434,311 respectively had increased to 825,029 and 5,157,658 by the end of 1910, while the output of wool, which weighed 9,094,743 lb. in the former year, had grown to 26,197,212 lb. in the latter. Such growth supplies ample evidence that the future of the State, whatever may happen to the mining industry, is practically assured.
In fact, so great has been the development of agriculture during the past ten years that it now disputes with mining for the pride of place as the chief industry in the State. This latter industry has for some years shown decreasing returns, and pessimists are not wanting who predict the decadence of this important branch of State activity. On the other hand those best qualified to venture an opinion are firm in the belief that Western Australia as a gold producer has a long and prosperous career still before it. In fact, indications are said to point to the maintenance of a steady
H.R.H. Duke of Cornwall and York laying Foundation-stone of Soldiers' Memorial, King’s Park.
output of over a million ounces yearly—a yield far exceeding that of any other Australian State.
That an industry of such dimensions and such far-reaching importance requires every possible encouragement and care has been amply recognized by the
WESTERN AUSTRALIA. 281
Government. Rewards are given to the discoverers of new fields; sums of money are annually set aside for the purpose of inducing prospectors to continue their search; the mining laws have been time after time revised so as to give the best possible tenure with the fewest restrictions; water conservation is a constant care; railway communication has been established with all the principal centres; State batteries on a scale unequalled
Review of troops, King’s Park, by H.R.H.
Duke of Cornwall and York.
throughout the world have been erected to assist those who are endeavouring to develop their mines by their own efforts; subsidies are granted to those private batteries which crush for the public; and under the Mines Development Act loans are made to miners working their own properties to assist them to procure the necessary machinery. At the same time the scientific side of the industry has not been neglected. The Geological Survey Office, with its Assay branch, gives every assistance in determining the likely value of finds in new districts, and an admirably equipped School of Mines is maintained at Kalgoorlie for the instruction and assistance of those engaged in actual work on the mines.
The history of mining has, with one exception, been quiet and uneventful during the period that has elapsed since 1901. Freed in great measure from the greed of the speculator and mining shark, it has settled down into an industry, and like other industries has been subject to fluctuations of output, trade disputes, and other drawbacks. The one exception to its quiet progress was the discovery of the Bullfinch reef, some twenty-five miles north of Southern Cross, during the latter half of 1910. The fortunate owners, Messrs. D. L. Doolette and party, were believed to have discovered another Golden Mile, and for a time the fever of speculation raged in Western Australia and the neighbouring States. Claims were rapidly pegged out over the whole district, and prospecting north and south of Southern Cross received an added impetus. Further investigation, however, proved that in the Bullfinch alone were the prospects satisfactory, and the mild boom died away almost as quickly as it started. Even the Government were caught
by the glamour of the field’s possibilities, and rapidly constructed a railway to the spot The townsite of Bullfinch was proclaimed, and the first allotments, particularly those for hotel purposes, sold at astounding figures to people who quickly regretted their haste
The total output of gold for the State since the first discoveries, with the annual output for each of the years embraced in the period 1902-12, is given m the following table, and affords perhaps the best indication of the present condition of the industry . —
Period, Total Value Amount of Dividends fiom Gold won, paid by W. A. Gold Mining Companies
Fine ouuces. £ £
Prior to 1902 6,997,303 29,722,650 6,076,857
1902 1,871,037 7,947,661 1,424,272
1903 2,064 801 8,770,719 2,024,152
1904 1,983,230 8,424,226 8,305,654 2,051,798 2,167,640
1905 1,955,316
1906 1,794,547 7,622,749 1,993,675
1907 1,697,554 7,210,749 '1,738,123
1908 1,647,911 6,999,882 1,487,303
1909 1,595,269 1,470,632 6,776,274 1,359,088
1910 6,246,848 1,028,393
1911 Four months ended 1,370,867 5,823,075 826,376
April 30, 1912 ... 412,313 1,751,394 289,766
From 1886 to April
30, 1912 24,860,780 105,601,881 22,467,443
The output of minerals other than gold was also well maintained, though not, of course, in figures comparable with those of the more precious metal. The actual figures will be found in a table dealing with exports generally, but it may be mentioned that they all —copper, tin, and silver—appeared to reach the highest point during the years 1905-1907. In the latter year copper to the value of £203,376 was exported, and in 1906 and 1907 tin stands on the list at £147,380 and £166,139 respectively. Of minerals other than metals coal was the only one m which appreciable development took place. After a period of depression the outlook began to brighten in 1908, and the Newcastle coal strike of 1909-10 in New South Wales made the Collie coalmining industry still more prosperous Most of the coal raised is, of course, used in the State ; but during the existence of that strike considerable quantities were sent away, and proved that under proper conditions Collie coal was a safe and economic fuel. Lack of proper bunkering facilities at Bunbury adversely affected the export at the time, but arrangements have since been made by the establishment of a Harbour Trust at Bunbury to obviate any similar disadvantage m the future.
In other avenues of industry—timber, pearls and pearlshell, sandalwood, hides and skins—trade was well maintained. In timber particularly there was marked development, due probably to the amalgamation of the various timber interests into a trust or combine in 1902,
under which the whole trade was reorganized, economies effected, and better prices secured.
The general increase in trade during the period 1901-1911 may be learned from the tables appended, the first of which gives the total imports and exports, and the second the main articles of export apart from gold • —
Yeai. Imports. Exports.
£ &
1901 6,454,171 8,515,623
1902 7,218,352 9,051 358
1903 6,769,922 10,324,732
1904 6,672,480 10,271,489
1905 6,481,874 9,871,019
1906 6,820,933 9.832,679
1907 6,522,998 9.904,860
1908 6,178,197 9,518,020
1909 6,406,960 8,860,494
1910 7,908,386 8,299,781
1911 8,645,985 10,606,863
The principal items of export with their values were —
Yeai. Wool, Timber. Pearls and Shell. Minerals, other than Gold. Wheat and Floui Coal
£ £ £ £ £ £
1901 \ 378,135 572,354 130,730 162,871 — 68,561
1902 458,078 500,533 178,689 61,492 _ 86,188
1903 443,743 619,705 224,322 109,101 — 69,128
1904 419,895 654,949 164,505 97,044 1,621 67,174
1905 594,872 689,943 270,156 186,208 8,850 55,312
1906 603,080 708,993 255,182 221,521 206 57,998
1907 . 812,088 511,923 269,815 394,897 131,240 55,158
1908 637,008 813,591 290,741 159,563 50,071 75,694
1909 1,013,180 867,419 274,960 186,408 139,705 90,965
1910 .! 966,870 972,698 348,911 160,432 431,753 113,699
1911 . 925,450 986,341 3)0,764 151,671 441,487 111,154
In the case of timber these figures represent the export value only; they do not take into account the very large quantities annually used m the State itself, and which, when combined with the export, give a true idea of the magnitude that this important industry has attained. So far as coal is concerned the total output is given, as by far the greater proportion is used locally Though the Newcastle strike brought Collie coal into notice as a good steaming coal, and for the time gave an impetus to the trade, the effects of which will not probably wholly vanish, the success of the industry will chiefly depend upon the degree to which it is used in the various industries throughout the State itself
A study of these tables in conjunction with the statistical returns of revenue and expenditure and of population shows that beginning in 1905 an undoubted wave of depression passed over Western Australia, lasting until towards the end of 1909. The volume of trade shows a shrinkage, the expenditure of each of those years was in advance of the revenue, m spite of drastic retrenchment and reform, until on June 30, 1909, there was an accumulated deficiency of £312,631; and the population
283
only increased during the four years by 15,537, there being actually a decrease of 633 for the year 1907 With the beginning of 1910, however, the natural elasticity of the State reasserted itself, and the agricultural development, urged on by the lean seasons, brought distinct return, so that the revenue became more buoyant and prosperity once more the keynote of affairs By June, 1911, the deficit was wiped off, and a small credit took its place This, in turn, has since, owing to drought and partial failure of the crops, again become a deficiency, but with every hope of a bountiful harvest for the season 1912-13, there is no reason for any loss of confidence m the future prosperity and greatness of Western Australia.
The population of the State, which in 1901 stood at 194,109, has now (May, 1912), after making the adjustments rendered necessary by the Federal Census of 1911, reached a total of 298,457—an increase of over 50 per cent, in the ten years The growth during the early years of the period may justly be ascribed to the enormous gold output of 1901-1904, but since 1909 it has been almost wholly due to the brisk immigration policy of the Government and the inducements offered to agriculturists and others to settle upon the land. Whatever Government may be m power these two questions must still remain as the leading features necessary to the future development of the State, and if properly carried out must bear Western Australia high on the tide of national prosperity
While all this development has been taking place on the material side, the higher phases of national existence have not been neglected Free from the incubus of a State Church, all denominations have vied with each other m attending to the spiritual needs of the people, and there scarcely remains a district in Western Australia where the comforts of religion cannot be secured In educational matters great progress has been made Manual training and domestic economy classes have been grafted on to the primary education system, and have been productive of useful results For the better training of teachers a Training College was established at Claremont m 1902, and the Technical School system, inaugurated m 1896, has been so extensively developed that technical training is now available to the growing generation m nearly every established centre m the State. In 1911 the coping-stone was placed upon the whole educational fabric by the University of Western Australia Act, under which the University was brought into being m February, 1912, and the Senate is at present busily engaged m organizing the institution so as to start actual work m March, 1913
As in previous years considerable attention was devoted to exploratory work In 1901 the Government dispatched a well equipped party, under the leadership of Mr F. S Brockman, with Mr. C Crossland as second
in command, to explore the extreme northern end of the State north of the 17th parallel of latitude The party was accompanied by the Government Geologist (Mr A Gibb Maitland) and a naturalist (Dr F M House) Some six months were spent in a thorough investigation of the country The practical results of the expedition consisted of the discovery of a further extensive area of pastoral country in the neighbourhood of the Charnley, Calder, Sale, Roe, Moran, and Carson Rivers and m finding satisfactory ports and routes to reach it In addition natural history specimens of much value were secured, and a few aboriginal weapons and implements, as well as photographs of cave paintings, were obtained.
In the same year a preliminary examination of the country between Kalgoorlie and Eucla was undertaken by Mr J. Muir, on behalf of the Railway Department, m connection with the proposed Trans-Australian Railway. The object of the trip was to obtain further information regarding that portion of the State, with a view of determining the probable cost of a railway and of ascertaining the nature and resources of the country through which the suggested line would run In the course of the journey about 1,100 miles were traversed, mainly through country which, though mostly waterless, was well grassed and timbered
During 1901 and for several years after Mr F. H. Hann was engaged m exploring various portions of the State In the first trip he started from Southern Cross and made for Ravensthorpe through waterless country, crossing on the way Lefroy’s track (1863) and that of Captain Roe (1848) He next spent a considerable time on two examinations of the desert east and north of Laverton, as a result of which he was convinced of the practicability of opening up a stock route from Laverton to the South Australian border
This desire to open up a stock route was the cause of an expedition under Mr. A W. Canning which left YViluna m 1907 and travelled m a northerly direction to Hall's Creek. The practicability of such a route for stock was fully proved, and in 1909-10 Mr. Canning made a second trip over the same ground and opened up the route, establishing wells at various places where water was procurable and marking out a well-defined track Two expeditions of a scientific character—the Swedish Scientific Expedition and the Cambridge Ethnological Expedition—set out during the year with the intention of investigating the nature of the interior of Australia and of studying at first hand the history, customs, and habits of the natives The former returned to Perth in August, 1911, after a period of twelve months in the Kimberley district, and the latter continued throughout the year to investigate the native question A further expedition went out during 1911 under Mr C P Conigrave and Mr L Burns Starting from Wyndham they examined the country eastward towards
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THE CYCLOPEDIA OP WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
the South Australian border, and then, returning to their base, they went westward and northward over unexplored territory to the mouth of the Drysdale River, from which point they retraced their steps to Wyndham.
In addition to the various phases of historical interest between 1901 and 1912 that have been discussed there have been many occurrences and events of a miscellaneous character which, though of doubtful historical value, still possess a certain degree of interest for the people of Western Australia. These the writer proposes, m conclusion, to mention in more or less chronological order, leaving to the future historian, who is not harassed by too close connection and can therefore view them more proportionately, the task of sifting the wheat from the chaff.
Early in July, 1901, the Government Railways Association, dissatisfied with the terms of its employment, decided to call the whole of the railway men out, and for nearly a week the trade of the State was paralysed by its action. Though the grievances were admittedly genuine, the Government wisely decided that no consideration would be given to them unless the men returned to work This course was adopted, and under the Conciliation and Arbitration Act the whole question was inquired into and the dissatisfaction allayed.
Fortunately the trouble was over before the arrival of Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of York—our present gracious King and Queen—who, m the course of their tour, landed at Albany on July 20 and reached Perth on the 21st. From that date until their departure on the 26th the whole of Western Australia was en fite Levees and receptions were held, the King’s Park and May Drive were named, the foundation-stones of the Art Gallery and of the Fallen Soldiers’ Memorial were laid, visits were paid to various public institutions, and every means taken to assure the august visitors of the devotion and loyalty of the people of the State.
Other interesting events of the year were an estimate by the Engineer-in-Chief, Mr. C. Y O’Connor, of £4,400,000 as the cost of the Trans-Australian Railway, and the resignation of the Chief Justice, Sir A. C Onslow, who was succeeded by Mr. (now Sir) E A. Stone.
The year 1902, beyond matters already discussed, was uneventful, except that during its course Western Australia lost the services by death of three of its most prominent men—Mr. C. Y. O’Connor and Justices Moorhead and Hensman.
The year 1903 will ever remain memorable in the history of the State as the one in which the Coolgardie Water Scheme was completed and ample fresh water made available for the Eastern goldfields The official opening by Sir John Forrest took place at Coolgardie in January in the presence of Federal and State Ministers and a large concourse of visitors.
In March Admiral Sir F. G. D. Bedford, the new Governor of the State, arrived. He succeeded Sir Arthur Lawley, who had been appointed to the position on the retirement of Sir Gerard Smith in 1900. In July the State Engineers-in-Chief, after an exhaustive consideration of the question in conference, recommended the construction of the Trans-Australian Railway at a cost of £4,559,000, the gauge to be 4 ft. 8J in.
About the middle of 1904, the Very Rev. Frederick Goldsmith, who for many years had been Dean of Perth, was consecrated the first Bishop of the newly established Diocese of Bunbury. In October the Federal House of Representatives approved by thirty-four votes to twelve of a Bill to make a complete survey of the Trans-Australian Railway route The Bill, however, to the utter disgust of the people of Western Australia, was “talked out” m the Senate.
Some excitement was caused in November by the imprisonment of Mr. John Drayton for refusing to give evidence before a State Parliamentary Committee in connection with the Empress of Coolgardie mining leases. Mr Drayton was released early m December on a free pardon. It was generally conceded that the whole proceedings did not add to the dignity of Parliament.
Early m 1905 trouble occurred at the Collie coal mines owing to alleged discrimination on the part of employers in engaging workmen After some three weeks’ deliberations between the parties the difficulties were adjusted. Later in the year a Royal Commission was appointed to consider the ventilation and sanitation of the mines, and in May Dr. Jack, who had been appointed m 1904 to report on the whole industry, presented his views m an exhaustive report, wholly favourable to the development and extension of the industry.
Owing to continual assertions of ill-treatment meted out by station-holders and others in the north towards the natives the Government appointed Dr. Roth, of Queensland, a very distinguished ethnologist, to make a thorough investigation. His report, delivered in January, more or less justified the assertions by commenting adversely on the general treatment accorded to the aborigines. In reply it was urged that Dr Roth’s investigations were not sufficiently extensive to form an opinion, and that, further, he was far from unbiassed.
The Public Service Act passed in 1904 came into operation by the appointment in April of Mr. M. E Jull as Public Service Commissioner. In August the Trans-Australian Railway Survey Bill was again rejected by the Senate.
The sensation of 1906 was caused by the prevalence of gold-stealing from the mines in the Kalgoorhe district The loss to the mines through this practice became so serious that Detective Cavanagh was appointed to investigate the circumstances under which this illicit trade was being carried on. His investigations proved
THE CYCLOPEDIA OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
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that the practice was so rife that stringent legislation was necessary to deal with it. As a result the law on the subject was amended, which had the effect of wholly stopping illegal gold-buying—at any rate in Kalgoorlie.
In the timber trade the year was one of industrial unrest. Dissatisfied with the wages paid the men struck work in October, and the trouble was only patched up by a Government concession to the companies in the matter of freight, which allowed a small margin for an increase in wages. The settlement, however, was only of a temporary character, as before the end of the year it became necessary to refer the whole matter of wages to the Arbitration Court.
Other items of interest were the appointment of Mr. (now Sir) S. IT. Parker to the position of Chief Justice, rendered vacant by the resignation of Sir Edward Stone; the issue of the Commissioners’ classification of the Public Service, which was received with almost unanimous dissent; and the decision of the Government, in face of City Council protests, to establish the septic tank system of sewerage for Perth.
The year 1907 was not distinguished by sensational progress in any direction. As it proceeded there was evidence, in fact, of retrogression; the revenue continued to fall, the gold yield entered upon its declining period, and emigration, for the first time for very many years, exceeded immigration. Altogether the outlook during this and the succeeding two years was far from comforting. In addition 1907 was a year of continual industrial trouble. The timber workers again went out on a strike which lasted for over fourteen weeks, and was eventually settled by a compromise; and the possibility of trouble on the Eastern goldfields was only prevented by the successful interposition of wise counsels.
The entombment of an Italian miner named Varischetti in the Westralia Extension Mine at Bonnie Vale was undoubtedly the exciting incident of the year, and his rescue after many days’ imprisonment by Diver Hughes, with the assistance of Diver Ahearn and others, was an event of more than State interest and importance.
Lord Kitchener’s visit to Australia, in the course of which he visited Western Australia early in the
year 1910, was the cause of more than a little increase in military ardour, and unquestionably did much to make the question of defence a live one in Australian politics. His Lordship’s advice, if followed, as it appears likely to be, must prove advantageous from a general as well as from a military point of view.
In municipal affairs the interest for the year lay in the decision of the Perth City Council to purchase the interests of the Perth Gas Company—a decision which resulted in considerable litigation, which did not cheapen the ultimate price paid for the concern.
Apart altogether from the question of politics the year 1911 was a noteworthy one. During the whole year the spirit of industrial unrest, partly caused by and partly the cause of the increasing cost of living, hovered over the State. To begin, a strike of firewood cutters at Kalgoorlie threatened to paralyse the mines; in February a similar disturbance occurred at Bullfinch ;
in April trouble arose amongst the lumpers at Bunbury, as well as building strikes in Perth and one among the slaughtermen at Fremantle, These were followed by a railway strike at Geraldton, trouble among the miners at Collie, a dispute with the mine engineers at Kalgoorlie, and just as the year closed a lumpers’ strike at Fremantle, happily settled by arbitration. The same spirit of unrest has continued into 1912, the early part of which was marred by continual industrial trouble. For the past few months, however, matters have been quieter, and the future in that respect seems better assured. As the State had to face a partial failure of the harvest during the season 1911-12, it is to be hoped that that appearance of quiet may be well grounded. The revenue, owing to adverse circumstances, is again temporarily falling, but of the permanent prospects none can have doubt.
Founded as a free agricultural community, forced by need for labour to accept for a time the help of convicts, pushed to the front by sensational gold discoveries, Western Australia is returning to its earliest ideals, and bids fair to become, what the pioneers hoped for it, one of the greatest agricultural countries on the face of the earth.
Departure from Western Australia of T.R.H. the Duke and Duchess of Cornwall and York.
Garry Gillard | New: 26 March, 2015 | Now: 19 April, 2024